[82] Sp. P. i. 382, 385, 403, 451, 545.

[83] S. P. D., Jac. I, vi. 21; xii. 16; Winwood, iii. 155; P. L. de Kermaingant, Mission de Christophe de Harlay, 173, 252; De la Boderie, Ambassades, i. 240, 262, 271, 277, 291, 353; iii. 1-192 passim; V. P. x. 139, 149, 212, 234, 388, 408; xi. 83, 86, 212. I have given some details in relation to the masks in ch. xxiii; cf. also ch. vi. There is a connected narrative of the Franco-Spanish disputes in M. Sullivan, Court Masques of James I, which perhaps lays insufficient stress on incidents occurring at state ceremonies and tilts as distinct from masks.

[84] 22 George III, c. 82.

[85] Stubbs, i. 382; Round, 68, 76, 82, 112, 140; Tout, 67. By Elizabeth's accession the High Stewardship and High Constableship had reverted to the Crown, and the offices were only temporarily conferred for occasions of state. The Great Chamberlainship was de iure in the same position, but was accepted under a misunderstanding as hereditary in the house of De Vere, Earls of Oxford. The Chief Butlership was hereditary in the house of Fitzalan, Earls of Arundel, and the Earl Marshalship in that of Howard, Dukes of Norfolk. It reverted on the attainder of Thomas 4th Duke in 1572. On 28 Dec. 1597 it was conferred on Robert Earl of Essex, and after his execution on 25 Feb. 1601 was placed in commission. These great offices, granted as hereditaments, are to be distinguished from serjeanties, or grants of land per servientiam to the holders of minor household posts, which thus became hereditary. Grants of serjeanties ceased early in the thirteenth century, and the only household duties exercised by their holders in the sixteenth century were formal ones on special occasions.

[86] The derivation is through the French from O. H. G. marascalh (marah, horse; scalh, servant). Round, 84, traces an early connexion of the marshal with the stable.

[87] A Squire of the Body held the office of Master of the Horse in 1480 (Nicolas, Wardrobe Accts. of Ed. IV). The term 'Master', generally applied to heads of offices in the outer ring of the Household, does not seem to be of very early origin. It probably replaces the fourteenth-century 'Serjeant'. Sir Thomas Cawarden got a 'Mastership' of the Revels in 1544, as he 'did mislyke to be tearmed a Seriaunt because of his better countenaunce of roome and place beinge of the kinges maiesties privye Chamber' (Tudor Revels, 2). The Mastership of the Horse was held by Lord Robert Dudley, afterwards Earl of Leicester (11 Jan. 1559-87), Robert Earl of Essex (23 Dec. 1587-25 Feb. 1601), Edward Somerset, 4th Earl of Worcester (deputy Dec. 1597; Master 21 Apr. 1601-2 Jan. 1616), Sir George Villiers, afterwards Duke of Buckingham (3 Jan. 1616). The appointment, like that of other 'Masters', but unlike that of the Chamberlain and Steward, was by patent and carried a fee of 1,000 marks (£666 13s. 4d.). Amongst the lesser Stable officers were the royal Footmen, whom we might expect to find in the Chamber.

[88] H. O. 19, 55.

[89] For the functions of Hall officers, as understood in the fifteenth century, cf. the 'courtesy' books, especially J. Russell's Boke of Nurture, the anonymous Boke of Kervynge and Boke of Curtesye (Furnivall, Babee's Book), and R. W. Chambers, A Fifteenth-Century Courtesy Book.

[90] The Treasurers of the Household were Sir Thomas Cheyne (1558-9), Sir Thomas Parry (1559-70), Sir Francis Knollys (1570-96), Roger Lord North (1596-1600), Sir William Knollys, afterwards Lord Knollys (1602-16); the Comptrollers, Sir Thomas Parry (1558-9), Sir Edward Rogers (1559-67), Sir James Croft (1570-90), Sir William Knollys (1596-1602), Sir Edward Wotton, afterwards Lord Wotton (1602-16); cf. D. N. B., passim (with some errors); Dasent, vii. 3, 43; V. P. vii. 1; Sp. P. ii. 227; Wright, i. 355; Sadleir Papers, ii. 368; Carew Correspondence (C.S.), 152.

[91] The Lords Steward were Henry Earl of Arundel (1558-64), William Earl of Pembroke (1567-70), Edward Earl of Lincoln (1581-4), Robert Earl of Leicester (1585-8), Henry Earl of Derby (1588-93), Charles Earl of Nottingham (1597-1615), Ludovick Duke of Lennox and afterwards Richmond (1615-24); cf. Dasent, xxviii. 60, 107; S. P. D. Eliz. clxxiii. 94; Stowe, 664; Sc. P. ix. 611; Sp. P. i. 18, 368, 631; ii. 239, 455; iv. 122; V. P. vii. 3; Hatfield MSS. i. 452; xi. 478; Sydney Papers, ii. 75, 77; Hawarde, 84; Camden (trans.), 124, 226, 373, and James, 14; La Mothe Fénelon, ii. 332; iv. 437; v. 60; Goodman, i. 178, 191; Cheyney, 28; Lords Journals, i. 543, 581; ii. 21, 62, 64, 116, 146, 169, 192, 227, &c.; Wright, Arthur Hall, 194-7.

[92] Larson, 132; J. H. Round, The Officers of Edward the Confessor in E. H. R. xix. 90.

[93] Hist. Mon. Abingdon, ii. 43.

[94] Constitutio Domus Regis in H. Hall, Red Book of Exchequer, iii. 807; Hearne, Liber Niger Scaccarii, i. 352: 'Magister Camerarius par est Dapifero in lib[er]acione ... Camerarius qui vice sua servit, ii solid. in die ... Camerarius Candelae, viiiᵈ in die ... Camerarii sine liberacione in domo comedent, si voluerint'; cf. Stubbs, i. 391; Poole, 96; Round, 62.

[95] Round, 112.

[96] Fleta, ii. 2: 'Auditis querimoniis iniuriarum in aula regia audire et terminare [Senescallum], assumptis sibi Camerario, hostiario, vel marescallo aulae militibus, vel aliquo illorum, si omnes interesse non possint'; ii. 6: 'Camerarius autem et subminister Camerarii a jurisdictione Senescalli et Marescalli exempti sunt, veluti omnes garderobarii ut in quibusdam; non enim extendit se iurisdictio Senescalli ad modica delicta Camerariorum vel garderobariorum audienda vel terminanda, eo quod ex consuetudine hospitii sunt exempti, dum tamen illi de quibus exigi contigerit curiae coram Senescallo Cameris Regis et Reginae, et garderobae assidue sunt intendentes; sed coram ipsis Thesaurario et Camerario audiantur querimoniae de huiusmodi ministris et subditis suis, et terminabuntur, praesente tamen clerico Regis ad placita aulae deputato; ita quod de finibus et amerciamentis ex huiusmodi placitis provenientibus nihil Regi depereat.'

[97] Flores Historiarum, iii. 194; cf. Fleta, ii. 16.

[98] Tout, 12, 68, 169. The 'Seneschal' and 'chambirleyne' are on the same footing as regards fees and allowances in the ordinances of 1318 (Tout, 270). They are knights, and may be bannerets.

[99] Fleta, ii. 6: 'Debet enim Camerarius decenter disponere pro lecto Regis, et ut Camerae tapetis et banqueriis ornentur, et quod ignes sufficienter fiant in caminis, et providere ne ullus defectus inveniatur quatenus officium suum contigerit'; ii. 7: 'Foeda autem Camerarii sunt haec, parata sibi debent esse quaecunque pro corpore suo sint necessaria; videlicet, cibus, potus, busca, et candela; et de caeteris foedis sic statuitur. Camerarii Domini Regis habeant de caetero ab Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, et aliis personis Ecclesiasticis, Comitibus, Baronibus, et aliis integram Baroniam tenentibus, rationabilem finem, cum pro Baroniis suis homagium fecerint aut fidelitatem; et si partem teneant Baroniae, tunc rationabilem finem capiant secundum portionem ipsos contingentem.... Permissum est etiam quod Camerarius ex antiqua consuetudine habeat omnia vetera banqueria et tapetos, curtinas et lecta Regis, nec non et omnia ornamenta Camerae usitata et derelicta, et de omnibus exeniis Regi factis Cameram ingredientibus, dum tamen de victualibus aliquam portionem.'

[100] Nicolas, P. C. vi. ccxix.

[101] H. O. 31 (1478): 'A chamberlayn for the King in household, the grete officer sitting in the Kinges chambre.... He presenteth, chargeth, and dischargeth all suche persounes as be of the Kinges chaumbre, except all suche officers of household, as ministre for any vytayle for the Kinges mouthe, or for his chambre; for all those take theire charge at the grene cloth in the countynghouse. This is the chief hed of rulers in the Kinges chambre.... Item, he hath the punition of all them that are longing to the chaumber for any offence or outrage.... The Chaumberlayne taketh his othe and staffe of the King or of his counsayle; he shall at no tyme within this courte be covered in his service.... Within the Kinges gates, no man shall harborow or assigne but this chambyrlayn or ussher, or suche under hym of the King's chambre havyng theyr power. This chamberlayn besyly to serche and oversee the King's chambres, and the astate made therein, to be according, first for all the array longing to his proper royall person, for his proper beddes, for his proper boarde at meale tymes, for the diligent doyng in servyng thereof to his honour and pleasure; to assigne kervers, cupbearers, assewers, phisitians, almoners, knyghts, or other wurshypfull astate for the towell, and for the basyn squires of the body to be attendaunt'; 116 (1493): 'In the absence of the chamberlaine, the usher shall have the same power to command in like manner; alsoe, it is right necessarie for the chamberlaine and ushers to have ever in remembrance all the highe festival dayes in the yeare, and all other tymes, what is longing to their office, that they bee not to seeke when neede is; for they shall have many lookers-on. And such thinges as the ushers know not, lett them resort unto the chamberlaine, and aske his advice at all tymes therein; and soe the ushers bee excused, and the chamberlaine to see that hee reveale himselfe at all tymes, that hee may bee beloved and feared of all such as belong to the chamber.'

[102] Goodman, i. 178, speaking of Hunsdon's time: 'The lord chamberlain, there being at that time no lord steward, is the greatest governor in the King's house; he disposeth of all things above stairs, he hath a greater command of the King's guard than the captains hath, he makes all the chaplains, chooseth most of the King's servants, and all the pursuivants; there being then no dean of the King's chapel, he disposeth of all in the chapel.'

[103] Young, Mary Sidney, 16, gives from Sydney Papers, i. 271, and manuscripts several letters of 1574-8 from Lady Sidney to Lord Chamberlain Sussex about her accommodation at court. Heneage reported to Hatton on 2 Apr. 1585 (Nicolas, Hatton, 415) the Queen's anger with the Lord Chamberlain for allowing Raleigh to be put in Hatton's lodging. Lord Hunsdon apologizes to Sir Robert Cecil for his ill lodging in 1594 (Hatfield MSS. iv. 504).

[104] Cf. ch. iv.

[105] Cf. App. F. Secretary Walsingham in 1590 refers an applicant for an audience to the Lord Chamberlain, 'who otherwise will conceave, as he doth alreadie, that I seke to drawe those matters from him' (Hatfield MSS. iv. 3).

[106] Sp. P. ii. 606. The default was at the reception of Alençon's envoys in Aug. 1578. The Calendar makes Sussex 'Lord Steward', but the original (Documentos Inéditos, xci. 270) has 'gran Camarero'. In 1582, at the reception of a lord mayor, 'some young gentilman, being more bold than well mannered, did stand upon the carpett of the clothe of estate, and did allmost leane upon the queshions. Her Highnes found fault with my Lord Chamberlayn and Mʳ Vice-Chamberlayn, and with the Gentlemen Ushers, for suffering such disorders' (Fleetwood to Burghley in Wright, ii. 174).

[107] Cf. ch. vi, p. 205, on the misadventure of Jonson and Sir John Roe in 1603; also Jonson's Irish Mask (1613), 12, 'Ish it te fashion to beate te imbasheters here, and knoke 'hem o' te heads phit te phoit stick?', and Beaumont and Fletcher, Maid's Tragedy (c. 1611), 1. ii. 44, 'I cannot blame my lord Calianax for going away: would he were here! he would run raging amongst them, and break a dozen wiser heads than his own in the twinkling of an eye'. John Chamberlain says of Comptroller Sir Thomas Edmondes in 1617 (Birch, i. 385), 'They say he doth somewhat too much flourish and fence with his staves, whereof he hath broken two already, not at tilt, but stickling at the plays this Christmas', and Osborne, James, 75, of Philip, Earl of Pembroke, that 'he was intolerable choleric and offensive, and did not refrain, whilst he was Chamberlain, to break many wiser heads than his own [vide supra]: Mʳ. May that translated Lucan having felt the weight of his staff: which had not his office and the place, being the Banqueting-house, protected, I question whether he would ever have struck again'. This was in Feb. 1634 (Strafford Papers, i. 207).

[108] Machyn, 183, of Mary's funeral, 'All the offesers whent to the grayffe, and after brake ther stayffes, and cast them into the grayffe'; Gawdy, Letters, 128, of Elizabeth's, 'I saw all the whit staves broken uppon ther heades'.

[109] Lord Chamberlains Books, 811, ff. 178, 206, 236, contains warrants to the Wardrobe for the liveries of Lord Sussex, Lord Howard, and George Lord Hunsdon. The fee of £16 appears in a memorandum of 1606-7 (Nichols, James, ii. 125).

[110] The ordinary books of reference give a very inaccurate list of Elizabethan Chamberlains. I have collected the evidence in M. S. C. i. 31.

[111] Goodman, i. 178, says that Hunsdon was 'ever reputed a very honest man, but a very passionate man, a great swearer, and of little eminency'. Naunton (ed. Arber, 46) gives a similar account.

[112] Stowe, Annals, 936; Birch, James, i. 336; Wotton, Letters, ii. 40, 41.

[113] V. P. xiv. 65; Camden, James, 14.

[114] Birch, James, i. 382; Camden, James, 15; V. P. xiv. 100. Philip Herbert himself became Earl of Pembroke at his brother's death on 10 Apr. 1630. He took the parliamentary side in politics, and surrendered his staff on 23 July 1641. Robert Devereux, third Earl of Essex, although also a parliamentarian, succeeded him from 24 July 1641 to 12 Apr. 1642 (L. Ch. Records, v. 96).

[115] M. S. C. i. 34, 40. Howard of Effingham is described in the Revels Accounts (Feuillerat, Eliz. 238) as 'my L. Chamberlayne the L. Haward' on 5 Dec. 1574, and more precisely in the Chamber Order Book of Worcester as 'Lord Chamberlayn in the absence of the E. of Sussex' in Aug. 1575 (Nichols, Eliz. i. 533).

[116] Nicolas, P. C. vi. ccxxi; cf. p. 37.

[117] Dasent, vii. 3, 43; Wright, i. 355; La Mothe, v. 60; Sadleir Papers, ii. 368, 410; Sydney Papers, ii. 89, 198, 216; Chamberlain, 100; D. N. B.

[118] Hearne, Liber Niger Scaccarii, i. 352, 'Portator lecti Regis in domo comedet, & homini suo iii ob. & i summarium cum liberacione sua'; cf. H. O. 39, 42, 251. These Wardrobes were distinct, alike from the Great Wardrobe and from the standing Wardrobes, to which the furniture of the permanently equipped palaces was committed (H. O. 262).

[119] H. O. 39.

[120] Carlisle, 11, assigns the institution of the Gentlemen to Henry VII, but this is inconsistent with the official document of 1638 printed by him (112), which definitely refers it to Henry VIII. He also gives from Addl. MS. 5758, ff. 263ᵛ, 269ᵛ, a list described by him as of Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber at the time of the King's 'French expedition, in 1513'. But in the manuscript the list is simply headed 'The Kinges prevy chamber'; it is part of an enumeration of 'the King's Trayne to Bulloyne', is not dated 1513, and probably belongs to 1544. Similarly a list of Gentlemen, printed by Brewer, ii. 871, from Royal MS. 7, F. xiv. 100, and dated by him 1516, proves on scrutiny to be certainly later than 1520, and may therefore be later still, while a number of alleged grants to Gentlemen and Grooms of the Privy Chamber between 1510 and 1514 (Brewer, i. 148, 195, 205, 280, 364, 748) may be seen by comparison with other entries for some of the same personages (i. 11, 18, 91, 96, 113, 243, 410, 425, 448, 493, 600, 612) to be merely due to bad abstracting. Evidently Brewer, when working upon his first volume, had not distinguished between a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber and a Gentleman Usher of the Chamber, or between a Groom of the Privy Chamber and a Groom of the Chamber. The first clear example of Grooms and Pages of the Privy Chamber which I have come across is in a military list of June 1513 (Brewer, i. 634). Here there are no Gentlemen, but in Sept. 1518 a parallel list of French and English names (Brewer, ii. 1357) has a section of Gentlemen of the Chamber, in which occur, besides French names, those of Sir E. Nevell, Arthur Poole, Nicolas Carewe, Francis Brian, Henry Norris, William Coffyn. I believe the categories of this list to be French rather than English. In 1520 (Brewer, iii. 244) a Chamber list gives the names of four squires for the body followed by 'William Cary in the Privy Chamber', and in the same year a list of quarterly wages due from the Treasurer of the Chamber (Brewer, iii. 408) has, besides four Grooms of the Privy Chamber at 50s. each, 'Henry Norris and William Caree of the privy chamber' at £8 6s. 8d. each. On the other hand, a list of Chamber officers of 1526, probably just before the Eltham Articles (Lord Steward's Misc. 299, f. 153), has still no Gentlemen, though it has Grooms of the Privy (here called 'King's') Chamber. As I read these facts, the distinction between the Outer and the Privy Chamber was made in Henry VII's reign or early in Henry VIII's. The Grooms were then divided into two classes. But the institution of the Gentlemen was later and apparently upon a French model. At first, about 1520, one or two Squires were personally assigned to attendance in the Privy Chamber. Then the arrangement was regulated, and a definite class of Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber established, by the Eltham Articles in 1526. As to status, the duties of the Gentlemen seem to have been in practice much those of the Squires of Household in the Liber Niger (1478), which were probably already exercised by Chaucer in the same capacity a century before. 'These Esquiers of houshold of old be accustumed, wynter and somer, in aftyrnoones and in eveninges, to drawe to lordes chambres within courte, there to kepe honest company aftyr theyre cunnynge, in talkyng of cronycles of kings and of other polycyes, or in pypeyng, or harpyng, syngyng, or other actes martialles, to help occupy the courte, and accompany straungers, tyll the tyme require of departing' (H. O. 46). Stowe (Annales, 565), describing the coronation of Anne Boleyn in 1533, calls the Gentlemen 'Esquires of Honour'. Their precedence under Elizabeth was after that of the Esquires of the Body (Carlisle, 86). On the other hand, some of the Gentlemen appointed in 1526 had been Knights of the Body, and the office of Knight of the Body appears shortly after to have become obsolete. Knights are included as chamber officers in the Elizabethan fee lists, but I can find no evidence that any were in fact appointed.

[121] The Grooms were distinguished from the Gentlemen in the post-Restoration court (Chamberlayne, 247) by not wearing sword, cloak, or hat in the Chamber.

[122] Constitutio Domus Regis (c. 1135) in Hearne, Liber Niger Scaccarii, i. 356, 'Hostiarius Camerae unaquaque die, quo Rex iter agit, iiijᵈ ad lectum Regis'; cf. H. O. 37, and p. 37, supra. On the etiquette of Bedchamber service, as inherited from the fifteenth century, cf. Furnivall, Babee's Book, 175, 313.

[123] The feminine posts do not appear in the fee lists. Lansd. MS. lix, f. 43, gives (c. 1588) two ladies at 50 marks (£33 6s. 8d.) and one at £20 as 'The Bed chamber', five at 50 marks as 'Gentlewomen of yᵉ privey Chamber', and four at £20 as 'Chamberers'. The term 'The Queen's Women' appears in the list of liveries for Elizabeth's funeral. Beyond these there were probably only a few women, e. g. a 'lawndrys', employed at court; cf. Cheyney, i. 18. In the New Year Gift lists the official women are mixed up with wives of men officers and others in attendance at court.

[124] Katharine Astley seems to have been First Lady in 1562 (Nichols, Eliz. i. 116), Katharine Howard, afterwards Lady Howard of Effingham, from 1572-87 (Sloane MS. 814; Nichols, i. 294; ii. 65, 251; Sp. P. ii. 661), and Dorothy Lady Stafford in 1587 (Sp. P. iv. 14). But Mary Ratcliffe had charge of the jewels from July 1587 to the end of Elizabeth's reign (Nichols, iii. 1, 445; Egerton Papers, 313; S. P. D. Jac. I, i. 79; Addl. MS. 5751, f. 222; Royal MS. Appendix, 68), apparently in succession to Blanche Parry.

[125] For the white dresses, cf. App. F; Sydney Papers, ii. 170; S. P. D. Eliz. cclxxxii. 48 (vol. iv, p. 114); L. Cust in Trans. Walpole Soc. iii. 12; for the lodging in the Coffer Chamber, doubtless where the 'sweet coffers' were kept, Sydney Papers, ii. 38. Elizabeth's predecessors, at least from the reign of Edward II (Tout, 280; cf. H. O. 44), had maintained some of the young lads who were royal wards at court under the name of Henchmen, but on 11 Dec. 1565 Francis Alen wrote to Lord Shrewsbury (Lodge, i. 438), 'Her Highness hath of late, whereat some do much marvel, dissolved the ancient office of the Henchmen'.

[126] This may be exemplified from the histories of Robert Dudley and Mrs. Cavendish, of Walter Raleigh and Elizabeth Throgmorton, of Robert Tyrwhitt and Bridget Manners, of Southampton and Elizabeth Vernon, of Essex and Elizabeth Brydges, Mary Howard, Elizabeth Russell and Elizabeth Southwell, and of Pembroke and Mary Fitton.

[127] Nichols, Eliz. ii. 24; Sp. P. i. 45; ii. 675.

[128] Philip Henslowe (ch. xi), George Bryan (ch. xv), and John Singer (ch. xv) were Grooms, and Anthony Munday (ch. xxii) and possibly Lawrence Dutton (ch. xv) Messengers of the Chamber.

[129] Cf. ch. iv. I doubt whether the Harbingers were originally Chamber officers, but they seem to be so classed under Henry VIII (H. O. 169) and in the Elizabethan fee lists.

[130] An order of 1493 'for all night' is in H. O. 109; Pegge, ii. 16, has a long account of the same usage in the post-Restoration Household. John Lyly (ch. xxiii) and Sir George Buck (ch. iii) were Esquires of the Body. A brawl in 1598 between the Earl of Southampton and Ambrose Willoughby, who was in charge of the Presence Chamber as Esquire of the Body after the Queen had gone to bed, is recorded in Sydney Papers, ii. 83.

[131] H. O. 33 (c. 1478), 'In the noble Edwardes [Ed. III] dayes worshipfull esquires did this servyce, but now thus for the more worthy'.

[132] At Elizabeth's funeral the Earl of Shrewsbury had a livery as Cupbearer and the Earl of Sussex as Carver.

[133] Cf. App. F.

[134] Philip Henslowe (ch. xi) became a Sewer of the Chamber.

[135] Brewer, ii. 871 (assigned to 1516, but probably later than 1526). The livery list for Elizabeth's coronation includes 7 Ladies of the Privy Chamber 'without wages' and 11 others 'extraordinary', 4 'ordinary' Esquires of the Body, and 6 Gentlemen Waiters (i. e. of the Privy Chamber) 'unplaced'; that for her funeral 16 Grooms of the Chamber 'in ordinarie' and 23 'extraordinary, but daily attendant', 5 Pages of the Chamber 'in ordinary' and 3 'extraordinary', and a number of Esquires of the Body and Sewers of the Chamber far in excess of anything contemplated by the fee lists.

[136] Batiffol, 93, describes a similar practice in the French household.

[137] Cf. ch. xiii (Queen's, King's).

[138] Philip Henslowe (ch. xi) seems to have passed from the 'extraordinary' to the 'ordinary' status as Groom of the Chamber.

[139] Pegge, v. 49. There were 'xx servientes, unusquisque jᵈ in die' in the Domus of Henry I (Hearne, Liber Niger Scaccarii, i. 356).

[140] Pegge, iii; Tout, 304 (1318): 'Item xxiiij archers a pee, garde corps le roi, qirrount deuaunt le roi en cheminant par pays'; H. O. 38 (1478).

[141] Sir Christopher Hatton was Captain of the Guard 1572-87, Sir Walter Raleigh 1587-1603, Sir Thomas Erskine, afterwards Viscount Fenton (1605) and Earl of Kelly (1619), 1603-32.

[142] Halle, i. 14; ii. 294; Pegge, ii. An Elizabethan book of orders for the Pensioners (1601) is in H. O. 276.

[143] Cf. App. F.

[144] On the development of the Secretaries, cf. Tout, 175; Davies, 228; Nicolas, P. C. vi, xcvii; Cheyney, i. 43; R. H. Gretton, The King's Government, 25; L. H. Dibben, Secretaries in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries (E. H. R. xxv. 430).

[145] On the Chapel, cf. ch. xii, s.v.

[146] Payments on account of Robert Grene, a court fool, appear in the Privy Purse Accounts for 1559-69 (Nichols, i. 264). Apparently the post was hereditary; a warrant of 1567 for the clothes of 'Jack Grene our foole' is in Addl. MS. 35328. C. C. Stopes, Elizabeth's Fools and Dwarfs (Shakespeare's Environment, 269), adds from a Wardrobe book of 1577-1600 (Lord Chamb. Books, v. 36) 'Thomasina', a dwarf or muliercula, and from another (Lord Chamb. Books, v. 34) 'The Foole', 'William Shenton our Foole', 'Ipolyta the Tartarian', 'an Italian named Monarcho', 'a lytle Blackamore'. References to Monarcho, including L. L. L. IV. i. 101, are collected in Var. iv. 345, and McKerrow, Nashe, iv. 339. Dee, 7, records a visit from the Queen's dwarf 'Mʳˢ Thomasin' on 7 June 1580.

[147] Cf. Mediaeval Stage, i. 50.

[148] Lafontaine, 45. Numerous records of the musical establishment are collected by Lafontaine from the Lord Chamberlain's Records, and by W. Nagel, Annalen der englischen Hofmusik (Beilage zu den Monatsheften für Musikgeschichte, Bd. 26), and more completely in the Musical Antiquary (Oct. 1909-Apr. 1913) from the T. C. Accounts. The fee lists are not to be relied upon.

[149] This was Mathias Mason. The lutenists also include Robert Hales (1586-1603), Henry Porter (1603), also described in the same year as a sackbut, and Philip Rosseter (1604-23), on whom cf. ch. xv.

[150] John Heywood was certainly a Sewer of the chamber to Henry VIII (cf. ch. xii, s.v. Paul's), and Edward VI had a group of singers holding these posts (Lafontaine, 9), but there is no definite evidence of a similar arrangement under Elizabeth. On Alfonso Ferrabosco, cf. ch. xiv (Italians).

[151] On the relation of the Lord Chamberlain to the Revels in particular, cf. ch. iii. The issues from the Great Wardrobe were mainly upon his warrants.

[152] H. O. 37. The post of Clerk of Works is also called an 'office outward' (H. O. 54).

[153] Cf. ch. iii, especially Tilney's list of 'standing offices' c. 1607. The 'maisters of the standing offices' also appear in the description of James's coronation (Nichols, James, i. 325).

[154] Thus the curious fee of £11 8s. 1½d. a year represents 7½d. a day, the regular wages of esquires, serjeants, and many clerks under Edward II (Tout, 270).

[155] The £100 was 'from the King's privy coffers' c. 1478 (H. O. 41), but by 1508 it was from the Exchequer (Henry, Hist. of Great Britain, xii. 454), and here it was still paid in the seventeenth century (Sullivan, 252, from Pells Order Books).

[156] Nichols, Eliz. ii. 47, from return of Board of Green Cloth (1576).

[157] Nichols, Eliz. ii. 45, 51. 'Bouche' or 'bouge' of court is clearly from busca, bush, firewood. The allowance was as old as 1290, for Fleta, ii. 7, notes cibus, potus, busca, and candela amongst the Chamberlain's fees (cf. p. 37). It is set out for each officer in 1318 (Tout, 270) and c. 1478 (H. O. 15).

[158] Nichols, Eliz. ii. 44.

[159] H. O. 34, 'because ray clothinge is not according for the king's knightes, therefore it was left'. But an order of June 1478 (T. R. Misc. 206, f. 11) required Lords, Knights, Squires of the Body, and others within the household to wear 'a colour of the kings livery about their nekkes'.

[160] Cheyney, i. 32; Devon, 24, 43, 67, 83; Abstract, 8; Pegge, iii. 27; Nichols, James, ii. 125; V. P. vii. 12; Hentzner, Itinerarium (quoted App. F); Addl. MS. 5750, f. 114; Lord Chamberlain's Records, v. 90, 91. The 'watchyng clothing' is as old as Edward IV (H. O. 38, 41). It seems to have been 4 yards of medley colour at 5s. a yard (Sullivan, 253). The sovereigns seem to have made some use of personal colours as distinct from the royal scarlet. Those of Edward VI were green and white (Von Raumer, ii. 71); those of Elizabeth black and white; cf. pp. 142, 161 (1559, 1560, 1564).

[161] Pegge, iii. 92.

[162] Cf. ch. xiii (Queen's).

[163] Cf. ch. iii.

[164] Carlisle, 90, with a list of many of James's Gentlemen.

[165] The order of 1526 for the Gentlemen of the Privy Chamber prescribes that one of them, Henry Norris, 'shall be in the roome of Sir William Compton, not only giveing his attendance as groome of the Kings stoole, but also in his bed-chamber, and other privy places, as shall stand with his pleasure' (H. O. 156). Naturally the post had lapsed during female reigns, although a hope of Sir Robert Sidney for a 'Bedchamber lordship' in 1597 suggests that a renewal may have been contemplated (Hatfield MSS. vii. 225). James had had Gentlemen of the Bed Chamber in Scotland. Later court usage, represented already by Chamberlayne, 262, in 1669, interpreted 'stole' as 'vestment', but I suspect that in origin it was the close stool, which was kept c. 1478 by the Wardrobe of Beds (H. O. 40); cf. Marston, Fawn, 1. ii. 46, 'Thou art private with the duke; thou belongest to his close-stool'.

[166] Goodman, i. 389, says that the prime gentleman of the bed chamber and groom of the stole was 'a man of special trust' and had a table for guests 'employed in the king's most private occasions'. Viscount Fenton combined the post with that of Captain of the Guard under James. According to Newcastle, 213, the Earls of Arundel and Pembroke laboured in vain to be of the Bed Chamber throughout the reign. Carey, Memoirs, 79, 91, describes the heart-burnings to which the office gave rise. Robert Carr, afterwards Earl of Somerset, began his career as a Page of the Bed Chamber (Nichols, James, i. 600).