[1034] Πολίτης, op. cit. p. 43 (Version No. 4, ll. 18, 19).
[1035] The periodical Πανδώρα, 1862, vol. 13, p. 367 (Πολίτης, op. cit. p. 66, no. 17, ll. 19, 20).
[1036] Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, Ἡ Σινασός, p. 164 (from Sinasos in Asia Minor).
[1037] I make this statement with as full confidence as can be felt in any such negation, after perusing nearly a score of versions.
[1039] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 589.
[1040] Ibid. p. 591.
[1041] Goar, Eucholog. p. 685.
[1042] Cf. Leo Allatius, De quor. Graecorum opinat. XIII. Balsamon, I. 569 (Migne). Epist. S. Niconis, quoted by Balsamon, II. p. 1096 (ed. Paris, 1620). Christophorus Angelus, cap. 25.
[1043] S. Matthew xviii. 18.
[1044] The power of excommunicating belonged to priests as well as to bishops, but they might not exercise it without their bishop’s sanction. Cf. Balsamon, I. 27 and 569 (Migne).
[1045] Quoted by Leo Allatius, De quor. Graec. opinat. XIII. and XIV.
[1046] The reversal of the decree of excommunication by the same person who had pronounced it was always preferred, largely as a precaution against an excommunicated person obtaining absolution too easily. Cf. Balsamon, I. 64–5 and 437 (Migne).
[1047] op. cit. cap. XV. Cf. also Christophorus Angelus, Ἐγχειρίδιον περὶ τῆς καταστάσεως τῶν σήμερον εὑρισκομένων Ἑλλήνων (Cambridge, 1619), cap. 25, where is told the story of a bishop who was excommunicated by a council of his peers, and whose body remained ‘bound, like iron, for a hundred years,’ when a second council of bishops at the same place pronounced absolution and immediately the body ‘turned to dust.’
[1048] According to Georgius Fehlavius, p. 539 (§ 422) of his edition of Christophorus Angelus, De statu hodiernorum Graecorum (Lipsiae, 1676), Emanuel Malaxus was the writer of a work entitled Historia Patriarcharum Constantinopolitanorum, which I have not been able to discover. It was apparently used by Crusius for his Turco-Grecia; for the story here told is narrated by him in two versions (I. 56 and II. 32, pp. 27 and 133 ed. Basle) and he alludes also (p. 151) to a story concerning Arsenios, Bishop of Monemvasia, which likewise according to Fehlavius (l.c.) was narrated by Malaxus.
[1050] Christophorus Angelus (op. cit. cap. 25) vouches for the early use of this word by one Cassianus, whom he describes as Ἕλλην παλαιὸς ἱστορικός. I cannot identify this author.
[1051] Du Cange, Med. et infim. Graec., s.v. τυμπανίτης.
[1052] Christophorus Angelus, l.c.
[1053] Matthew xviii. 18.
[1054] John xx. 23.
[1056] The word μνημόσυνα, which I have rendered with verbal correctness ‘memorial services,’ really implies more, and corresponds to a mass for the repose of the dead.
[1057] Anastasius Sinaita, in Migne’s Patrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 89, 279–280.
[1058] i.e. the πνευματικοί, as they were called, the more discreet and ‘spiritual’ priests who alone were authorised by their bishops to discharge this function. Cf. Christophorus Angelus, op. cit. cap. 22.
[1059] Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, pp. 335 and 339.
[1061] Newton, Travels and Discoveries in the Levant, I. p. 212 (1865). (Cf. B. Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 164.)
[1062] Cf. Christophorus Angelus, op. cit. cap. 25 (init.).
[1063] I. Cor. v. 5 and I. Tim. i. 20.
[1064] Theodoretus, on I. Cor. v. 5 (Migne, Patrologia Gr.-Lat., vol. 82, 261).
[1065] Aesch. Choeph., 432–3.
[1066] Paus. IX. 32. 6.
[1067] Philopseudes, cap. 29.
[1069] Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. p. 576.
[1070] Ralston, Songs of the Russian people, p. 412.
[1071] Mirabilia, cap. I.
[1072] By ‘seer’ I render μάντις, a man directly inspired; by ‘diviner’ οἰωνοσκόπος, one who is skilled in the science of interpreting signs and omens.
[1073] Relation de ce qui s’est passé de plus remarquable a Sant-Erini etc., p. 213. He calls Philinnion a Thessalian girl, and makes Machates come from Macedonia. But his reference to the story contains a patent inaccuracy (for he speaks of the girl being buried a second time, whereas she was burnt), and in all probability he was quoting from memory, not from a more complete text than that now preserved.
[1074] See Pashley, Travels in Crete, II. p. 221; Carnarvon, Reminiscences of Athens and the Morea, p. 162; Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 165; Πολίτης, Παραδόσεις, I. pp. 589, 591 and 593; Βάλληνδας, Κυθνιακά, p. 125.
[1075] Alardus Gazaeus, Commentary on Ioh. Cassianus, Collatio, VIII. 21 (Migne, Patrologia, Ser. I. vol. 49).
[1078] Das Volksleben der Neugriechen, p. 170, with note 1.
[1079] Philopseudes, cap. 26.
[1080] Ar. Eccles., 1072–3.
[1082] Eur. Or., 1086.
[1083] Eur. Hipp., 1038.
[1084] Soph. O. C., 1383 ff.
[1085] Soph. O. C., 1405.
[1086] 261–297.
[1087] Aesch. Choeph., 287–8.
[1088] Κατὰ Ἀριστογείτονος, I. p. 788. συμπεπτωκότος is a necessary correction of the ἐμπεπτωκότος of the MSS.
[1089] Cf. l. 366 μιαίνεται.
[1090] Aesch. Suppl., 407 ff.
[1091] Aesch. Eum., 173 ff. reading ἄλλον μιάστορ’ ἐξ ἐμοῦ.
[1093] Works and Days, 325 ff.
[1096] Hom. Il. XXIII. 69 ff.
[1097] Hom. Od. XI. 51 ff.
[1098] Eur. Hec. 1–58.
[1099] Aesch. Eum. 94 ff. It must be observed, however, that Clytemnestra’s restlessness is represented as being due to her being a murderess quite as much as to her having been violently slain. There was a double cause. See below, p. 474.
[1100] cap. 29.
[1101] Other references are given by Schmidt, das Volksleben, p. 169, among them Servius on Virg. Aen., IV. 386 and Heliod. Aethiop., II. 5.
[1103] Aesch. Choeph. 480 ff.
[1105] p. 81 C, D.
[1106] Iliad XXIII. 65 ff.
[1107] Eurip. Hecuba 1 ff.
[1108] τοῦ ὁρατοῦ as opposed to τοῦ ἀειδοῦς τε καὶ Ἅιδου.
[1111] Soph. El. 453–4.
[1112] Aesch. Choeph. 480–1.
[1113] Aesch. Ag. 455.
[1114] Eur. Or. 491–541.
[1115] Ibid. 580 ff.
[1116] Aesch. Choeph. 924–5. Cf. also 293.
[1117] Soph. El. 445.
[1118] Aesch. Choeph. 439 ff.
[1119] Antiphon, pp. 119, 125, and 126.
[1121] Plato, Leges, 865 D, παλαιόν τινα τῶν ἀρχαίων μύθων.
[1122] The word δειμαίνει, which in this passage seems clearly transitive, is perhaps a verbal reminiscence of the old language in which Plato had heard the tradition.
[1123] Plato, Leges, 865 D ff.
[1124] Cf. Demosth., in Aristocr., pp. 634 and 643.
[1125] The word technically used of this withdrawal without formal sentence of banishment was ἀπενιαυτεῖν, or simply ἐξιέναι (cf. ὑπεξελθεῖν τῷ παθόντι in the above passage of Plato), or, as again in the same passage, ἀποξενοῦσθαι; whereas legal banishment was denoted by φεύγειν.
[1126] Plato, Leges, 872 D ff.
[1127] In early Greek, as witness the first line of the Iliad, the use of μῆνις, was less restricted than in later times; but the word, μήνιμα even in Homer occurs only, I think, in the phrase μήνιμα θεῶν. See below, p. 449.
[1128] Plato, Phaedrus, § 49, p. 244 D.
[1129] Cf. especially Eur. Or. 281–2, as pointed out by Bekker in his note on Plato, Phaedrus, l.c.
[1130] Aesch. Choeph. 293.
[1131] Plato, Leges, 869 A (Bekker’s text); cf. also 869 E.
[1132] See Aesch. Eum. 101 and 317 ff.; cf. Eur. Or. 583.
[1133] Ibid. 94–139.
[1134] Ibid. 417.
[1135] Xenoph. Cyrop. VIII. 7, 18.
[1136] Hom. Il. XXII. 358.
[1137] Hom. Od. XI. 73.
[1138] Pind. Pyth. IV. 280 ff.
[1139] Cf. Plato, Leges, IX. passim, and especially p. 871.
[1140] Cf. Aesch. Eum. 285 and 448 ff.
[1141] Plato, Leges, 868 A and 871 A.
[1142] Cf. Aesch. Eum. 445.
[1143] Plato, Leges, 871 B.
[1144] Ibid. 865 C.
[1145] Cf. Plato, Leges, p. 854 A, δυσίατα καὶ ἀνίατα.
[1146] Cf. Plato, Leges, 866–874, passim.
[1147] Aesch. Eum. 74 ff.
[1148] Aesch. Choeph. 280–1.
[1149] Aesch. Choeph. 288–9.
[1150] Cf. especially Aesch. Choeph. 400 ff.
[1151] Aesch. Eum. 336, θανὼν δ’ οὐκ ἄγαν ἐλεύθερος.
[1152] Aesch. Eum. 137–9.
[1153] Ibid. 264–7.
[1154] Ibid. 328 ff., and again 343 ff.
[1155] This rendering of the word αὐονά has been challenged, but has the support of the Scholiast who explains it by the words ὁ ξηραίνων τοὺς βροτούς, (the hymn) which dries and withers men.
[1156] The tense of ταριχευθέντα in the phrase from which I started (Choeph. 296) is hereby explained.
[1157] Plato, Phaedrus, 244 E, πρός τε τὸν παρόντα καὶ τὸν ἔπειτα χρόνον.
[1158] Plato’s list is ‘father, mother, brother, sister, or child,’ Leges, IX. 873 A.
[1159] Plato, Leges, IX. 873 B.
[1160] Cf. especially Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. p. 163, who was an eye-witness of such an occurrence in Myconos.
[1161] Cf. Aesch. Eumen. 780 ff., and (for the withdrawal of the curse) 938 ff.
[1162] Eur. Phoen. 1592 ff. The word here translated ‘avengers’ is ἀλάστορες, which is fully discussed below, pp. 465 ff.
[1163] Aesch. Suppl. 262 ff., reading in 266 μηνιτὴ δάκη, the emendation of Porson.
[1164] l.c. 265–6, μιάσμασιν ... μηνιτή ... ἀνῆκε.
[1165] Aesch. Eum. 52.
[1166] Aesch. Eum. 53, 137–9.
[1167] Ibid. 254.
[1168] Ibid. 75, 111, 131, 246–7.
[1169] passim.
[1170] 183–4, 264.
[1171] Ibid. 780 ff., 938 ff.
[1172] Ibid. 644.
[1173] Ibid. 70, 73, 644.
[1174] Eur. Med. 1370.
[1175] Aesch. Eum. 177.
[1176] Soph. El. 603.
[1177] Aesch. Eum. 349, reading μαυροῦμεν νέον αἷμα.
[1178] Aesch. Eum. 236.
[1179] L. and S. s.v.
[1180] Cf. Aesch. Choeph. 1026 ff., and Eumen. passim.
[1181] Cf. Preller, Griech. Mythol., I. p. 145 (edit. 4, Carl Robert).
[1182] Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. § 26.
[1183] Aesch. Pers. 353.
[1184] This fact is recognised by Geddes in his edition of the Phaedo, in the course of his note (p. 280 ff.) on the difficulty concerning the words ἢ λόγου θείου τινὸς in cap. 33 (p. 85 D). He does not however infer that the words really contrasted are ἀλάστωρ and δαίμων, but claims for the particle ἢ an epexegetic sense (‘or, in other words,’) besides its usual disjunctive sense (‘or else’). I am far from being satisfied that the epexegetic use of ἢ existed at all in Classical Greek, which idiomatically employed καὶ in that way. At any rate its existence is not proved by the other passages which Geddes cites—Aesch. Pers. 430 and Soph. Phil. 934—where the ἢ perhaps equals vel rather than aut, but has none of the epexegetic sense of sive.
[1185] Eur. Med. 1059 ff.
[1186] Eur. Med. 1333 ff.
[1187] Eur. H. F. 1229 ff.
[1188] Cf. Paley, in his note to elucidate this dialogue. It should be added however that in a second note on the same page, dealing with this line only, he apparently contradicts his previous explanation.