The Journey of Charles VIᵗʰ of France and his brother the Duke of Touraine from Montpellier to Paris.
THE JOURNEY OF CHARLES VI. OF FRANCE, AND HIS BROTHER THE DUKE OF TOURAINE, FROM MONTPELLIER TO PARIS.
In the year 1389, the King, being then about 21 years of age, visited Toulouse, and many places in the south of France, accompanied by his brother the Duke of Touraine, and a great retinue. He remained three days at Montpellier, for, says Froissart, “the town and the ladies afforded him much pleasure.” However, he was impatient to return to Paris, and the following dialogue with his brother is quaintly narrated:—
“‘Fair brother, I wish we were at Paris, and our attendants where they now are, for I have a great desire to see the Queen, as I suppose you must have to see my sister-in-law.’ ‘My Lord,’ replied the Duke, ‘we shall never get there by wishing it, the distance is too great.’ ‘That is true,’ answered the King, ‘but I think, if I pleased, I could very soon be there.’ ‘Then it must be by dint of hard riding,’ said the Duke of Touraine. ‘I also could do that, but it would be through means of my horse.’ ‘Come,’ said the King, ‘who will be first, you or I?—let us wager on this.’ ‘With all my heart,’ answered the Duke, who would at all times exert himself to get money.”
Our Chronicler goes on to relate, that they quitted Montpellier at the same hour early the next morning, the King attended only by the Lord de Garencières, and the Duke by the Lord de Viefville. All four being young and active, they rode night and day, having themselves occasionally carried forward in carts when they wanted repose.
The King performed the journey in four days and a half; the Duke accomplished it in four days and one third; but it appears that the King would have won but for taking an unreasonable nap of eight hours at Troyes, in Champagne. It is evident that they must have made considerable exertions, as the distance is above 570 miles. Froissart tells us, that “the ladies of the court made great joke of the adventure;” and also adds, “you must know, that the Duke of Touraine insisted on the wager being paid in ready money.” The amount was five hundred francs.
This illumination is very neatly executed, particularly the distant landscape: the houses, seen over the wall, show that, whatever changes have taken place in monumental architecture, the houses of the people, or peasantry, have undergone little change in the simple principles of their construction since the fourteenth century.[Pg 56][Pg 55]
SIR PETER DE CRAON RECEIVED BY THE DUKE OF BRITTANY.
Froissart relates that “he was in Paris at the time of the daring attack made by Sir Peter de Craon on the Constable de Clisson, and was very anxious to ascertain the true cause of the original disgrace of de Craon, which eventually led to that desperate attempt at revenge.” From Froissart’s information, it appears that de Clisson was in no way connected with Sir Peter’s disgrace. It seems that Sir Peter being handsome, accomplished, and rich, and of nearly the same age as the youthful Duke of Touraine, became a great favourite at Court, the Duke making him his constant companion, and causing him to dress in clothes of the same colour and device as his own, carrying him with him wherever he went, and intrusting him with his most secret thoughts. Froissart proceeds:—“The Duke, at that time young and amorous, much amused himself with the company of ladies and damsels, and, as I heard, was much attached to a young frisky lady of Paris[2].” This intrigue, which it appears was a very innocent flirtation, became known to his Duchess, who cautioned the young lady, one of noble family, never again to hold converse with the Duke as she valued her life. The Duke was soon aware that he had been betrayed, and eventually persuaded his Duchess to confess to him that it was from Sir Peter de Craon that she had obtained her information; and Froissart declares, that “if it was so, Sir Peter behaved most shamefully.”
The King, at the request of the Duke of Touraine, his brother, dismissed Sir Peter from the Court, who, finding himself disgraced, took refuge with his friend and relative the Duke of Brittany, by whom he was well received.
The illumination represents the moment of his reception by the Duke of Brittany. The figures of Sir Peter and his attendant are very well executed, but some of the others are carelessly finished, appearing as though sketched out by the master, but finished by inferior hands. Most of the miniature pictures in the magnificent volumes from which these are taken, are placed, like the present, at the commencement of the chapters, and the pages so ornamented are additionally enriched with[Pg 59] an elaborate border, occupying the outside margin. The pages are written in double columns, and the present Plate is a fac-simile of the outside column of page 238 of the Vol. containing this portion of the Chronicles. The volume is about eighteen inches high by twelve broad. The words at the top of the Plate are the conclusion of a chapter, relating to a truce between England and France, and are—“ne jamais la paix tant que je vive ne me accorderay”—words spoken by the Duke of Gloucester, uncle of Richard II., who declares, he will never, while he lives, consent to make peace by the surrender of Calais. The head of the chapter, written like all the others in red ink, is:—“De Messire Pierre de Craon, et comment il enchey en l’indignation du roy de France et duc de Thouraine son frere et comme’t il fut recoeilles du duc de Bretagne[3].”—Chapp’re XXV.
The chapter commencing with a richly-ornamented capital, begins:—“En ce temporal dont je parolle estoit trop gran[4].[Pg 60]”
THE SUDDEN DEATH OF COUNT GASTON DE FOIX.
The Count having passed the morning in the forest of Sauveterre, on the road to Pampeluna, in Navarre, in hunting, during greater part of which he had much exerted himself in hunting a bear, repaired in the afternoon to dinner at the inn of Riou, on his way to his town of Orthés. Having called for water to wash, his two squires, Raymonet de Lasne and Raymonet de Copane, advanced, Emaudon d’Espaign took the silver basin, and another knight, called Sir Thibaut, the napkin. The Count rose from his seat and stretched out his hands to wash; “but,” says Froissart, “no sooner had his fingers, which were handsome and long, touched the cold water, than he changed colour, from an oppression at his heart, exclaiming, ‘I am a dead man; Lord God have mercy on me!’” He never spoke afterwards; and the two squires who had brought the basin, drank the water, that they might not be suspected of having poisoned it. Gaston de Foix was born 1331, and died 1391.
This illumination is coarsely executed in many respects, doing but little justice to the fine person of the great Count, who was considered one of the handsomest men of his time. It is, however, very interesting, as detailing accurately many interior domestic arrangements, which will be found not greatly differing from old country inns still remaining in remote parts of England, but more frequently in France and Germany.[Pg 64][Pg 63]
The King of Hungary in council with his own Lords and those of France, before crossing the Danube towards Turkey.
THE KING OF HUNGARY IN COUNCIL WITH HIS LORDS AND THOSE OF FRANCE.
The Sultan Bajazet[5] appears to have indulged an imaginary scheme of universal empire, purposing to leave to each country its own laws and governors, and reserving to himself only his authority as their lord paramount. With this view, in 1396, he threatened the kingdom of Hungary with invasion, in his way to Rome, which he projected to make the seat of his liberal and universal empire; how liberal, may be inferred from his threat, “that his horse should eat his oats on the altar of St. Peter’s.” Sigismond, king of Hungary, applied to Charles VI. of France for assistance, and many knights of France and other countries, with a considerable force, went to Buda under the command of John of Burgundy, then twenty-two years of age, and son of the duke Philip, to attack Bajazet, with the ultimate project of regaining the Holy Land. Soon after the arrival of the French force, there being no sign of the threatened approach of Bajazet, the king of Hungary held a council, in which were present the principal lords of France and the most influential Hungarian nobles[6]; when it was determined to cross the Danube, and march at once into Turkey. This is the council represented in the present illumination. The figures in bronze armour appear to be Hungarians; the other three on the opposite side are doubtless John of Burgundy, Count of Nevers; the Lord de Couci; and Philip of Artois, Count d’Eu. The water in the distance is, no doubt, intended for the Danube, and not the sea, which it better represents. The whole picture is, however, very carefully executed, and the group outside the tent extremely spirited and natural. A subsequent illumination upon the same subject will illustrate the fate of the expedition.[Pg 68][Pg 67]
The Dukes of Burgundy & Berri sitting in Council as Regents during the illness of Charles VIᵗʰ of France.
THE DUKES OF BURGUNDY AND BERRI—IN COUNCIL.
In the year 1393, Charles VI. was seized with a frenzy, or madness, during his expedition against the Duke of Brittany; and the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri, the King’s uncles, were, in a council[7] of the principal barons and prelates of the kingdom, appointed regents of the realm during the King’s illness. The illuminator has represented them as sitting in council; the figures in front appear to be members of the commonalty of Paris, who already began to assume an important position in the government; the figure on the left, enveloped in a blue mantle, is evidently intended for a fat and comfortable citizen; a lawyer and a prelate seem to be discussing some very knotty point with many words and gestures, but the two Dukes—the stern men of the sword—take the matter very quietly, and will evidently settle the question according to their own good caprice and interest. The artist has, on this occasion, been very correct in his heraldry: above the Duke of Burgundy is suspended a shield, bearing the ancient and modern arms of Burgundy, quarterly; ancient Burgundy, one and three, bends of or and azure within a bordure gules; modern Burgundy, two and four, azure sémé of fleur-de-lis or, within a bordure compony gules and argent. The arms of Berri were, as depicted, azure, three fleur-de-lis or, within a bordure engrailed gules, as borne by the last unfortunate Duke de Berri, assassinated at the door of the French opera in 1821.[Pg 72][Pg 71]
te eglise de romme chaprelxbn que scauces comment le roy d’allemaigue le roy de france et les seigneurs de lempire et tous leurs consaule furent en la cite de paris et eurent la entreuz pluiseus consaulx et secrets
THE EMPEROR OF GERMANY AND THE KING OF FRANCE SITTING IN COUNCIL UPON THE STATE OF THE CHURCH OF ROME.
The Emperor of Germany (Wenceslaus of Luxembourg) visited France, at the solicitation of Charles VI., for the purpose of consulting upon the best mode of terminating the schism of the Romish church, and of putting an end to the rivalry of the two popes of Avignon and Rome, by bringing about the abdication of one of them. It seems needless to add, that the negociations which followed, with such a view of the case, utterly failed.
The illumination represents the Emperor and King sitting in council; probably in the Cathedral of Rheims, where the principal consultations were held.
As a view of the interior of a cathedral, it is particularly interesting at the present time—the repairs and restoration of the Temple Church having called much attention to the polychromic effects produced by the architects of the middle ages, as it exhibits clearly the general and profuse adoption of positive colours and gilding to heighten architectural splendour. The vaulted ceiling of the nave is painted rich full brown, the groining being gilt; the ceiling of the choir is painted deep blue, equally enriched with gilding. This simple colouring of the illuminator exhibits the general effect of polychromic architecture as well as if he had elaborated the intricate devices by which the effects were more generally varied and enriched, and is a sufficient proof, if any sceptics yet remain to require it, that the architects of the middle ages, as well as their ancient Grecian predecessors, considered colour just as essential as form in a grand architectural whole.
The tapestry hung round the lower part of the walls, to the height of ten or twelve feet, is a part of the finish of our cathedral decorations which has, as yet, found no restorer. But it forms an essential feature in their general effect, as planned by their architects; and, ever since it was torn down by our puritanical[Pg 75] ancestors, those noble churches have assumed that cold and stony nakedness of aspect which was never intended by their great creators, and which destroys the air of well tended grandeur and richness they were intended to produce; giving, instead, an appearance of desolation and neglect.
It is quite apparent that the author of this miniature picture painted from what he saw, and that he was greatly impressed by the leading features of the monumental architecture of his day; for it will be observed that he has cut short the transept, reckless of proportion or perspective, for the express purpose of bringing into his picture the circular windows, with their elaborate tracery, one of the most splendid features of that phase of Gothic art.[Pg 77][Pg 76]
SIR JOHN FROISSART PRESENTING HIS BOOK TO RICHARD II.
Froissart, who originally came to England in the suite of Philippa of Hainault, queen of Edward III., returned, after an absence of twenty-seven years, in 1395, and was well received by Richard II., in recollection of his services and attachment to the Black Prince, his father, and to King Edward and Queen Philippa, his grandfather and grandmother.[8] Froissart relates, with an affecting and very pleasing naïveté, his renewal of old friendships after so long an absence, but is more particularly minute in his description of the interview with the King, when he presented his book of love poems, the romance of Meliador. He says, that “he (the king) opened it, and looked into it with much pleasure;” and continues, “he ought to have been pleased, for it was handsomely written and illuminated, and bound in crimson velvet, with ten silver gilt studs, and roses of the same in the middle, with two large clasps of silver gilt, richly worked with roses in the centre. The King asked me what the book treated of? I replied, ‘Of love!’ He was pleased with the answer, and dipped into several places, reading parts aloud, for he read and spoke French perfectly well, and then gave it to one of his knights, called Sir Richard Credon, to carry to his oratory,” &c. &c.
This illumination forms the frontispiece to Chapter 54.[Pg 81][Pg 80]
INTERVIEW OF RICHARD II. WITH THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER, AT THE CASTLE OF PLESHY.
The King had at this time great suspicion that his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, was plotting his deposition, which, whether true or false, enabled persons about the King to exasperate him greatly against his uncle, who determined to arrest him at once. This he feared to do openly, on account of the Duke’s popularity, and effected his purpose in the following manner:—Under pretence of deer-hunting, he went to a palace he had at Havering-at-the-Bower, in Essex: it is about twenty miles from London, and as many from Pleshy, where the Duke of Gloucester generally resided. The King set out from Havering one afternoon without many attendants, and arrived at Pleshy about five o’clock. He came so suddenly to the castle[9] that no one knew of it, until the porter cried out, “Here is the King!” The Duke, who was very temperate, and never sat long at his meals, had already supped, and immediately went out to greet the King; who, under pretence of a meeting with the citizens on the next morning, at which his presence would be advantageous, induced his uncle to accompany him unattended. The mode of the arrest is exhibited in another illumination, which will appear in our next number.
This illumination is a good example of the custom of taking out a portion of the wall, in order to exhibit an interior and exterior view at the same time. The grooms and attendants waiting in the castle-yard are full of character and spirit, and the interior of the apartment, exhibited to us by the bold excision of the illuminator, portrays very accurately the furniture and fittings of the time, and affords valuable hints to artists treating events of this period.[Pg 85][Pg 84]
THE RANSOM PAID TO BAJAZET FOR THE COUNT DE NEVERS, &c.
As related in the description of Plate XIV., the Hungarians, with the body of French, German, and English volunteers, invaded Turkey, and, after many successes of no serious consequence or advantage, laid siege to the city of Nicopolis. But Bajazet had in the mean time not been idle or afraid to attack them, as they supposed, but had been diligently occupied in raising a great army, and was now secretly advancing upon them, ordering a small body of eight thousand men to move forward in advance, as if they were the whole army; but, whenever they met the enemy, to fall back to the main body, which was then to extend as much as possible, enclosing the Christians, and crushing them by numbers.
On the Monday preceding Michaelmas-day, in the year 1396, the small body was perceived by the scouts of the French and Hungarians. The French lords received the information as they sat at dinner, and, somewhat heated with wine, hastened at once to the attack. The King of Hungary sent his marshal, Steulemschalle, to countermand an immediate attack, as he had received information which caused him to suspect the truth, and that the Turks wore in much greater numbers than appeared. But the impetuous Frenchmen were not to be restrained. They rushed upon the enemy with this small band of volunteers, in all not exceeding 700, it is said, and, after performing prodigies of valour, were all either cut to pieces or taken prisoners. The Hungarian army, seeing the French enclosed on all sides and destroyed, were seized with panic, and fled; great numbers being slain by the Turks in pursuit: in short, the rout was most complete, and the King and the Grand Master of Rhodes barely escaped.
Among the few survivors, now prisoners to Bajazet, were the Count de Nevers, the Counts d’Eu and de la Marche, the Lord Henri de Bar, the Lord de Coucy,[Pg 88] and Sir Guy de la Tremouille; these had been set aside by Bajazet, on account of the richness of their dresses, as apparently men of note, who would pay large ransoms; all the other prisoners were put to death in their presence, being brought forth in their shirts and cut to pieces without mercy: “upwards of three hundred gentlemen of different nations,” says Froissart, “were thus pitilessly murdered.” The Lord Boucicaut, Marshal of France, was led forth naked like the others, but spared on the intercession of the Count de Nevers, who threw himself at the feet of the Sultan, and succeeded in that instance in softening his anger, which was great in consequence of the severe loss he had sustained in the battle, full thirty of his own men having fallen for every Christian. The Count de Nevers and his remaining companions were eventually ransomed, but the Lord de Couci and the Count d’Eu both sunk under their misfortunes and died in Turkey, and the Lord Henry de Bar died on his journey back; so that few indeed returned from this disastrous campaign.
The illumination represents the payment of the ransom, and is remarkable, as well as some others relating to the same portion of the history, for the care with which the illuminator has adhered to the general features of Turkish costume in the dresses of the persons who are receiving and registering the money; this is the more singular, as in the apartment and other accessories there is no attempt at an Eastern character; but at that time, it may be supposed, that the turban and flowing robe were as much conventional and traditional appendages of a Turk, as the meagre legs, sharp features, and lace ruffles were of a Frenchman in the time of Hogarth.[Pg 90][Pg 89]
THE ARREST OF THE DUKE OF GLOUCESTER.
Richard II. having, as related in the description of Plate XVIII., decoyed his Uncle from his castle of Pleshy, under pretence of wishing his presence at a conference with the citizens, proceeds, conversing with him, towards London, when, on arriving at Stratford, at the top of a lane leading to the Thames, where an ambuscade had been prepared, he suddenly galloped forward, leaving the Duke behind, who was instantly surrounded by a body of men, under the command of the Earl Marshal, who said, “I arrest you in the King’s name!” The Duke, panic-struck on seeing himself thus betrayed, called loudly after the King, who, without turning his head, made off towards London, followed by his attendants. A boat was waiting in the river, and the Duke having been forced on board was carried over to Calais. Finding that he was closely imprisoned in the castle of Calais, he questioned the Earl Marshal as to the intentions of the King and the cause of his arrest. The Earl merely informed him that he must remain in banishment for a time; but the Duke suspected the worst, and requested a priest who had said mass before him, to confess him. His fears were not groundless; for Froissart relates, that, “on the point of sitting down to dinner, when the tables were laid and he was about to wash his hands, four men rushed out from an adjoining chamber, and, throwing a towel round his neck, strangled him.” This is not exactly the fact; as, by the subsequent confession of one of the murderers, it was known that he was smothered with pillows. It was given forth that the Duke of Gloucester had died in his bed at the castle of Calais, and the treacherous Earl Marshal, his near relative, put on mourning, as did all the knights and squires in Calais. Froissart tells us, that some believed and others disbelieved this story; but it is clear that it was generally disbelieved; for, among other acts of treachery, it no doubt led to his deposition, and, there is every reason to suspect, to a similar end.[Pg 93]
In the Illumination there is a happy attempt at expression, though not of the most elevated kind; it is, however, highly characteristic, particularly the features of the Duke calling anxiously to the King, whose supercilious nonchalance, as he coolly rides off, is very happily portrayed. The back ground, however, does not very felicitously represent the sort of country where an ambuscade or surprise could be executed with very good effect, and looks exceedingly like the suburbs of a Dutch or Flemish village of the present day.[Pg 94]
RICHARD II. SETTING OUT ON HIS EXPEDITION TO IRELAND.
A truce having been finally agreed upon between England and France, it was determined in the English Council, in the year 1394, that the opportunity should not be lost of making an attempt to completely subdue the Irish, which the King’s grandfather, Edward III., with all his military energy had not been able to effect, partly in consequence of the numerous wars in other quarters, in which he was engaged at the same time. Richard II. carried over an army of 4,000 men-at-arms and 30,000 archers, such a force as had never been seen in Ireland; and, with the assistance of his Uncles, who accompanied him, and the Earl of Ormond, who held large estates in that part of the country under English dominion, succeeded in subduing four kings or chiefs, who acknowledged his supremacy, and came to reside at Dublin. But it appears by Froissart’s description that they were little more than savages. It seems, however, that our chronicler shared the common prejudices that existed then, and, unfortunately, exist still against poor Ireland; for he says, among other things, in treating of their mode of warfare, that “they have pointed knives, with broad blades, sharp on both sides, with which they kill their enemies; but they never consider them as dead until they have out their throats like sheep, and opened them and taken out their hearts, which they carry off with them; and some say, who are well acquainted with their manners, that they devour them as delicious morsels.”[10]
The Illumination is peculiarly spirited, both in execution and arrangement, and the costumes are made out with sufficient accuracy to render them highly valuable as authorities. The picture represents the King at the head of his army, just issuing, apparently, from one of the ancient gates of London.[Pg 98][Pg 97]
THE VISION OF ROBERT L’ERMITE.
Robert Mennot, a squire of the country of Caux, in Normandy, a man whom Froissart describes as “of religious and holy life,” caused, about this time, much discussion upon the subject of a vision which he declared he had seen during a storm at sea, on his return from Syria. He described the vision as like a figure as bright as crystal, which said, “Robert, thou shalt escape from this peril, as well as thy companions for thy sake, for God has favourably heard thy prayers: he orders thee by me to return to France as speedily as thou canst, and instantly on thy arrival to wait on the king, and relate what has befallen thee. Thou wilt tell him to listen to peace with his adversary the King of England, for their wars have lasted too long. Do thou interfere boldly when conferences shall be holden to treat of peace between King Charles and King Richard, for thou shalt be heard; and all those who shall in any way oppose or prevent peace from taking effect, shall dearly pay for their wickedness in their lifetime.”
He had several interviews upon the subject of his vision with the King of France and his Council, and was present at a conference to treat of peace, where he spoke eloquently in its favour; but the Duke of Gloucester and some others were sceptical, and declared the whole a cheat. Nevertheless, his influence was considerable; and, by order of the King of France, he passed over to England, where he was well received by the Court of Richard II. He had many private interviews with the King, and his uncles the Dukes of York, Lancaster, and Gloucester; but the latter still continued incredulous. Robert the Hermit returned to France, laden with presents, after a month’s sojourn at the English Court.
The vision is exhibited in the illumination after the true conventional style of Catholic legends. The ship and figures in the foreground, with the deeply serpentine waves, forcibly call to mind old engravings in some of our early printed Bibles,[Pg 101] which point to the source of such illustrations in the Catholic missals and illuminated Bibles, from which, with slight alteration, they were frequently copied.
The border is taken from another part of the volume, the one attached to the present subject being very similar to one already given. In the present border the arms of De Commines occur again, and, in this instance, on “a field of France,” as though under the protection of that power.[Pg 102]
THE LORD DE LA RIVIERE.
One of the first acts of the regency of the Dukes of Burgundy and Berri was the imprisonment of nearly all the King’s late ministers and advisers, against whom many heavy charges were brought, but few proved. Sir Oliver de Clisson had the good fortune to receive timely information, and effect his escape. But the Lord de la Riviere and Sir John le Mercier were seized and thrown into prison, and all their estates confiscated. Their subsequent pardon is thus related by Froissart[11]:—
“The Lord de la Riviere and Sir John le Mercier, after having been carried from prison to prison, and to different castles, were at last given up to the provost of the Châtelet, and in daily expectation of being put to death, through the hatred of the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy and their advisers. They had been in this melancholy state for more than two years, without the King being able to assist them. He, however, would not consent to their execution; and the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy perceived that the Duke of Orleans strongly befriended them. The Duchess of Berry was incessant in her entreaties with her lord in their favour, more particularly for the Lord de la Riviere; but they could not condemn one without the other, for they were both implicated in the same accusation. The solicitations of many worthy persons, added to the justice of their cause, were of much weight; and several of the great Barons of France thought they had now sufficiently suffered, and should be set at liberty; for that Sir John le Mercier had wept so continually when in prison, his sight was weakened so, that he could scarcely see, and it was currently reported he was quite blind.
“At length there was an end put to their sufferings; for the King, although he had consented to their imprisonment, for reasons which had been given him,[Pg 105] granted them this pardon, deferring further enquiry into what had been laid to their charge until a future opportunity, and when he should be more fully informed. All his lands and castles were restored to the Lord de la Riviere; and, in the first instance, the beautiful castle of Auneau, near Chartres, on the borders of Beauce; but he was ordered thither, and never to recross the river Seine, unless recalled by the King’s own mouth.
“Sir John le Mercier returned to his fine house of Noviant, of which he bore the title as Lord, in the Laonnois; and he had similar orders not to repass the rivers Seine, Marne or Oise, unless specially commanded by the King.
“They also bound themselves to go to whatever prison they might hereafter be ordered to by the King or his commissioners.
“The two Lords thankfully accepted this grace, and were rejoiced to be delivered from the Châtelet. On gaining their liberty, they thought they should be allowed to see the King, and thank him for his mercy; but it was not so: they were forced to quit Paris instantly, and set out for their different estates.
“They, however, gained their liberty, to the great joy of all who were attached to them.”
Among the figures in this illumination, that of the jailor is extremely characteristic; it is a happy impersonation of the jailor of all times, and might serve nearly as well for the representative of Dickens’s well-known Dennis, the hangman, with his knotted stick, as for the jailor of the Lord de la Riviere, near five centuries ago.[Pg 106]
THE CORONATION OF HENRY IV.
On the last day of September, 1399, Henry Duke of Lancaster held a parliament at Westminster, at which were assembled the clergy, nobility, and deputies from different towns, according to their extent or wealth. In this parliament the Duke challenged the Crown of England, and claimed it as his own, for three reasons: first, by conquest; secondly, from being the right heir to it; and, thirdly, from the free resignation of it to him by King Richard. The parliament, being unanimous in his favour, was then dissolved; and the coronation took place in Westminster Abbey on the 13th of October.
The procession consisted of between eight and nine hundred horsemen, &c. &c.; and fountains of red and white wine were constantly playing along Cheapside and in the neighbourhood of the Abbey. The whole of the ceremony is described in a minute and interesting manner by Froissart.[12]
The illumination is one of the most rich and carefully executed in the volume, and forms a most interesting illustration of the ceremonial pageantry of the period.[Pg 110][Pg 109]
THE MEETING OF THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY WITH THE EARL OF DERBY AT PARIS.
The Earl of Derby was still in banishment, on account of his quarrel with the Earl Marshal, when the citizens of London determined, in consequence of many grievances, to attempt the removal of King Richard from the throne; and sent the Archbishop of Canterbury as their ambassador to the Earl, who was residing at Paris, proposing to him to return to England, and assume the government of the country. Froissart states, that, when the Earl of Derby heard the proposition from the Archbishop, he did not immediately reply, “but, leaning on a window that looked into the gardens, mused a while, having various thoughts in his mind.” He at length turned, and replied somewhat evasively, in a speech which our chronicler gives at full length. The Archbishop then recommended calling a council of his most intimate friends, which advice was adopted; and the council being unanimously in favour of accepting the proposals of the citizens of London, it was determined that he should immediately leave France by way of Brittany, under pretence of a visit to the Duke, who was his uncle by marriage. “To shorten the matter,” says Froissart, “the Earl managed his affairs with much discretion, and took leave of the King and all the Lords who were then at court; and, on his departure, made very handsome presents to the King’s officers, as he was bounden to do, and to the heralds and minstrels resident in Paris, who attended the farewell supper he gave at the Hotel de Clisson, to such of the French Knights as chose to partake of it.”
The miniature, which represents the meeting of the Archbishop and the Earl, is very richly coloured and carefully executed, particularly in the gilding; the gold employed about the fire, and in representing sparks in the smoke, being introduced[Pg 113] with remarkably happy effect. The plan of the fire-place is very accurately made out, and might suggest, perhaps, something in modern arrangements, as it seems, by means of the projecting canopy, to combine the advantages of an open grate with those of a stove, for it is not sunk in the wall like modern grates, by which much heat is lost in the chimney, but, on the contrary, stands out nearly as forward as a detached stove, by which a great economy of heat is effected.[Pg 115][Pg 114]
WILLIAM OF HAINAULT SETTING OUT ON HIS EXPEDITION AGAINST FRIESLAND.
The duke Albert of Bavaria, and his son the count d’Ostrevant, having determined to invade Friesland and attempt its conquest, proclaiming that they had a lawful claim on it, raised a large army for that purpose. The king of France sent five hundred lances to their assistance; and Richard II. of England, also anxious to show his good feeling towards his cousin the count d’Ostrevant, sent two hundred archers and a body of men-at-arms, under the command of three knights of repute, two of whom were named Colleville and Cornewall; the name of the third was unknown to Froissart[13].
The Frieslanders in the meantime had determined to die with their liberty, rather than submit to any lord whatsoever; but the odds against them were fearful, as they could only raise an army of about thirty thousand men, the greater part having no other arms than hatchets or such like rude weapons, whilst Froissart tells us, that, had the fleet which bore their enemies to their shores been ranged in a line, it would have reached from Enchysen, where they embarked, to Kuynder, whence they intended to effect their landing—a distance of twelve leagues. In fact, the army of invaders amounted to upwards of one hundred thousand men. After an obstinate battle the Frieslanders were defeated with cruel slaughter; but in consequence of that want of continuity of plan and action which characterises nearly all the European wars of the middle ages, this victory led to no important results; and, after burning a few villages, the army re-embarked and returned to Lower Friesland to pass the winter.
The simple and natural arrangement of the line of armed men and their banners,[Pg 118] with which the Gothic artist has formed his miniature picture, might afford some useful hints to modern designers of cartoons; the simplicity is perhaps carried too far, but then it is free from the great vices of the modern schools, such as overstrained attitudes, exaggerated expression, fantastic, affected, and unnatural grouping, and artificial or rather theatrical effects of sudden light and shade. Without imitating the defects of these early practitioners of the art, a study of their earnest and unaffected simplicity of treatment might add much of that nobleness and repose of effect which is so deficient in modern historical pictures, and which ought to be one of their principal qualities. The contrivance by which the illuminator has in the small space of his miniature conveyed the idea of the passing of a large army, by means of the crowded line, or rather stream, of helmets, just seen over the steep banks of the hollow way through which they are passing, might certainly be improved to very good effect.[Pg 119]