Again, an ingenious gentleman representing the Vienna Zeit, who lives opposite Belgrade, at Semlin, in Hungary, and fears to cross into Servia, sent the other day, not only to the Zeit but to the Daily Mail, an extraordinary telegram declaring the Servian Crown Prince to be slightly demented, and casting all sorts of insinuations as to what was happening in the palace.

I chanced to be in Belgrade at the time, and showed the Crown Prince the ridiculous concoction, and we both laughed over it.

“Bah!” he said, “it is really too silly to require contradiction.”

The true fact is that the young Crown Prince, who gave me the signed portrait that appears in these pages, is a particularly smart young man, and not only do his tutors, but also the Cabinet Ministers of Servia, speak in the highest terms of his tact and intelligence.

But to Austria no method is too mean or too unscrupulous by which to circulate false news to the detriment of Servia. Ask any Servian, and he will tell you of Austria’s machinations in every quarter.

Quite recently a Servian author wrote some libellous and untrue articles regarding the present dynasty, and was consequently arrested and condemned to imprisonment. Whereupon the Austrian Minister in Belgrade, without asking permission of the Minister of Justice, went to the prison and prevailed upon the Governor to be allowed to see the prisoner privately. Such action surely speaks louder than words!

The Austrian attitude was well exhibited on the occasion of the accession of King Peter. His Majesty received two telegrams. The first was from the Tzar, who said, “I hope you may be able to bring happiness to the Servian people, and by doing so you will receive my friendship.” The other was from the Emperor Francis Josef, and was certainly in the spirit of dividing King and people, for His Majesty merely expressed a hope that the evils existing would be remedied.

Austria’s chief aim in Servia is to estrange the people from their King, to create as much discord and discontent as possible to crush the trade of the country and to keep her poor. As long as she believed that Servia was in a bad position economically and financially, things were allowed to go from bad to worse. But as soon as an improvement was observed in the national prosperity, a hostile policy was adopted, which has rendered trade between the two countries impossible.

Careful inquiries of the Servian Cabinet Ministers and many statesmen of both political parties show that even in the present position, with Austria closed against her, Servia is nevertheless progressing, and prospering more than the outside world ever dreams.

The last commercial treaty between Austria and Servia expired in 1904. There was a desire on the part of Servia to at once renew it, but this Austria-Hungary was unable to do, as she was rearranging her treaty with Germany. When, however, the first negotiations were started, Austria made very severe complaints regarding the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union, and asked that the treaty in question should be annulled before negotiations for the new treaty were started. The Servian Government, desirous of pleasing Austria, replied that in the Serbo-Bulgarian Customs Union there was a clause to the effect that if one of the Great Powers raised a protest, amendments might be introduced. They therefore suggested the postponement of this question, hoping that Austria was satisfied, and would begin the pourparlers. But no such thing. Austria had other aims, for very soon they coolly declared that if the commercial treaty were renewed, Servia must buy her new armament for the artillery of the Scoda works in Austria. This is peculiar, inasmuch as the cannon in question is not that in use by the Austrian artillery!

The reason for this has been explained by the fact that certain members of the Austrian Imperial family were financially interested in the works in question. This, however, was not the real reason. There was one far more subtle. The true political reason, indeed, was that the Austrian Government wished to get a seat in the “Autonom-Monopol” administration—the body which controls the loans, and which consists of six members, namely, one French delegate, one German, and four Servians. France and Germany were both friendly, but Austria, had she gained a seat there, could at once have created internal dissension and difficulty.

Nominally, the annual income from this “Monopol” is about thirty million dinars, or francs, of which twenty million go to the creditors, leaving ten million at the free disposal of the Government. Now had Austria obtained a hand in this administration, she would have been able to exercise a prerogative and a right of intervention in many matters affecting the good government of the country—a danger that will at once be apparent.

Austrian intrigue is everywhere apparent, not only in Belgrade, but throughout the whole of Servia. Austria does not wish either a national or a staple Government in Servia, and so, because they could not obtain their ends, and because the present Government voices the national ideas of the whole of the Serb people—who are as a matter of fact spread over Croatia, Slavonia, Bosnia, Herzegovina, Montenegro, and part of Hungary—they have pursued the Customs War, and put a prohibitive tariff upon everything in the endeavour to close entirely the world’s markets to Servia. The latter has of course retaliated by placing a prohibitive tariff upon all goods from those nations who have no treaty—a move which is of course directed against Austria, but by which other Powers must, for the present, suffer.

As regards England, the first commercial treaty made by Servia after the Berlin Treaty was with Great Britain, and it served as the base of all the other treaties. Of this Austria-Hungary was jealous, and from that time until to-day Austria has done everything in her power to discredit and discourage British trade in the Balkans. In fact, so seriously detrimental has been Austria’s influence against British trade that naturally some time must elapse ere the damage done can be repaired.

Meanwhile, a new commercial treaty with England has been arranged, for it was in Servia’s greatest interest that this should be done. Every Servian I spoke to was loud in his praises of England, and of English methods. Servia is very anxious to export her agricultural produce to England, while in Servia—now that Austrian imports have stopped—there are many open markets for English goods.

Austria believed that as all Servian exports were sent into Austria-Hungary, Servia would be obliged in the end to accept their drastic and unfair terms—the purchase of cannon and other restrictions. On the contrary, however, it says much for Servia’s enterprise that, though the Austrian frontier has been closed during 1906, yet Servia has exported all her goods by way of Varna or Braila, or by Salonica, to which port a line of rail runs from Nisch. The producer has felt the Austrian oppression but little, if any at all. In fact, it is the opinion of many statesmen in Servia that it would actually be in the country’s interests if Austria continues her present hostile Customs policy, for it will then compel the Servians to look for markets farther afield, and arouse them to take strong initiatives.

It should be noted, too, that fifteen years ago Austria raised the same trouble with Roumania, and the Roumanians are now happily emancipated from the Austrian market, and are consequently prosperous.

At present, with the Austrian frontier barred for export, Servia must build a railway to the Adriatic. The line from Nisch, viâ Usküb, to Salonica, though it runs through Macedonia, is practically under Austrian control, and goods sent over it from Servia are subjected to high tariff. Therefore there is a project afoot to construct a new line from Kragooyevatz across the Kopaonik Mountains to Prisrend, and thence through Northern Albania down to Skodra and the Adriatic at the port of San Giovanni di Medua. An alternative scheme is to construct the line so that it passes through Montenegro, and joins the line at present being made by an Italian company from Antivari on the coast to Virpasar on the Lake of Scutari.

One or other of these two schemes will certainly be adopted in the near future, and when the line is completed, Servia will at once be entirely independent of Austria, and secure an outlet to the Adriatic. Such a railway will be of great strategic importance, as will be seen from a glance on the map. I have been over parts of the projected route, and certainly it will be a very difficult line to construct, on account of the wall of mountains lying between the Lake of Scutari and the Servian frontier. But its opening will mean civilising the wild tribes of Albania and the further cementing of the Serb nation.

This last point is, indeed, the chief line of the Servian Balkan policy. In my conversations with the Premier, with Dr. Milenko Vesnitch, Minister of Justice, and with the Ministers of Commerce and of Finance, I found them all in accord upon the one great principle of policy, namely, the preservation of the great Serb nation, which consists of over ten million persons, spread through Bosnia, Herzegovina, Slavonia, Kossovo, Montenegro, Servia, Dalmatia, and many parts of Hungary itself. This great population speak the same language and have the same aspirations, namely, the unity of the great nation whose past history is such a splendid one.

The policy of the Servian Ministry, whether military, economical, or political, is all directed towards this one end, and here it may be pointed out that King Peter is grandson of the great hero of the Servian people, the peasant Karageorge, who in 1804 raised the Servians against the Turks and defeated them.

King Peter has already given evidence of his patriotic sentiments, not only interesting himself in the nation before he was elected ruler, but perhaps it is not generally remembered that in 1875 he fought at the head of his troop—which he raised himself, and crippled his finances thereby—for the emancipation of Bosnia. In the Servian national poetry there is a hero called Peter Mrcognitch, the Protector of the Poor against the oppressors, and it was under this assumed name that the present ruler of Servia fought. In 1870, too, he fought with the French against the Germans, and was awarded the Legion of Honour for valour on the battlefield. Therefore the Servians regard him as a patriot—as indeed he is—and up to the present he has certainly shown himself an able, wise, and discreet ruler, who has the interests of his country very deeply at heart.

To refer to the tragic events of the night of June 11, 1903, is unnecessary. All I can personally say is that I arrived in Belgrade full of an Englishman’s natural prejudice against the present régime, but after careful inquiry, not only in government and diplomatic circles, but also among the adherents of the old régime, I came to the conclusion that though drastic and cruel, yet had not those events happened that night, hundreds of unfortunate ones would have lost their lives on the following morning.

In the régime of the late King no one was safe in Belgrade. Draga had her spies everywhere, and alas for those who dared to utter a word against her or her methods! Leading men in the political, social, and literary world of Belgrade to-day have explained to me how they had from day to day lived in fear and dread of false accusations and arrest, until life became so intolerable that many were almost driven from the country. These men strongly disagreed with the methods of the regicides, but they are now thankful they are free.

The truth of those black days of spies and suspicion in Belgrade in the last days of Alexander’s reign has never been told. Only those who lived there, and only those who hear the truth from the lips of responsible persons, can realise how entirely the country was in the hands of one unscrupulous woman. The journalists of Europe were horrified at the methods by which the Obrenovitch were wiped out, and they condemned the Servians. Not one had the courage, or the inclination, to put the facts fairly and impartially before the public.

Servia and the Macedonian question—A sound Cabinet—England and Servia—Appointment of Mr. Beethom Whitehead as British Minister very gratifying to the Servians—King Peter ever solicitous for the welfare of the people—What the Prime Minister told me concerning the future—The new railway to the Adriatic.

I make no apology for the assassination of King Alexander and his Queen. That matter is a closed page of Servian history. I only can state what I saw and heard in Servia, and explain how I drew my own entirely unbiassed conclusions.

One thing is certain, that Servia is at this moment in a very much more prosperous condition than ever she was under King Alexander. Having met every one of the Ministers, and spent many hours with them, I can safely assert that, headed by M. Pachitch, quiet-mannered, sensible, and thoughtful, they are, one and all, a very strong and intelligent Cabinet, each member of which is doing his very utmost for the commercial development and future welfare of the country he loves so dearly.

There is no poseur or political adventurer among them. Each man is a sound, intelligent, and trustful statesman, whose watchword is, as His Excellency Monsieur Pachitch put it to me, “Servia for the Servians.”

While in Belgrade I had several conversations with members of the Cabinet, and also with Dr. J. Cvijic, the eminent author of that most thoughtful work, Remarks on the Ethnography of the Macedonian Slavs, regarding the all-absorbing question of Macedonia. Mention Macedonia to any Balkan statesman, and he raises his shoulders and shakes his head. It is a problem that nobody can solve. I endeavoured, however, by dint of many inquiries, to discover in what way Servia would like the Macedonian question settled.

Roughly speaking, Macedonia is divided into three vilayets—Kossovo, Monastir, and Salonica. Now Kossovo is essentially Old Servia, and there is no question that its people are still Serbs. Yet here we run up against Austria again. She is doing all in her power to cause the population to emigrate, and in their place attracting Albanians who assist the Austrian propaganda. As regards the other two vilayets of Monastir and Salonica, the inhabitants are Serbs, Bulgars, Greeks, and Mohammedans. Now it is a curious fact, and one which I believe no other writer has noted, that until two years ago nobody spoke of any other people in Macedonia but these. Suddenly, however, Europe was made aware that there was still another people, for the Koutzo-Vlachs were, for the first time, mentioned, and formed a new element in the already mixed difficulty.

Now without doubt this new problem was introduced into the controversy by Germany for two reasons. The first was to create, besides the Mohammedan and Albanian, a Christian Conservative element for the preservation of the Turk in Europe. Germany has therefore an economic propaganda in Turkey, and when the time is ripe it will be followed by a strong political one. She could not count on either Serbs or Bulgars in Macedonia, but by this new intrigue she has courted the support of the Mohammedans.

The second reason of the introduction of these hitherto unheard-of Koutzo-Vlachs concerned the position in Roumania, of which a Hohenzollern is King. Until two years ago the Roumanian patriots were occupying themselves with a propaganda in Transylvania. As, however, it is a great point in German policy to keep Roumania within the confines of the Triple Alliance, and as hostilities had arisen between Austria and Roumania on account of the propaganda, it was necessary for Germany to find a means to occupy in some other way the fantasy of the Roumanian people. And so the Koutzo-Vlachs were pushed forward as a fresh discovery, and the King of Roumania, in a speech to his Parliament, spoke of “their brothers in Macedonia.” Beyond this, all the claims put in by the Koutzo-Vlachs for the expenses of their schools and other things to-day receive the support of the German Ambassador at the Porte.

From the Servian point of view—a view that is shared very widely—it would appear that the best method of solving the very difficult question of Macedonia would be to give the various peoples complete tolerance—that is, to give the Greeks, Serbs, Bulgarians, and Moslems complete liberty to develop themselves for, say, ten years. After this time a plebiscite, under the control of the Powers, might be established with success. This would solve the ethnographical difficulty, which is really the base of the whole question.

The signatories to the Berlin Treaty would do well to take the initiative in this matter, and so end the internal trouble which is for ever a disturbing element in Balkan politics. Servia is very anxious to see England interesting and asserting her power more in the Balkans, and British statesmen might well follow the policy of Palmerston and Castlereagh. The first British representative to Servia was Colonel Hodges, who in 1837 went to Belgrade, and very quickly secured a predominant position in Servian matters, owing to the unselfishness of the British policy in the Balkans and the liberal ideas which England always represents in the world. The Servians therefore still look to England as taking a leading part in the settlement of Macedonia, and the sooner this is done the less peril will exist in the Near East.

Since the accession of King Peter many reforms have been introduced, and on all sides the Servian people express content and prosperity. I will give a few examples. For instance, in the budget before the King’s accession there were periodical deficits, but every year since, as I have already pointed out, shows a very substantial balance. Therefore the present increasing prosperity is apparent at a glance. The financial market, too, shows how Servian finances stand in Europe.

This is no doubt due, in the first place, to the constitutional cautiousness of King Peter. He has inspired with confidence the financial world in Paris and elsewhere, for it is well known that he is, before all, a constitutional ruler, and that his Government will never be anything else than a constitutional one. Therefore, by his attitude, he has so improved the state of Servian finance that the future prosperity of the country is assured.

When King Peter was proclaimed, the Servians restored their liberal Constitution, which the late King, under the influence of his father, had abrogated. This has opened the way to the development of the country in every direction. There is, of course, much yet to be done. As regards the administration of justice, several excellent reforms have been introduced during the present reign. Dr. Vesnitch is at present reforming the prison system, and is about to introduce, after studying the question for fifteen years, a new and unique system. He is of opinion that the prisoners from the towns should be separated from those from the country, for two reasons.

He declares that when criminals from the towns commit crimes it is in most cases because they are not sufficiently instructed in their skilled labour. They are bad workmen, and hence their downfall. If, however, they were classified and instructed in the prison, they would, when discharged, be better prepared, with the assistance of the Prisoners’ Aid Societies, to seek an honest living. Again, the second reason is that the influence of town-bred prisoners upon those from the country is always an evil one, and should at all times be avoided. The Servian Government have adopted the Minister’s point of view, and fresh prisons are to be constructed upon that basis.

Another reform about to be introduced by Dr. Vesnitch is that of “conditional release.” It is intended to preserve first offenders from the demoralising influence of prison life, and to create a good moral influence over those who commit a crime for the first time. In a word, the Servian project seeks to conciliate the English method with the French Loi Beranger.

In all the other administrations—public instruction, war, finance, and agriculture—many other reforms have been introduced, and many are in course of preparation. As a matter of fact, until two years ago Servia had no University, but at present an excellent institution has been established, the professors of which rank well with those of other nations.

In the department of war, a very important reform is about to be carried out, namely, the rearmament of the artillery. This is, of course, a wide subject, and time must elapse before the defences of the country are in an absolutely perfect state. Suffice it, however, to say that the Ministers of War and Finance are exerting every effort to obtain the best weapons in France, and, at the same time, to leave the country’s finances uncrippled.

Recently diplomatic relations have been resumed with England, and the Foreign Office have appointed Mr. Beethom Whitehead as Minister to Servia. This has given great satisfaction to the Servians, for they see in this action of England that their Government has already merited serious consideration. The resumption of friendship with Great Britain has been the means of greatly fortifying the Pachitch Ministry. It was obtained through the good services of Italy and France, and especially of the King of Italy, who, as is well known, is a great admirer of England, in addition to being brother-in-law of King Peter.

Servia hopes that the result of this renewed friendship will be to combat the German advances to the East; and this, of course, is greatly to the advantage of England. The Servians also hope that in the near future England will see her way to minimise the evils which Lord Beaconsfield’s policy created in the Balkans when he allowed Austria to occupy Bosnia and Herzegovina and to monopolise Balkan trade generally. It is probable that Lord Beaconsfield’s error was due to his fear of a Pan-Slavonic danger, but the time is certainly now ripe for England to assert her power and stem the German tide.

It is within the range of possibility that ere long Russia will unite with England, France, and Italy to take joint steps in the Balkans, and if this is realised it will mean for Servia that her autonomy and free development will be secured. Diplomacy is working towards this end, and as the British Liberal Party is believed to be the protector of weak nations, it is more than likely the hope will very soon mature.

I have in this chapter spoken always of Austria, and not of Hungary. I have done so because Hungary hopes for her independence, and will, if she gains it, certainly find herself on a level with Servia. The sympathy between the Servian and Hungarian people is historical, and it was proved lately by the transfer of the relics of the Hungarian hero, Racotzy, who was the greatest opposer to Austrian rule. Quite recently Wekerle, the Hungarian Premier, said in Parliament that “the basis of Hungarian foreign policy has been, is, and has to be, the continuance of Servia’s friendship.”

Hungary has always found warm friends in England on account of her struggle for independence, and without doubt England will still support her when the day comes. Until ten years ago it was generally thought in Hungary that the Slav tendencies were dangerous to Hungary’s existence, but that has now entirely changed, and instead of regarding Servia as an enemy, they look upon her as an ally, and Germany as an enemy.

The renewal of diplomatic relations between Servia and England will, it is felt certain, be the means of inducing British capitalists to make inquiry of the many and excellent openings now existing. When once England is materially interested in the Serb countries she will have a motive in promoting Servia’s prosperity, and in protecting her from the German advance, as a policy which surely will be to her own advancement.

It may be here interesting, too, if in conclusion I give a very brief summary of the trade of Servia during 1905—the last published year—as compared with the four previous years, as it will show the rapidly growing prosperity under the present régime. In 1901 the exports were 65,685,653 fcs., and the imports 43,835,428 fcs.—a total of 109,521,081 fcs.; in 1902 the total was 116,944,408 fcs.; in 1903, 118,202,666 fcs.

For 1905 the figures were as follow:—

Thus it will be seen that the country is undoubtedly entering upon an era of prosperity.

By the Department of Public Instruction I was afforded facilities for studying the educational system, and a few facts may prove interesting. Though Servia has been a free country for less than a century, education has already reached a very high level. It possesses a large number of primary schools, secondary schools, and special schools, as well as a high school in Belgrade which has lately been turned into a university.

The name “popular schools” is given to infant schools, primary schools, and the superior primary schools. The course in the primary schools lasts for six years, and in the primary superior schools two years. Children in towns are sent into the first class of primary schools at the age of six, and in the country at seven, the school year commencing on September 1 and ending on June 29.

Schoolmasters on leaving the training college receive 800 dinars (francs) per annum, and rise to 3000 dinars. Beyond this they receive an allowance of 30 to 80 dinars a month in lieu of lodging. For 1905 I was unfortunately unable to obtain the statistics, but I found that in 1904 there were in Servia 1093 schools for boys and 170 schools for girls, or 1263 primary schools. There were 1349 masters and 856 mistresses, or a total of 2205 teachers. At the end of that scholastic year there were 85,365 boys studying and 22,081 girls, a total of 107,446 scholars. There were also five normal schools with 25 masters, and six schools for young girls with 25 mistresses. There are also several excellent private schools. One Protestant and one Catholic are in Belgrade, while of the three private schools for girls two are in Belgrade and one in Nisch.

As regards secondary schools, the course lasts eight years and is terminable by examination. When the high school, or university course, is ended, the students intending to become masters receive a supernumerary place in a secondary school with a salary of 1500 dinars. After about two years they pass the examination of professors, whereupon they receive 2500 dinars, which is raised periodically to 6000 dinars. The time-limit for professors is thirty years. In the secondary schools are masters of languages and fine arts, and a very high standard of instruction is given. The last return showed there were 4561 scholars and 313 masters in these schools. These figures, however, do not comprise the private gymnasiums of Alexinac and Gradiste, or the superior schools for young girls at Belgrade and Kragooyevac.

The special schools comprise the religious seminary, the academy of commerce, and the schools of agriculture. The religious seminary is at Belgrade, and the course of instruction lasts nine years. There are two schools of male teachers, one at Alexinac and the other at Yagodina, and also two schools for female teachers, at Belgrade and at Kragooyevac. Here, the course is for four years. The Academy of Commerce is in Belgrade, where a course of three years is given. There is an excellent School of Agriculture at Kralyevo, as well as a School of Forestry and Viticulture at Bukovo, where a three years’ course is given.

The University, which is at Belgrade, has only recently been established, for hitherto it was only a high school. The instruction is of the very highest order, and without doubt it will turn out many intellectual men in the near future.

One afternoon I went to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to have audience of M. Nicholas Pachitch, the President of the Council of Ministers and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

The Foreign Office is a great comfortable old building adjoining the gardens of the royal palace, painted dead white, and commanding from its windows a beautiful view over the Save and the rolling plains beyond. The ante-chamber is a sombre, old-fashioned room, with heavy furniture, several fine pictures, and polished floor. But I was not given long to inspect it, for a few minutes later I was ushered into the private room of the man whom all Servia regards as the greatest and cleverest politician—the man who is to make the New Servia.

I found him a quiet-mannered man, with kindly smiling eyes behind his spectacles, his long beard and hair just silvered with grey, his voice low, soft, and deliberate.

In the midst of a turbulent day—for the Skupshtina was sitting and important questions were being discussed—he received me calmly, and though two Cabinet Ministers were waiting outside for audience, he was cool and deliberate. His manner was charmingly polite, and after greeting me, gave me a seat at the table beside him, and readily answered the questions I put to him.

“You have come here to learn about our country,” he said, smiling. “Well, what can I tell you? You have, I daresay, heard a good deal in England—some truth, and some facts that are untrue—facts manufactured by the enemies of Servia! We want peace. Our tariff difficulties with Austria are regrettable, but we cannot accept the Austrian terms. We cannot guarantee to buy our war material and railway rolling-stock from Austria. Because we are a small country the Austrian Empire is imposing upon us terms which it is utterly impossible for us to accept. We must arm our artillery with the best armament, be it Austrian, French, German, or English. It is surely the duty of the Government to do this. Why should we be bound to Austria in this matter? As regards England, Servia is delighted at the resumption of diplomatic relations, and at the appointment of Mr. Whitehead, who is a clever diplomatist, a cosmopolitan, and who already understands us. It is now our intention to show Europe that we are a sound nation, and by so doing we hope that English capitalists will seek to exploit our vast mineral wealth. In Servia there are mines in all parts—coal, iron, copper, lead, antimony, zinc, and even gold. They only require working, and great profits must accrue. I daresay you have seen the geological map which the Ministry of Commerce has recently prepared. If not, I am sure Mr. Stoyanovitch, the Minister, will allow you to see it.”

“And the present condition of the country?” I asked.

“Under the present rule the people have shown themselves absolutely contented. There is an entire personal liberty which did not exist under the late King. Our watchword is ‘Servia for the Servians.’ Our policy is to avoid all outside complications, and endeavour to do our utmost to develop the resources of the country.”

“And Macedonia?”

His Excellency smiled and shrugged his shoulders slightly.

“Ah! Macedonia!” he sighed. “Now you have touched upon a difficult question. The population there is mixed, it is true, and the problem puzzles every statesman in Europe; yet my own personal opinion is that in the course of a year or two the Powers will discover a mode of settlement which will be found to be beneficial to all concerned.”

“And the future policy of Servia?”

“You can tell them in England that all Servia desires is ‘peace,’” His Excellency answered, smiling at me through his spectacles. “This we are doing all we possibly can to promote. His Majesty has great admiration for the English, and the Government are ready to grant concessions for industrial and mining enterprises to English capitalists—if properly introduced. I can assure you that they will find in Servia excellent returns for their investments. But inquire for yourself, and you will find that Servia is to-day more prosperous than ever she was under the late King. Inquire among the people, not only in Belgrade, but away in the heart of the country where you are going. Let the people speak for themselves, and they will tell you how far our endeavours have been successful.”

And then, after half an hour’s chat, during which he told me many interesting facts, and gave me every facility to enable me to conduct my inquiries, I rose, shook hands, and left, convinced that a Ministry under such a clear, level-headed statesman—a really great man—could not do otherwise than raise the country into a position of wealth combined with respect.

Upon every Servian’s tongue I heard the name of Pachitch, and my own observations all showed most conclusively that he and his party, with the concurrence of the King, are guiding Servia to peace, happiness, and great prosperity.

A few days later, while at luncheon at the house of Dr. Vesnitch, Minister of Justice, I had an interview with M. Stoyanovitch, the Minister of Commerce. He, like all the other members of the Cabinet, has the interest of Servia deeply at heart. He is dark-haired, middle-agedmiddle-aged, keen, clever, and a thoroughly competent business man. Our conversation mainly turned upon the projected railway to unite the Danube with San Giovanni di Medua, in Albania, and so give to Russia, Roumania, and Servia a port on the Adriatic.

The future of Servia, he declared, depended upon this line. She must have a direct outlet for her trade, and he prophesied that within three years the line would be built. The cost will be about 80,000,000 francs, or 150,000 francs per kilometre. Roughly, the length is about 500 kilometres. He pointed out that an English company would experience but little difficulty in obtaining a concession from the Turkish Government to pass through Turkish territory, while a French and German company would be prohibited. The line would be the highroad to Russia from the south, and would be an extremely paying one, for in addition almost the whole of the Servian imports and exports would be carried over it.

“British capitalists would do well to inquire into it,” he said. “We have surveyed the route, and have the complete plans at the Ministry of Public Works. To anyone introduced by you, Monsieur N——, we should be very pleased to show them.”

And the Minister went into details as to the excellent results which must certainly accrue from the undertaking and the profits which the company would certainly make.

Servia has undoubtedly a very big future before her, and her statesmen are ever looking far ahead.

A retrospect—A sitting of the Skupshtina—Peasants as deputies—Servia as an open field for British enterprise—Enormous mineral wealth—Mr. Finney, a mining engineer who has prospected in Servia for seventeen years, tells me some interesting facts regarding rich mines awaiting development—No adventurers need apply.

Servia has, indeed, had a turbulent past.

For centuries she has been torn by war and ground under the heel of the oppressor. From the days of Stevan Lazarevitch, at the end of the fourteenth century, until the revolt of the Serbs against Turkish rule under Karageorge in 1804, the country was constantly crushed and constantly disturbed. Karageorge declared Belgrade and the neighbouring region the free State of Servia, which was unfortunately not accomplished until after great sacrifices and many heroic battles.

In 1813, however, while Russia was engaged in her final conflict with Napoleon, the Turks again seized Servia, and Karageorge with several other chiefs was exiled to Austria. Two years later, Milosch Obrenovitch, with the aid of some chiefs, made another struggle for liberty, which, thanks to the Treaty of Bucharest, was crowned with success, and the interior autonomy of Servia thus became an accomplished fact.

In 1842 Alexander Karageorgevitch, the younger son of Karageorge, ascended the Servian throne as Prince, and under his rule the government of the country was modelled upon modern lines, and many institutions started which aided to develop the civilisation.

Exterior politics and the corruption of the officials by friends of the Obrenovitch were successful in creating so much discontent that Alexander at last abandoned the throne. Upon this, the Skupshtina, or National Assembly, elected the aged Prince Milosch, who died very soon afterwards. In 1861 his son, Prince Mihailo, succeeded, but in 1868 was shot at Topschider, near Belgrade, through motives of personal animosity. His cousin Milan, who was heir to the throne, was then in his minority, and Servia was governed by a Regency of three persons.

During Milan’s reign there occurred, 1876-78, the war with Turkey and the securing of four new departments, the recognition of the independence of Servia by the Berlin Treaty, the proclamation of the kingdom in 1882, the unfortunate war with Bulgaria in 1885, and the promulgation of a new constitution which, with some slight modification, is still in force. After the abdication of King Milan, his son Alexander mounted the throne. His unfortunate matrimonial alliance with the ambitious Draga, who quickly assumed authority, was soon responsible for much discontent. Life became impossible in Servia owing to the maladministration in every department, and the army revolted, with the tragic and regrettable result that is so well known.

After the death of King Alexander in 1903, the Skupshtina elected the son of Alexander Karageorgevitch as King under the title of Peter I.

With the present political acquisitions and the progress already made in the highroad of civilisation, Servia has already obtained a high place among civilised nations. But, alas! as the Servian author, M. Zrnitch, has put it, the Servians are only free in the head—Servia—and the arms—Montenegro. The other parts of their organism are still held in thraldom by the foreigner.

While in Belgrade I was afforded an opportunity of visiting the Skupshtina and being present at a somewhat heated debate. Just before my arrival two deputies had, it was said, come to blows. All that I saw there was most orderly, and certainly the speakers—even those in their quaint brown peasant dress—were mostly eloquent.

Servia badly needs a new Parliament House. The present Skupshtina is a large bare whitewashed building with two galleries, one for the diplomats and Press, and the other for the public. In front of a life-sized portrait of His Majesty sits the President, keeping order with his bell, and on either side at baize-covered tables sit the Ministers. The benches are set in horseshoe shape, and look very uncomfortable. The deputies consist of all classes, from the wealthy landowner to the peasant, and all receive fifteen francs a day expenses while the House sits.

Plans have already been prepared for a new and handsome Parliament House, which is to be built on a fine site behind the royal palace, and it is believed the work will be commenced during the present year. The sooner the National Assembly is properly housed the better, for the present building is mostly of wood, old, rickety, and the reverse of dignified. None are so alive to the urgent necessity of providing comfortable quarters for the deliberations of the Skupshtina than His Majesty himself, for it was he who explained to me what is intended.

After the revolution of June 2, 1903, the National Assembly convoked by the Government of the kingdom of Servia gave the country, on June 15, a new constitution, which was ratified three days later. The Skupshtina is composed of deputies elected directly by the people, and its members, during their office, cannot be sued or arrested without the consent of the Skupshtina itself—save in the case of flagrant delit. Besides the “Little Skupshtina,” which carries on the government of the country, there is also the “Grand Skupshtina,” which consists of double the number of deputies, and which is only summoned in exceptional circumstances, namely, to elect the King; to elect regents; to decide the succession of the throne; to deliberate upon any modification of the constitution; to decide upon any cession or exchange of territory; or when the King wishes to consult them. The King alone has the right to choose or dismiss his Ministers.

In Servia there are 17 departments, 81 arrondissements, and 1571 communes. At the head of each department is a prefect nominated by the King, at the head of each arrondissement a sous-prefect, and at the head of each commune a mayor elected by the people.

Military service is compulsory, and the number of conscripts average 26,700 a year. The duration of service in the active army is for cavalry and infantry two years, and eighteen months for other branches of the service. I visited various barracks, and was afforded several opportunities of inspecting the troops. Both officers and men seem exceedingly smart and capable. Many of the officers had received their military education in France, Germany, and Russia, while one artillery officer I met had studied at Shoeburyness!

When the defensive forces are re-armed, as they will be completely within the next twelve months, Europe will find in Servia a very capable and well-trained army. Every Serb is a born fighter, and no detail is being overlooked to render Servia’s defences up to date and complete.

Servia is not a country of great landowners. Apart from the property held by the State, the land is almost wholly divided among peasant proprietors. The law grants to every Servian peasant 2.8 hectares of land, which cannot be sold to pay private debts. It is also forbidden for cultivators to give bills of exchange. These two measures are of great importance in preserving the land to the Servian peasant. The country is a very rich agricultural one—perhaps one of the richest in Europe. Yet one fact struck me as curious, namely, that in Belgrade one cannot obtain any good milk, and all butter worth eating comes from Budapest. There is a very great opening in Servia for dairy-farmers, a branch of industry which, it seems, does not exist. The vines have, in recent years, been all destroyed by the phylloxera, but they are being rapidly replaced by the American variety. The country around the arrondissements of Smederevo, Golubac, Ram, and Krayina are particularly noted for good grapes and excellent wine.