[1335] Anastasius, Quaestio XXII., in Migne, Patrolog. Graeco-Lat. Vol. LXXXIX. 288.
[1336] Known also as τὸ ζεστόν (‘the warming’) according to Bybilakis, Neugriech. Leben, p. 67.
[1337] According to Bybilakis, loc. cit., in the dead man’s house. This, naturally, would be the usual case.
[1338] p. 321. 25.
[1339] Hence it is probable that the ancient περίδειπνον also was conducted on the principle of the ἔρανος.
[1340] Hom. Il. XXIII. 170. Cf. also the use of μελίκρατον, Hom. Od. XI. 27, and Eur. Or. 115. Cf. also Aesch. Pers. 614.
[1341] Ar. Lys. 599 ff.
[1342] In some villages of Chios, the diminutive ψυχοπῆττι or a word ψύτση is used (Κωνστ. Κανελλάκης, Χιακὰ Ἀνάλεκτα, p. 337). The commoner form ψυχόπηττα is that of Crete (cf. Bybilakis, op. cit. p. 69), Kasos, and other Asiatic islands (Πρωτόδικος, περὶ τῆς παρ’ ἡμῖν ταφῆς, p. 17) etc.
[1344] Called respectively τρίμερα, ἐννι̯άμερα, and σαράντα.
[1345] Sonnini de Magnoncourt, Voyage en Grèce et en Turquie, Vol. II. p. 153.
[1346] Eur. Or. 109.
[1347] Cf. Suidas s.v. κόλυβα, σῖτος ἑψητός. The spelling with λλ is preferable.
[1348] The classical meaning of κόλλυβα was ‘small coins.’ The scholiast on Aristoph. Plut. 768 mentions κόλλυβα among the καταχύσματα thrown over a new slave on his introduction to the household. These consisted mainly of sweetmeats, etc. (cf. op. cit. 798) whence apparently Hesychius (s.v. κόλλυβα) explains that word by τρωγάλια. More probably small coins were thrown along with various sweetmeats; for the kindred custom of throwing καταχύσματα over a bride on her entry into her new home has continued down to the present day, and these certainly now comprise small change as well as sticky edibles.
[1349] Gregorovius, Wanderings in Corsica, etc. (tr. Muir), II. p. 46.
[1350] Πρωτόδικος, περὶ τῆς παρ’ ἡμῖν ταφῆς, p. 17. Ἰ. Σ. Ἀρχέλαος, ἡ Σινασός, p. 92.
[1351] Cf. Bybilakis, Neugriechisches Leben, p. 67.
[1352] Plutarch, Vita Solon. cap. 21.
[1353] Thucyd. III. 58. 4.
[1355] This occurred in old time in the case of heroes, whose offerings are called ἐναγίσματα and χοαί, like those of other dead men; but since the state and not the individual provided for them, the gifts were made not for a time only, but regularly year after year.
[1357] As opposed, in correct speech, to νεκροταφεῖον, the place of preliminary interment. But the two terms are often confused.
[1358] Il. XI. 241.
[1359] Hes. W. and D. 116.
[1360] e.g. Hom. Il. XVI. 454 and 672; XIV. 231.
[1361] Hes. Theog. 212, 756.
[1362] See Preller, Griech. Myth. I. 690 ff.
[1363] Paus. V. 18. 1. Cf. III. 18. 1.
[1364] Passow, Popul. Carm. CCCXCVI.
[1365] Hom. Od. XXIV. 1.
[1366] Virg. Aen. IV. 242 ff.
[1368] Paus. VIII. 2. 5.
[1369] Paus. ibid. § 4.
[1370] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 364.
[1371] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 374.
[1372] The word χαρὰ, (‘joy’), as I have pointed out elsewhere, is indeed often used technically of marriage.
[1373] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 38 (ll. 13–18) and also nos. 65, 152, 180.
[1375] Abbott, Macedon. Folklore, p. 255.
[1376] Passow, Pop. Carm. no. 370. The phrase κάνει χαρὰ, which I have inadequately rendered as ‘maketh glad,’ is technically used of marriage. See above, p. 127.
[1377] For authorities see Lobeck, Aglaoph. I. pp. 76 ff.
[1378] Soph. Antig. 574–5. I do not know how much stress may be laid on the repetition of the pronoun ὅδε in these two lines (viz. στερήσεις τῆσδε and τούσδε τοὺς γάμους); but the lines follow closely on that in which Creon bids Ismene speak no more of Antigone as ἥδε, and an ironical stress might well be laid by Creon on the word τούσδε as he uses it, which would suggest to his audience its antithesis τοὺς ἐκεὶ γάμους.
[1379] Soph. Antig. 804–5.
[1380] ibid. 810–16.
[1381] ibid. 891–2.
[1382] ibid. 1203–7.
[1383] ibid. 1240–1.
[1384] Pindar, Fragm. 139 (Bergk).
[1385] Aesch. Prom. 940 ff.
[1386] Oneirocr. II. 49. The word τέλη denotes here not merely a ‘rite,’ but a ‘consummation’ by which a man becomes τέλειος. See below, p. 591.
[1387] ibid. I. 80. To translate the passage more fully is not convenient; I append the original: θεῷ δὲ ἢ θεᾷ μιγῆναι ἢ ὑπὸ θεοῦ περανθῆναι νοσοῦντι μὲν θάνατον σημαίνει· τότε γὰρ ἡ ψυχὴ τὰς τῶν θεῶν συνόδους τε καὶ μίξεις μαντεύεται, ὅταν ἐγγὺς ᾖ τοῦ καταλιπεῖν τὸ σῶμα ᾧ ἐνοικεῖ.
[1388] ibid. II. 65.
[1389] Oneirocr. II. 49.
[1390] The majority of the references to ancient usage given below are borrowed from Becker’s Charicles.
[1391] Thuc. II. 15.
[1392] Eur. Phoen. 347.
[1393] Aeschines, Epist. X. p. 680.
[1394] Cf. Pollux, III. 43.
[1395] Soph. Antig. 901.
[1396] De Luctu, 11.
[1397] Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 193.
[1398] For a discussion of this point see Becker, Charicles pp. 483–4.
[1399] Harpocrat. s.v. λουτροφόρος. ἔθος δὲ ἦν καὶ τοῖς ἀγάμοις ἀποθανοῦσι λουτροφορεῖν, καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ μνῆμα ἐφίστασθαι. τοῦτο δὲ ἦν παῖς ὑδρίαν ἔχων. The same words are repeated by Photius and Suidas. With ἐφίστασθαι it appears necessary to supply λουτροφόρον. Cf. Pollux VIII. 66 τῶν δ’ ἀγάμων λουτροφόρος τῷ μνήματι ἐφίστατο, κόρη ἀγγεῖον ἔχουσα ὑδροφόρον.... For other references see Becker, Charicles p. 484. This information, as regards the emblem used, is held to be incorrect. The λουτροφόρος was not a boy bearing a pitcher, but the pitcher itself. See Frazer, Pausanias, vol. v. p. 388.
[1400] For this view see Frazer, Pausanias, vol. v. p. 389. ‘It may be suggested that originally the custom of placing a water-pitcher on the grave of unmarried persons ... may have been meant to help them to obtain in another world the happiness they had missed in this. In fact it may have been part of a ceremony designed to provide the dead maiden or bachelor with a spouse in the spirit land. Such ceremonies have been observed in various parts of the world by peoples, who, like the Greeks, esteemed it a great misfortune to die unmarried.’
[1401] Plut. 529.
[1402] Cf. Lucian, de Luctu 11.
[1403] For a discussion of the point in relation to funerals see Becker, Charicles pp. 385 f. and in relation to marriage pp. 486 f.
[1404] Lucian, de Luctu 11.
[1405] I. 6.
[1406] Cf. Passow, Popul. Carm. Graec. Recent. no. 415, and Tournefort, Voyage du Levant, I. p. 153, who describes a dead woman, whose funeral he witnessed, as ‘parée à la Gréque de ses habits de nôces.’
[1407] Passow, Popul. Carm. 378.
[1408] Charicles p. 487.
[1409] Lucian, de Luctu 11. Aristoph. Lysist. 602 etc.
[1410] The influence of the Church was against the use of garlands in early times and perhaps suppressed it in some districts. Cf. Minucius, p. 109 ‘Nec mortuos coronamus. Ergo vos (the heathen) in hoc magis miror, quemadmodum tribuatis exanimi aut [non] sentienti facem aut non sentienti coronam: cum et beatus non egeat, et miser non gaudeat floribus.’ The first non is clearly to be deleted.
[1411] Cf. Abbott, Macedonian Folklore, p. 193.
[1412] Cf. ibid. p. 197.
[1413] Hom. Hymn. in Demet. 372 ff. Hence the pomegranate was treated as ‘an accursed thing’ in the worship of Demeter at Lycosura, Paus. VIII. 37. 7.
[1414] Paus. II. 17. 4.
[1417] The following references are in the main taken from Lobeck, Aglaophamus.
[1418] Soph. Fragm. 719 (Dind.).
[1419] Hom. Hymn. ad Cer. 480 ff.
[1420] Pind. Fragm. 137 (Bergk).
[1422] Aristoph. Ranae 440–459.
[1423] Isocr. Paneg. p. 46.
[1424] Aglaoph. I. p. 70.
[1425] περὶ εἰρήνης, p. 166.
[1426] Aristid. Eleusin. 259 (454).
[1427] Julian. Or. VII. 238. The same story in similar words recurs in Diog. Laert. VI. 39 and Plut. de Aud. Poet. II. p. 21 F.
[1428] Crinagoras, Ep. XXX.
[1429] Cic. de Leg. II. § 36.
[1430] Mathem. I. p. 18, ed. Buller.
[1431] Aglaoph. I. pp. 39 f.
[1432] See Lobeck, Aglaoph. I. pp. 6 ff.
[1433] Diodorus, v. 77. Cf. Miss Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 567.
[1434] For references on this point, see Lobeck, Aglaophamus, I. 14 ff.
[1435] For the evidence that the Achaeans adopted the language of the Pelasgians, and not vice versâ, see Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, vol. I. p. 631 ff.
[1436] Protrept. § 55.
[1437] Hom. Il. I. 221 f.
[1438] Euseb. Demonstr. Evang. V. 1, 268 E.
[1439] Praep. Evang. XV. 1, 788 C.
[1440] Προτρεπτ. § 61.
[1441] Synes. de Prov. II. 124 B.
[1442] Cf. Artemid. Oneirocr. Bk III. cap. 61.
[1443] In Thera, as I myself witnessed, and until recently at Delphi. Greeks with whom I have spoken of this custom have often seen or heard of it somewhere.
[1444] I regret that my notes contain no mention of my informant’s name. I must apologise to him for the omission.
[1445] Asterius, Encom. in SS. Martyr. in Migne, Patrolog. Graeco-Lat. vol. XL. p. 324.
[1446] Adv. Valentin. cap. I.
[1447] Eusebius, Hist. Eccles. IV. 11. Cf. Sainte-Croix, Recherches sur les Mystères, 2nd ed., I. p. 366.
[1448] loc. cit.
[1449] [Origen] Philosophumena, p. 115 (ed. Miller), p. 170 (ed. Cruice). Cf. Miss J. Harrison, Proleg. to Study of Gk Relig. p. 549.
[1450] Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 18.
[1451] Dieterich, Eine Mithras-Liturgie, p. 125, cited by Miss J. Harrison, Proleg. to Study of Gk Relig. p. 155, note 3.
[1452] Hesiod, Theog. 970 f. Cf. Hom. Od. V. 125.
[1453] Theocr. Id. III. 49 ff. (A. Lang’s translation).
[1454] Plutarch, de fac. in orb. lun. 28, cited by Miss Harrison, Proleg. to Study of Gk Relig. p. 267.
[1456] Theocr. Id. III. 46 ff.
[1457] Protrept. § 14.
[1458] Theocr. Id. XV. 86.
[1459] Orph. Hymn. LVI.; Bion, Id. I. 5. 54; Lucian, Dial. deor. XI. 1; Macrob. Saturn. I. 21; Procop. in Esai. XVIII. p. 258. Cf. Lenormant, Monogr. de la voie sacrée éleusin., where many other references are given.
[1460] Dem. Κατὰ Νεαίρας, pp. 1369–1371 et passim. Cf. Arist. Ἀθην. Πολ. 3.
[1461] Etymol. Mag. 227. 36.
[1462] Hesych. s.v. γεραραί.
[1464] Plutarch, de defectu orac. cap. 14 (p. 417).
[1466] Not so, however, to Artemidorus. Cf. Oneirocr. I. 80.
[1467] Protrept. § 34.
[1468] l. c.
[1469] Protrept. § 16.
[1470] Theophr. Char. 28 (ed. Jebb).
[1471] l. c.
[1472] Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 15.
[1473] The cymbal certainly belonged to Demeter also (see Miss Harrison, op. cit. p. 562) but not, I think, the kettle-drum.
[1474] Psellus (Quaenam sunt Graecorum opiniones de daemonibus, 3, ed. Migne) refers the formulary to the rites of Demeter and Kore. But I cannot agree with Miss J. Harrison (Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion, p. 569) as to the importance of Psellus’ testimony in any respect. He appears to me to give no more than a résumé of information derived from Clement’s Protreptica, misunderstood and even more confused.
[1475] Paus. II. 17. 3.
[1476] Miss J. Harrison, op. cit. p. 536, commenting on Philosophumena, ed. Cruice, v. 3.
[1477] A title under which both Zeus and Hermes were known; see Aristoph. Pax, 42, and Schol. ibid. 649.
[1478] Clem. Alex. Protrept. § 54.
[1479] Athen. VI. p. 253 A. Shortly afterwards he quotes a song (253 D) in which it is the name of Demeter which is coupled with that of Demetrius.
[1480] Athen. VI. 253 A, and 261 B.
[1481] Glycon was Alexander’s new god, a re-incarnation of Asclepius, born in the form of a snake out of an egg discovered by Alexander.
[1482] A superstitious old Roman entrapped by Alexander.
[1483] Lucian, Alexander seu Pseudomantis, cap. 38–39 (II. 244 ff.).
[1484] See Miss J. Harrison, op. cit. pp. 549 ff.