3 This interpretation of the Arab conquests as the last of the great Semitic migrations has been worked out in a masterly manner by Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 831–61. ↑
4 Caetani, vol. ii. p. 455; vol. v. p. 521. (“In Madīnah si formò un considerevole nucleo religioso, composto d’elementi eterogenei, ma forse in maggioranza madinesi, i quali presero l’Islām molto sul serio e cercarono sinceramente di osservare la nuova dottrina, per la convinzione che, così agendo facevan bene, ed in devoto omaggio alla volontà del Profeta.”) ↑
14 For an exhaustive study of the jizyah, with a masterly array and critical examination of all the available historical materials, see Caetani, vol. v. p. 319 sqq.; for Egypt during the first century of Muslim rule, see Bell, p. 167 sqq., and Becker, Beiträge zur Geschichte Aegyptens unter dem Islam, p. 81 sqq. ↑
15 Caetani (vol. iv. p. 227) believes that this story is the invention of a later epoch, to explain the fiscal anomaly of a Christian tribe being treated as if it were Muslim. ↑
16 The few meagre notices of this tribe in the works of Arabic historians have been admirably summarised by Lammens: Le Chantre des Omiades. (J. A., ix. sér., tome iv. pp. 97–9, 438–59.) See also Caetani, vol. iv. p. 227 sqq. ↑
22 “Gli Arabi nei primi anni non perseguitarono invece alcuno per ragioni di fede, non si diedero pena alcuna per convertire chicchessia, sicchè sotto l’Islām, dopo le prime conquiste, i cristiani Semiti goderno d’una tolleranza religiosa quale non si era mai vista da varie generazioni.” (Caetani, vol. v. p. 4.) ↑
23 Sir Henry Layard: Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and Babylonia, vol. i. p. 100. (London, 1887); R. Hartmann: Die Herrschaft von al-Karak. (Der Islam, vol. ii. p. 137.) ↑
26 I. A. Dorner: A System of Christian Doctrine, vol. iii. pp. 215–16. (London, 1885.) J. C. Robertson: History of the Christian Church, vol. ii. p. 226. (London, 1875.) ↑
27 That such fears were not wholly groundless may be judged from the emperor’s intolerant behaviour towards many of the Monophysite party in his progress through Syria after the defeat of the Persians in 627. (See Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 412, and Caetani, vol. ii. p. 1049.) For the outrages committed by the Byzantine soldiers on their co-religionists in the reign of Constans II (642–668), see Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 443. ↑
28 Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Barhebræus, about a century later, wrote in a similar strain. (Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, ed. J. B. Abbeloos et Lamy, p. 474.) ↑
31 Caetani, vol. iii. p. 813; vol. v. p. 394. (“Gli abitanti accettarono con non celato favore il mutamento di governo, appena ebbero compreso che gli Arabi avrebbero rispettato i loro diritti individuali, ed avrebbero lasciata completa libertà di coscienza in materia religiosa. In Siria, città ed interi distretti si affrettarono a trattare con gli Arabi anche prima della rotta finale dei Greci. Nel Sawād si lasciarono passivamente sopraffare accettando il nuovo dominio senza pattuire condizioni di sorta; è probabile che anche in Siria questo fosse il caso per molte regioni remote dalle grandi vie di comunicazioni.”) ↑
32 Gottheil has brought together a valuable collection of documentary evidence as to the condition of the protected peoples under Muslim rule in his “Dhimmīs and Moslems in Egypt.” ↑
40 Some authorities on Muhammadan law held that this rule did not extend to villages and hamlets, in which the construction of churches was not to be prevented. (Hidāyah, vol. ii. p. 219.) ↑
41 “The ʻUlamāʼ are divided in opinion on the question of the teaching of the Qurʼān: the sect of Mālik forbids it: that of Abū Ḥanīfah allows it; and Shāfiʻī has two opinions on the subject: on the one hand, he countenances the study of it, as indicating a leaning towards Islam; and on the other hand, he forbids it, because he fears that the unbeliever who studies the Qurʼān being still impure may read it solely with the object of turning it to ridicule, since he is the enemy of God and the Prophet who wrote the book; now as these two statements are contradictory, Shāfiʻī has no formally stated opinion on this matter.” (Belin, p. 508.) ↑
43 Abū Yūsuf (p. 82) says that Christians were to be allowed to go in procession once a year with crosses, but not with banners; outside the city, not inside where the mosques were. ↑
46 There is evidence to show that the Arab conquerors left unchanged the fiscal system that they found prevailing in the lands they conquered from the Byzantines, and that the explanation of jizyah as a capitation-tax is an invention of later jurists, ignorant of the true condition of affairs in the early days of Islam. (Caetani, vol. iv. p. 610 (§ 231); vol. v. p. 449.) H. Lammens: Ziād ibn Abīhi. (Rivista degli Studi Orientali, vol. iv. p. 215.) ↑
69 Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 71 (l. 16). Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī wrote a refutation of the Qurʼān and other theological works (Wright, p. 191 n. 3). ↑
78 Gottheil, pp. 360–1. Goldziher: Zur Literatur des Ichtilâf al-maḏâhib, ZDMG., vol. 38, pp. 673–4. ↑
79 On this theoretical character of much of Muslim legal literature, see Snouck Hurgronje: Mohammedanisches Recht in Theorie und Wirklichkeit. ↑
81 Gottheil, pp. 358–9, however, doubts whether there is evidence for attributing this intolerance to ʻUmar II. ↑
100 A Dominican monk from Florence, by name Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, who visited the East about the close of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century, speaks of the toleration the Nestorians had enjoyed under Muhammadan rule right up to his time: “Et ego inveni per antiquas historias et autenticas aput Saracenos, quod ipsi Nestorini amici fuerunt Machometi et confederati cum eo, et quod ipse Machometus mandauit suis posteris, quod Nestorinos maxime conseruarent. Quod usque hodie diligenter obseruant ipsi Sarraceni.” (Laurent, p. 128.) ↑