As a bird’s overlook of its wide field of vision cannot comprehend all objects within range, except in turn, so must the patient reader come back again to stand behind Washington and look over his shoulder as he points the glass of observation to the activities which he in turn surveys; to catch with him their import, and so far as possible strain the eye of faith with him, while with slowly sweeping supervision he comprehends all that the war for American Independence has intrusted to his care. Mountain and valley, ocean and river, marsh and morass, cave and ravine, are representatives of the various scenes of agitation and conflict. The entire land is in excited expectancy, and everywhere war is waged; but beyond and over all these contending conditions he discerns the even horizon of assured victory. And just now, immediately at hand, under his very feet, as well as wherever partisan warfare tears life out of sweet homes for the sprinkling of liberty’s altar, there is indescribable pain and anguish. His heart bleeds with theirs; for he is one with them, and they are one with him, in the willing consecration which generations yet unborn shall forever honor.

And as the year 1780 came to its close, he drew his sword-girth tighter, and seemed to stand many inches taller, as he embraced, in one reflected view, the suffering South and the half-asleep North. Between the two sections there was some restless impatience over such exacting contributions of fathers, brothers and sons, to regions so far from home; and just about his humble sleeping quarters, were suffering, faithful sharers of his every need.

Tidings of the failure of Gates, with its disaster and its sacrifices of brave legions, did not reach the Commander-in-Chief until September. But it was impossible for him to send troops in sufficient numbers to cope with the army of Cornwallis. The second French division, so long expected (and never realized), was reported to be blockaded at home, and of no possible immediate use to America. The British fleet still blockaded Newport. Lafayette did indeed elaborate a plan for an assault upon New York, Fort Washington, and Staten Island; but the plan was abandoned through lack of boats for such extended water-carriage. There were few periods of the war where more diverse and widely separated interests required both the comprehensive and the minute consideration of the American Commander-in-Chief.

A few illustrations represent the many. Forts Ann and George were captured, by a mixed force of Canadians, Indians, and British regulars, in October. Fort Edward was saved through the sagacity of Colonel Livingston, who, having a garrison of only seventy-nine men, averted attack by sending to the commanding officer of Fort George an exaggerated report of his own strength, with a promise to come to his aid. This was designed to be intercepted, and the British regulars had actually approached Saratoga, before their return to Lake Champlain. An excursion from Fort Niagara into the Mohawk Valley desolated the homes of the Oneidas, who were friendly to the United States. Some leaders in certain Vermont circles corresponded with British officials in Canada; and such was the uneasiness which prevailed along the northern and northwestern frontier, that three regiments had to be sent to Albany, to compose the unrest of that single region. On the seventh of November, Washington wrote: “The American army is experiencing almost daily want; while the British army derives ample supplies from a trade with New York, New Jersey, and Connecticut, which has by degrees become so common that it is hardly thought a crime.”

Early in September, a commercial treaty between Holland and the United States came under consideration, and Colonel Laurens was sent as commissioner to conduct the negotiations abroad; but he was taken prisoner and locked up in the Tower of London, to stand trial on the charge of high treason against the British crown. His papers were seized, and on the second day of December, Great Britain declared war against Holland.

The condition of Great Britain, at that time, was indeed one of supreme trial; and it is well for the people of America to honor the inherent forces of British liberty which vindicated, under such adverse ruling conditions, the very principles for which their brethren fought in America. It was the one solemn hour in British history when America, if fostered as a trusted and honored child, would have spared England long years of waste in blood and treasure. Not only were Spain and France combined to plunder or acquire her West India possessions; but Spain was pressing the siege of Gibraltar. Both Denmark and Sweden united with Catharine of Russia to adopt the famous system of “Armed Neutrality,” which declared that “free ships make free goods,” and that “neutrals might carry any goods or supplies wherever they pleased, with complete immunity from search or capture.” That was a deadly blow at British commerce. Even in the East Indies, her crown was one of thorns. Hyder Ali swept through the Province of Madras, and Warren Hastings was contending for very life, to save British rule in India from overthrow. France sent aid to Hyder Ali, as well as to America; and was thus, at this very period, unexpectedly limited in her anticipated contributions to the army of Washington.

Domestic excitements increased Britain’s burdens. Eighty thousand volunteers had been enrolled in Ireland in view of apprehended French invasion. A large number of her statesmen favored “peace at any price.” The wonderful capacity of Great Britain to withstand external force and to uncover the equally wonderful resources at her command, ought to have convinced her rulers that on the same basis, and by a legitimate inheritance, the American Colonies were unconquerable.

On the eleventh of November, General Sullivan, having resigned, took his seat in Congress. On the twentieth, Washington thus addressed him:

“Congress will deceive themselves, if they imagine that the army, or a State, that is the theatre of war, can rub through another campaign as the last. It would be as unreasonable to suppose that because a man had rolled a snow-ball till it had acquired the size of a horse, he might do it until it was the size of a house. Matters may be pushed to a certain point, beyond which we cannot move them. Ten months’ pay is now due the army. Every department of it is so much indebted that we have not credit for a single expense, and some of the States are harassed and oppressed to a degree beyond bearing.... To depend, under these circumstances, upon the resources of the country, unassisted by foreign bravery, will, I am confident, be to lean upon a broken reed.”

At a conference held with Count Rochambeau at Hartford, Conn., it had been proposed by General Sullivan, “that the French fleet seek Boston, and the French army join Washington”; but this was impracticable. The stay at Newport prevented the operations of the British blockading fleet elsewhere along the southern Atlantic coast; and thus far, restricted British movements generally. As early as October sixteenth, General Leslie left New York with three thousand troops; landed at Portsmouth, Va., and joined Cornwallis at Charleston late in December. A son of Rochambeau left Newport on the eighteenth of October, ran the gauntlet of the British fleet, in a gale, safely reached France, and urged “immediate additional aid of men, arms, and money.” The Chevalier de Ternay died at Newport, on the fifteenth of December, and was succeeded by Chevalier Destouches. Colonel Fleury, who will be remembered as distinguishing himself at Fort Mifflin and Stony Point, joined Rochambeau. These gallant French officers, like their sovereign, were so devoted to Washington, and entertained such absolute faith in his capacity as patriot and soldier, that the narrative of his career during the war would savor of ingratitude if their faithful service were not identified with his memory. At that time, there was a design under consideration, but never matured, for the association of Spain with France in active operations on the American coast.

Meanwhile, Washington proposed another plan for the reconstruction of the army, through the consolidation of battalions; thereby reducing their numbers, but fixing a permanent military establishment. It will appear from a letter written to Franklin on the twentieth of December, that he had reached a point, where, even under so many embarrassments, he felt that ultimate success was not far distant. The letter reads as follows: “The campaign has been thus inactive, after a flattering prospect at the opening of it and vigorous struggles to make it a decisive one, through failure of the unexpected naval superiority which was the pivot upon which everything turned. The movements of Lord Cornwallis during the last month or two have been retrograde. What turn the late reënforcements which have been sent him may give to his affairs, remains to be known. I have reënforced our Southern army principally with horse; but the length of the march is so much opposed to the measure that every corps is in a greater or less degree ruined. I am happy, however, in assuring you that a better disposition never prevailed in the Legislatures of the several States than at this time. The folly of temporary expedients is seen into and exploded; and vigorous efforts will be used to obtain a permanent army, and carry on the war systematically, if the obstinacy of Great Britain shall compel us to continue it. We want nothing but the aid of a loan, to enable us to put our finances into a tolerable train. The country does not want for resources; but we want the means of drawing them forth.”

The new organization was to consist of fifty regiments of foot, four of artillery, and other bodies of mounted men, including in all, thirty-six thousand men, fairly apportioned among the States. But not more than half that number were ever in the field at one time, and the full complement never was recruited. The prejudice against a regular army of any size was bitter; and Hildreth states the matter very truthfully when he says, that “Congress, led by Samuel Adams, was very jealous of military power, and of everything which tended to give a permanent character to the army.” Mr. Adams was sound in principle, for he not only realized that the Colonies had suffered through the employment of the British army to enforce oppressive and unconstitutional laws, but equally well knew that a larger army than the State needed for its protection against invasion and the preservation of the peace, was inimical to true liberty.

Money was still scarce. A specie tax of six millions was imposed, and the sixth annual campaign of the war drew near its close. John Trumbull, Jr., became Secretary to the Commander-in-Chief, vice Robert H. Harrison who became Chief Justice of Maryland; and Colonel Hand became Adjutant-General, vice Scammon, resigned. Morgan was promoted, and with General Steuben and Harry Lee’s horse, was ordered to the Southern Department, accompanied by Kosciusko as engineer, vice Du Portail, captured at Charleston.

On the twenty-eighth of November, Washington designated the winter quarters for the army, establishing his own at New Windsor. The Pennsylvania Line were near Morristown; the Jersey line, at Pompton; the Maryland horse, at Lancaster, Penn.; Sheldon’s horse, at Colchester, Conn., and the New York regiments at Fort Schuyler, Saratoga, Albany, Schenectady, and other exposed Northern posts. This distribution of troops, from time to time indicated, enables the reader to understand how a wise disposition of the army, when active operations were practically suspended, equally enabled Washington to resume active service upon the shortest notice.

On the eighth of October, General Greene, who had been tendered the command of the Southern Department, vice Gates, submitted to Washington his plan of conducting the next campaign. He desired, substantially, “a flying army”; that is, “one lightly equipped, mobile as possible, and familiar with the country in which operations were to be conducted.” To secure to Greene prompt support in his new command, Washington addressed letters to Gov. Abner Nash, of North Carolina, Gov. Thomas Jefferson, of Virginia, and Gov. Thomas S. Lee, of Maryland, soliciting their cordial coöperation in the work of the new Department-Commander. Greene began his journey on the twenty-ninth day of November, attended by Baron Steuben. He stopped at each capital to urge the necessity of immediate action, and secured the services of Generals Smallwood and Gist, of Maryland and Delaware, for recruiting service in those States. Upon reaching Virginia, he found that State to be thoroughly aroused for her own defence. General Leslie, whose departure from New York has been noticed, had fortified both Norfolk and Portsmouth, and this increase of the British forces had very justly alarmed the people. Washington had already sent Generals Muhlenburg and Weedon to Virginia to organize its militia, and they were endeavoring to confine the forces of Leslie within the range of his fortified positions. These officers had also served under General Greene, making their assignment eminently judicious. The matter of supplies, of all kinds, became a matter of the greatest concern, if operations were to be carried on effectively against Cornwallis at the South: while also maintaining full correspondence with the troops of the centre zone, and the North. The consolidation of regiments left many officers without commands; but the selection of a competent Quartermaster-General became an imperative necessity. Col. Edward Carrington was selected, and of him, Chief Justice Marshall says: “He was eminently qualified to undertake the task of combining and conducting the means of the Quartermaster-General’s department; obeyed the call to the office; and discharged it with unequalled zeal and fidelity.”

For the purposes of this narrative, it is only necessary to indicate the general conduct of operations southward, so far as they illustrate the wisdom of Washington in the selection of officers, and the instructions under which he made use of their services. He concurred with Greene in his general plan; and the initiative was undertaken with as frequent exchange of views, through express messengers or couriers, as was then practicable. Orders were issued for Colonel Carrington to explore the country of the Dan, the Yadkin, and Catawba rivers, and to make himself acquainted with the streams into which they discharged themselves. Kosciusko, Engineer-in-Chief of Greene, was charged with selecting proper places for defending or securing safe fording-places. A principal storehouse and laboratory was established at Prince Edward’s Court-House, and Baron Steuben was charged with maintaining the supply of powder from the manufactories, and of lead from the mines of Fincastle County. Such was the general preparation for the forthcoming campaign.

General Greene reached Charlotte on the second of December, and relieved Gates, who had been awaiting his arrival for the surrender of his command. After exchange of the proper courtesies, Gates returned to his farm. The wisdom of Washington’s choice in the assignment of General Greene may be seen by the citation of some of Greene’s letters written at that crisis.

To Jefferson he writes thus: “I find the troops in a most wretched condition, destitute of every necessity, either for their comfort or convenience, and they may be literally said to be naked. It will answer no good purpose to send men here in such a condition.... There must be either pride, or principle, to make a soldier. No man will think himself bound to fight the battles of a State that leaves him to perish for want of clothing, nor can you inspire a soldier with the sentiment of pride while his situation renders him more an object of pity, than of envy. The life of a soldier, in the best estate, is liable to innumerable hardships: but when these are aggravated by the want of provisions and clothing, his condition becomes intolerable; nor can men long contend with such complicated difficulties and distress. Death, desertion, and the hospital, must soon swallow up an army under such circumstances; and if it were possible for men to maintain such a wretched existence, they would have no spirit to face their enemies, and would invariably disgrace themselves and their commander. It is impossible to presume discipline, when troops are in want of everything: to attempt severity, will only thin the ranks by more heavy desertion.”

To Marion he wrote: “I am fully sensible that your service is hard, and your sufferings great; but how great the prize for which we contend! I like your plan of frequently shifting your ground. It frequently prevents surprise, and perhaps the total loss of your party. Until a more permanent army can be collected than is in the field at present, we must endeavor to keep up a partisan war, and preserve the tide of sentiment among the people in our favor, as much as possible. Spies are the eyes of an army, and without them, a general is always groping in the dark.”

In all these letters and the measures undertaken, Greene reflects the principles upon which his Commander-in-Chief carried on the war, and it was his highest pride so to act, as if under the direct gaze of Washington. On the twentieth of December, having been detained by rains at Charlotte, he abandoned his huts; and by the twelfth of January, 1781, was encamped on the banks of the Peedee River, awaiting the opening of the final campaign of the war for American Independence. Col. Christopher Greene, as well as Colonel Washington, Harry Lee, and Morgan, had already joined him, and Washington had thus furnished to the Southern army his ablest general and such choice details of officers and men as had been faithful, gallant, and successful throughout the war.