[284] Ibid. 179, 186, 277, Table III.

[285] Ibid. 185.

[286] Ibid. 204, 219, 268.

[287] Ibid. 218.

[288] Ibid. 202; cf. Tudor Revels, 5.

[289] Hist. MSS. iv. 300.

[290] Feuillerat, Eliz. 227, 247, 277, 300, 310, 457.

[291] App. D, No. xxxiii.

[292] Feuillerat, Eliz. 55 (text of patent), 285, 302, 310, 312; Variorum, iii. 57; Chalmers, 482; Collier, i. 230, 235; Dramatic Records, 2.

[293] Digges, 359.

[294] Feuillerat, Eliz. 330.

[295] Ibid. 434.

[296] Ibid. 354, 358, 370, 381, 391.

[297] Ibid. 359.

[298] See text in App. D, No. lvi.

[299] Cf. ch. x.

[300] Cf. ch. i.

[301] Feuillerat, Eliz. Table II.

[302] Stowe, Annales, 689; Feuillerat, Eliz. 168; cf. ch. i.

[303] S. P. D. Eliz. ccxlviii, p. 512.

[304] Ibid, cclxii, p. 351. The calendar does not, however, note the marginalia to the docquet referred to below.

[305] Cf. p. 82.

[306] Tudor Revels, 64, and Feuillerat, 417, from Lansd. MS. 83, f. 170.

[307] S. P. D. Eliz. cclxvi, p. 5.

[308] Feuillerat, Edw. and M. 29; cf. p. 100.

[309] Feuillerat, 394, 417.

[310] Feuillerat, 352, 360, 367, 372, 379, 382.

[311] S. P. D. cclxxix. 86.

[312] Feuillerat, 108.

[313] Chalmers, 486, 490; S. P. D. Jac. I, lxv. 2. The fee lists (cf. p. 29) confirm this, sometimes adding 'diet in court'.

[314] Feuillerat, 108.

[315] Ibid. 310, 463.

[316] Hist. MSS. vii. 661; Feuillerat, 467.

[317] Feuillerat, 47. Owing to the omission of Burghley's title in the address of the report, I misdated it in Tudor Revels, 20. The history of St. John's is given by W. P. Griffith, An Architectural Notice of St. John's Priory, Clerkenwell (1 London and Middlesex Arch. Soc. Trans. iii. 157); A. W. Clapham, St. John of Jerusalem, Clerkenwell (St. Paul's Ecclesiological Soc. Trans. vii. 37). It was a Priory of the Knights Hospitallers, founded c. 1100, and enlarged in the fifteenth century. The Gatehouse, which still stands, was rebuilt by Prior Thomas Docwra in 1504. After the dissolution in 1540, the stones of the church were used for Somerset House, and the rest granted to Dudley. Mary resumed it and refounded the Priory. After the second dissolution by Elizabeth, the property remained in the hands of the Crown.

[318] Patent in Feuillerat, 60.

[319] Patent in Feuillerat, 63.

[320] Ibid. 74.

[321] Ibid. 360.

[322] Cf. ch. xii.

[323] Hatfield MSS. xi. 359, 379, 380. The 'Mr. Buck' implicated in the Essex rebellion of 1601 (Hist. MSS. xi. 4. 10) was Francis Buck (Hatfield MSS. xi. 214).

[324] Lord Chamberlain's Records, 554. Can he also have been a Gentleman of the Chapel? A Gentleman was sworn in 'in Mr. Buckes roome' on 2 July 1603, just after he became acting Master (Rimbault, 6).

[325] The letters are printed in full in Bond, Lyly, i. 64, 68, 70, 378, 392, 395. A contemporary note by Sir Stephen Powle to a copy of the 1601 appeal says, 'He was a suter to be Mr. of the Reuelles and tentes and Toyles, but eauer crossed'.

[326] Grosart, Harvey, ii. 211.

[327] Collier, i. 361.

[328] The conjecture of R. W. Bond (Lyly, i. 41) that Lyly was actually Clerk Comptroller is rendered untenable by our complete knowledge of the succession to that post; cf. Tudor Revels, 60, and Feuillerat, Lyly, 194, who shows that Lyly was the Queen's 'servant' as Esquire of the Body.

[329] Hatfield MSS. v. 189.

[330] Ibid. ix. 190.

[331] Patent Roll, 1 Jac. I, p. 24, m. 25; Text from seventeenth-century copy in Dramatic Records, 14; docquet, dated 21 June, in S. P. D. Jac. I, ii. p. 16. The terms, which follow those of earlier patents, are recited in the Declared Accounts of the Office from 1610-11 onwards.

[332] Patent Roll, 1 Jac. I, p. 24, m. 31. The date 1613 given by Chalmers, 491, is an error. An imperfect copy is in Dulwich MS. xviii. 5, f. 51 (Warner, 338). The docquet in S. P. D. Jac. I, ii. p. 16, is dated 21 June.

[333] Nichols, James, i. 215.

[334] He did not, however, get Tilney's fee of £100 (cf. p. 103) but only the original £10 (Abstract of 1617) or, according to some of the manuscript fee lists (Stowe MSS. 574, f. 16; 575, f. 22ᵛ), £20. Tilney's monument is in Streatham church (Lysons, Environs, i. 365) but does not give the exact date of his death.

[335] Cf. App. B.

[336] The pedigree in Middlesex Pedigrees (Harl. Soc. lxv), 83, dates his death in error 18 Jan. 1590, but it is interesting to note that his daughter Mary married William, brother of Thomas Lodge. He was buried at Clerkenwell.

[337] Patent in Dramatic Records, 9, dated 5 (? 15) June; docquet of 10 June in S. P. D. Jac. I, ii. p. 14; draft of 30 May in S. P. D. Eliz. Addl. ix. 58.

[338] Abstract, 60.

[339] Dramatic Records, 63; Accounts, passim.

[340] Accounts, passim. Feuillerat, 475, names Thomas Cornwallis as Groom Porter in 1603. But there was no such post at the Revels. Cornwallis was Groom Porter of the Chamber.

[341] Cunningham, 209, 217; Declared Accounts, passim; S. P. D. Jac. I, x. p. 178; xxxi. p. 410; lviii. p. 652; lxii. p. 17; lxviii. p. 110; Collier, i. 347, 363; Devon, 118.

[342] Abstract, 8.

[343] Cf. ch. vi.

[344] Henslowe took receipts for licensing fees from Michael Bloomson, John Carnab, Robert Hassard, William Hatto, Robert Johnson, William Playstowe, Thomas and William Stonnard, Richard Veale, and Thomas Whittle, 'men' of the Master of the Revels, between 1595 and 1602. Johnson was of Leatherhead, where Tilney had a house. I regret to say that on one occasion Henslowe thought fit to make a loan to William Stonnard (Greg, Henslowe, i. 3, 5, 12, 28, 39, 40, 46, 54, 72, 83, 85, 103, 109, 116, 117, 121, 129, 132, 148, 160, 161; Dulwich MSS. i. 37).

[345] Declared Account.

[346] Chamberlain, 120. A proposal (c. 1589) for the establishment of an 'Accademye for the studye of Antiquitye and Historye' (Anglia, xxxii. 261) contains a suggestion that its library might be housed in St. John's.

[347] S. P. D. (22. xi. 04); 1 London and Middlesex Arch. Soc. Trans. iii. 157.

[348] The gift to Aubigny is recited in the Treasury warrants of 10 Nov. 1610 and 31 March 1611 for lodging allowances cited below.

[349] Lansd. MS. 156, f. 368.

[350] S. P. D. Jac. I, xxviii, p. 391. The authority was given by a privy seal.

[351] Cf. ch. xvii.

[352] Cunningham, xxi, from Audit Office Enrolments, ii. 108. The authority is a Treasury warrant to auditors of 10 Nov. 1910.

[353] S. P. D. Jac. I, lxv. 2, contains (i) a letter of 1 July 1611 from Buck to Salisbury's secretary, Dudley Norton, asking for authority to be given by privy seal and not a mere letter to the auditors, and enclosing (ii) a letter to Salisbury, putting his case and pleading that Tilney had £35, 'besides £100 for a better recompense which had not been continued to Buck, (iii) a copy of a Treasury warrant to the auditors for the £30, dated 31 March 1611, and (iv) a draft of the privy seal asked for. Chalmers, 490, printed (ii) and (iii), and Cunningham printed a draft for (ii) from Harl. MS. 6850 in Sh. Soc. Papers, iv. 143. On 19 Dec. 1612 the Treasury sent a warrant to the auditors to allow the £50 (Cunningham, xxii). But Buck's preference for a privy seal was sound, for at a later date Auditor Beale complained that authority for the lodging allowances was wanting (Dramatic Records, 84; Herbert, 129).

[354] Chamber Accounts. Similar expenses for earlier years were charged in the Revels Accounts; cf. p. 89.

[355] There was yet another change later. Herbert said after the Restoration (Dramatic Records, 39; Herbert, 108) that the Office had been 'time out of minde' in the parish of St. Mary Bowe, in the ward of Cheap. St. Peter's Hill is divided between Queen Hithe and Castle Baynard wards.

[356] Chalmers, Apology, 531, 628, has an engraving from a block of the Revels Office seal or stamp, as used by Thomas Killigrew under Charles II. It has Killigrew's arms with the legend 'Sigill: Offic: Iocor: Mascar: Et Revell: Dni: Reg.'

[357] Cf. p. 98. The verses to the Britannia are headed 'Georgij Buc Equitis aurati Reg[iorum] Sp[ectaculorum] C[uratoris] Heptastichon'.

[358] This is sometimes ascribed to a younger Buck, but the manuscript copy in Cott. MS. Tiberius, E. x, is dated from the Revels Office on St. Peter's Hill in 1619.

[359] Feuillerat, Lyly, 237; Dramatic Records, 11, 39; Herbert, 7, 102; S. P. D. Jac. I (cxxxii, p. 432). Chalmers, 492, says, 'Yet, this was not old Ben, as it seemeth, who died in 1637, but young Ben, who died in 1635'. This seems rather improbable. Was Jonson already a suitor for the post in 1601, when Dekker wrote Satiromastix, iv. i. 244, 'Master Horace ... I have some cossens Garman at Court, shall beget you the reuersion of the Master of the Kings Reuels, or else be his Lord of Misrule now at Christmas'?

[360] S. P. D. Jac. I, cxxviii. 96.

[361] Murray, ii. 193, from Inner Temple MS. 515; cf. Collier, i. 402; Gildersleeve, 64.

[362] Herbert, 67, 109.

[363] Thomas Herbert to Robert Cecil, 26 Aug. 1601 (Hatfield MSS. xi. 362): 'Her Majesty, God be praised, liketh her journey, the air of this soil, and the pleasures and pastimes showed her in the way, marvellous well'; cf. p. 111 (1577). In March 1581, Thomas Scot reported to Leicester (S. P. D. cxlviii. 34) the scurrilous statement of one Henry Hawkins, 'that my Lord Robert hath had fyve children by the Queene, and she never goethe in progress but to be delivered'.

[364] Machyn, 262, 267, describes the start from and return to London in 1561. Puttenham, iii. 22 (ed. Arber, 266), has a story of Elizabeth's mirth at one Serjeant Bendlowes, 'when in a progresse time comming to salute the Queene in Huntingtonshire he said to her Cochman, stay thy cart good fellow, stay thy cart, that I may speake to the Queene'.

[365] Hunsdon to Cecil, 31 Aug. 1599 (S. P. D. cclxxii. 94): 'She ... will go more privately than is fitting for the time, or beseeming her estate; yet she will ride through Kingston in state, proportioning very unsuitably her lodging at Hampton Court unto it, making the Lady Scudamores lodging her presence chamber, Mrs. Ratcliffes her privy chamber.' James said of certain law courts, 'They be like houses in progress, where I have not, nor can have, such distinct rooms of state as I have here at Whitehall or at Hampton Court' (Bacon, Apophthegms, in Works, vii. 166). The distribution of rooms at Theobalds for a visit of 1572 is given in Hatfield MSS. xiii. 110.

[366] Dasent, vii. 238; viii. 401; x. 284, 286, 305.

[367] The Duchess of Suffolk wrote to Cecil in 1570 (Hatfield MSS. i. 481) to 'speak but one good word for me to the harbingers, in case my man shall not be able to entreat them to help me to some lodging near the court'. The harbingers, as in origin Hall officers, would provide for the Court generally; the Gentlemen Ushers of the Chamber for the Queen in person. A P. C. warrant of 29 June 1575 (Dasent, viii. 402) is for post-horses for Simon Boier, Gentleman Usher, 'being this progresse tyme appointed to prepare her Majesties lodginges' (cf. App. A, Bibl. Note).

[368] For references to the 'gestes', cf. 1 Ellis, ii. 274; Wright, ii. 16; Kempe, 266; Birch, Eliz. i. 87; Hunter, Hallamshire, 123. Copies of those for 1603 and 1605 are at the Heralds' College (Lodge, App. 97, 99, 108, 109). Those for 1605 are printed (from Harl. MS. 7044?) by Leland, Coll. ii. 626, and those for 1614, with the corporation's endorsement of receipt, from the Leicester archives by Nichols, James, iii. 10.

[369] A survey of houses for a progress in Herts is in S. P. D. CXXV. 46.

[370] Hatfield MSS. v. 19, 309; vii. 378.

[371] Kelly, Progresses, 302, 319, 345, 360; Nichols, James, iii. 11; Wright, ii. 16; Howard, 211. A 'Remembrance for the Progress' of 1575 (Pepys MS. 179) contains elaborate notes for routes (not those ultimately followed) and mileage, for the provision of vehicles, for instructions to sheriffs about corn and hay, and justices about flesh, fish, and fowl, for the carriage of wine from London, and the brewing of beer locally. If the country ale doesn't please the Queen, a London supply must be provided, or a brewer taken down.

[372] Kempe, 265. Wingfield's letter is only dated 2 Aug.; Lord Clinton, who is named, became Earl of Lincoln in May 1572. More preserved a letter of 5 Aug. 1567 from William Lord Howard to the Mayor of Guildford, asking for a close to graze his horses in during the Queen's visit to the town. On 24 Aug. 1576 a Mr. Horsman wrote to More (Nichols, ii. 7), 'Tis thought the Queen will not come to your house this summer'.

[373] 1 Ellis, ii. 265.

[374] Ibid. 266. In 1570 Bedford had written to urge on Cecil the unsuitability of Chenies for the Queen (Hatfield MSS. i. 477).

[375] 1 Ellis, ii. 267.

[376] Ibid. 271.

[377] Ibid. 272.

[378] Sussex Arch. Collections, v. 194.

[379] Nicolas, Hatton, 269. Lady Norris, to whom Elizabeth wrote affectionately as her 'crow', was the daughter of Lord Williams of Thame, who had befriended her as a prisoner at Woodstock; on the Rycote entertainment of 1592, cf. p. 125.

[380] Kelly, Progresses, 296. On 6 July 1576 Gilbert Talbot wrote to Lord Shrewsbury (Lodge, ii. 75): 'There hath been sundry determinations of her Majesty's progress this summer.... These two or three days it hath changed every five hours.'

[381] 1 Ellis, ii. 274.

[382] Sir Charles Danvers to the Earl of Southampton (Hatfield MSS. ix. 246). For other letters of courtly deprecation, which I have no room to quote, cf. Hatton, 223; Hatfield MSS. v. 19, 299, 309.

[383] Parker Correspondence, 148.

[384] Harington, ii. 16, 'She gave him very speciall thanks, with gratious and honorable tearms, and then looking on his wife; "and you (saith she) Madam I may not call you, and Mistris I am ashamed to call you, so I know not what to call you, but yet I do thanke you".'

[385] Lodge, ii. 119: 'This Rookwood is a Papist of kind newly crept out of his late wardship. Her majesty, by some means I know not, was lodged at his house, Ewston, far unmeet for her Highness, but fitter for the blackguard; nevertheless (the gentleman brought into her Majesty's presence by like device) her excellent Majesty gave to Rookwood ordinary thanks for his bad house, and her fair hand to kiss; after which it was braved at. But my Lord Chamberlain, nobly and gravely understanding that Rookwood was excommunicated for Papistry, called him before him; demanded of him how he durst presume to attempt her real presence, he, unfit to accompany any Christian person; forthwith said he was fitter for a pair of stocks; commanded him out of the Court, and yet to attend her Council's pleasure; and at Norwich he was committed. And, to decipher the gentleman to the full; a piece of plate being missed in the Court, and searched for in his hay house, in the hay rick such an image of our Lady was there found, as for greatness, for gayness, and workmanship, I did never see such a match; and, after a sort of country dances ended, in her Majesty's sight the idol was set behind the people, who avoided. She rather seemed a beast raised up on a sudden from hell by conjuring, than the picture for whom it had been so often and long abused. Her Majesty commanded it to the fire, which in her sight by the country folks was quickly done, to her content, and unspeakable joy of every one but some one or two who had sucked of the idol's poisoned milk.' Rookwood's committal and release are recorded in the P. C. Acts (Dasent, x. 310, 312, 342). He suffered at a later date as a recusant and died in gaol. His cousin, Ambrose Rookwood of Stanningfield, was a Guy Fawkes conspirator (D. N. B.; Dasent, xxv. 118, 203, 252, 371, 419; Copinger, Manors of Suffolk, i. 292).

[386] H. O. 145: 'It is often and in manner dayly seene, that as well in the kings owne houses, as in the places of other noblemen and gentlemen, where the kings Grace doth fortune to lye or come unto, not onely lockes of doores, tables, formes, cupboards, tressells, and other ymplements of household, be carryed, purloyned, and taken away, by such servants and others as be lodged in the same houses and places; but also such pleasures and commodities as they have about their houses, that is to say, deer, fish, orchards, hay, corne, grasse, pasture, and other store belonging to the same noblemen and gentlemen, or to others dwelling neere abouts, is by ravine taken, dispoiled, wasted and spent, without lycence or consent of the owner, or any money paid for the same, to the kings great dishonour, and the no little damage and displeasure of those to whose houses the Kings Highnesse doth fortune to repaire....'

[387] 1 Ellis, ii. 277, evidently misdated 'ann. 15' for 'ann. 16'.

[388] Kelly, Progresses, 325.

[389] The Cofferer's Account for the progress of 1561, printed in Nichols, Eliz. i. 92, from Cott. Vesp. C. xiv, shows expenditure while the court lay or dined at several private houses. On 24 July 1560 Sir N. Bacon wrote to Parker, 'The Queen's majesty meaneth on Monday next to dine at Lambeth; and although it shall be altogether of her provision, yet I thought it meet to make you privy thereto, lest, other men forgetting it, the thing should be too sudden' (Parker, 120). This was a dinner on a remove from Greenwich to Richmond, not during a progress; but the principle was probably the same. The older practice was certainly for the crown to pay. Puttenham, iii. 24 (ed. Arber, 301), records that Henry VII, 'if his chaunce had bene to lye at any of his subiects houses, or to passe moe meales then one, he that would take vpon him to defray the charge of his dyet, or of his officers and houshold, he would be maruelously offended with it, saying what priuate subiect dare vndertake a Princes charge, or looke into the secret of his expence?' And the discreet courtier adds, 'Her Maiestie hath bene knowne oftentimes to mislike the superfluous expence of her subiects bestowed vpon her in times of her progresses'.

[390] Cf. p. 17.

[391] 1 Ellis, ii. 265, from Lansd. MS. 16, f. 107.

[392] In 1576 the Board of Green Cloth paid £3 6s. 8d. by way of 'rewards given to inns in progress time where her majesty hath been' (Nichols, Eliz. ii. 48).

[393] Kelly, Progresses, 298, 320, 345, 359; Nichols, Eliz. i. 551.

[394] At Coventry in 1566 'The tanners pageant stood at St. Johns Church, the drapers pageant at the Cross, the smiths pageant at Little Park Street End, and the weavers pageant at Much Park Street' (H. Craig, Coventry Corpus Christi Plays, xxi, misdated 1567; cf. ibid. 106).

[395] Feuillerat, Eliz. 105, 109, 118, 130, 182, 225, shows that the Revels followed the progresses of 1559, when they furnished a banqueting house and mask at Horsley; of 1566, when their expenses came to £187 8s. 11½d.; of 1571, when the Master took nine men, three horses and a wagon; of 1573, when they spent £21 10s. 8d. on carriage and apparently the mask at Canterbury; and of 1574, when they furnished the Italian players at Windsor and Reading. A Green Cloth document of 1576 (Nichols, Eliz. ii. 50) also records the expenditure of £109 1s. 11d. by the Woodyard on 'necessaries, as plancks, boards, quarters, tressets, forms, and carpenters, hired in time of progresses'. Another of 1604 (Nichols, James, i. xi) is a record of wood felled to furnish the king's house with fuel during the recent progress.

[396] Ch. Ch. Accts. 1566 (Boas, 107), 'to the clerkes of the greene clothe for unburdeninge at our requeste the universitie & us of the lightes & rushes iij payre of gloves ... xviijˢ ... to the yeoman of the woodyarde for helpinge us to a recompence of our woode & cole spent ... xˢ'. Kelly, Progresses, 328, 'for the which you shall have satisfaction'.

[397] Kelly, Progresses, 361, prints the precept for the jury at Leicester in 1614. Jacobean proclamations (Procl. 950, 994, 1096, 1098, 1135), regulating the functions of the Clerk of the Market, claim that local prices, especially on progress, are often extortionate. Nichols, Eliz. iii. 252, prints a memorandum of Puckering's for Elizabeth's intended visit in 1594, which contemplates 'purveyed diet'.

[398] On the history of purveyance in general, the protests of Jacobean parliaments, and the attempts to persuade the shires to accept 'compositions', cf. Gardiner, i. 170, 299; ii. 113; Cheyney, i. 29; Bray in Archaeologia, viii. 329; Nichols, James, i. x; Kempe, 272; Procl. 1033. Nichols prints a table of c. 1604 showing the proportion of carts, 220 in all, charged on each of eight counties at removes from Richmond, Windsor, Hampton Court, Nonsuch, or Oatlands. The king paid 2d. a mile and required not more than twelve miles a day. A Green Cloth order of 1609 limits the charge on the bailiwick of Surrey (in Windsor Forest) to eight carts on a remove from Windsor or other houses in the bailiwick, or from Easthampstead, to Hampton Court, Oatlands, Richmond, or Farnham. The household officers were accused of blackmailing owners of carts to avoid impressment, and of requisitioning superfluous provisions and reselling them at a profit. In 1605 the Venetian ambassador reported (V. P. x. 267, 285) that James's servants were under less good control than Elizabeth's, and that the longer time now spent in the country and more frequent removes aggravated the burden of purveyance. The carts were wanted for harvest. Moreover, hunting destroyed the crops.

[399] Birch, Eliz. i. 12.

[400] Parker, xii.