[59] Report on the Geology of Arkansas, vol. ii, p.
414—cited by Foster.
[60] See on chambered mounds similar to English barrows,
Curtiss in Peabody Museum Reports, vol. ii, p. 717; Broadhead in
Smithsonian Report for 1879, pp. 350 et seq. (with cuts).
[61] “Within the State, from Pulaski County to Arkansas, in
all the little valleys which wind in and out among the flint-crowned
hills of the Ozarks, are seen what may be termed garden mounds. These
are elevated about two or three feet above the natural surface of
the land, and are from fifteen to fifty feet in diameter, varying
thus in size according to the amount of richer soil which could be
scraped together. Their presence may always be detected in fields of
growing grain by its more luxuriant growth and deeper green.”—A. J.
Conant in the Transactions cited above, p. 354. The same
writer has treated the subject more fully in a recent work published at
St. Louis, entitled, “The Commonwealth of Missouri.”
[62] Ancient Monuments, p. 115, and Pre-Historic
Races, p. 120.
[64] Prof. Forshey, in Foster’s Pre-Historic Races, pp.
121, 122, remarks: “There is a class of mounds west of the Mississippi
Delta and extending from the Gulf to the Arkansas and above, and
westward to the Colorado in Texas, that are to me, after thirty
years’ familiarity with them, entirely inexplicable. In my Geological
Reconnoissance of Louisiana in 1841–2, I made a pretty thorough report
upon them. I afterwards gave a verbal description of their extent
and character before the New Orleans Academy of Sciences.
These mounds lack every evidence of artificial construction based on
implements or other human vestigia. They are nearly all round, none
angular, and have an elevation hemispheroidal of one foot to five feet,
and a diameter from thirty feet to one hundred and forty feet. They
are numbered by millions. In many places, in pine forests and upon the
prairies, they are to be seen nearly tangent to each other as far as
the eye can reach, thousands being visible from an elevation of a few
feet. On the gulf-marsh margin, from the Vermillion to the Colorado,
they appear barely visible, often flowing into one another, and only
elevated a few inches above the common land. A few miles interior they
rise to two and even four feet in height. The largest I ever saw were
perhaps one hundred and forty feet in diameter and five feet high.
These were in Western Louisiana. Some of them had abrupt sides, though
they are nearly all of gentle slopes. There is ample testimony that the
pine trees of the present forests antedate these mounds. The material
for their construction is like that of the vicinity everywhere, and
often there is a depression in close proximity to the elevation.” We
can make no conjecture concerning the use of those mounds described by
Prof. Forshey, except to suggest that they in all probability served as
foundations for dwellings in a low country, which at that time may have
been moister and more marshy than at present. If such was the case,
the whole region must have presented the appearance of a continuous
community instead of the proper proportion of country and village. This
crowded state of affairs could have been produced by the pressure from
enemies in the north, and the lack of agricultural lands evidently was
sufficient alone to cause a migration to the south.
[65] A number of the cuts in this chapter illustrative of
the Arts of the Mound-builders, are copies of those used by Dr.
Charles Rau in his Catalogue of the Archæological Collection of
the National Museum, Washington, Smithsonian Contribution No. 287
(1876), granted me through the courtesy of Professor Henry. A few also
are from the memoir by Prof. Jos. Jones on the Aboriginal Remains
of Tennessee. Smithsonian Contribution No. 259 (1876). For an
able classification of these Mound Relics (a work which I could not
undertake in a volume not devoted exclusively to the Mound-builders),
I refer the reader to Rau’s Memoir above cited, as being altogether
the most satisfactory attempt of the kind of which I have any
knowledge. For a classification of works in Ohio, see Antiquities of
Ohio: Report of the Committee of the State Archæological Society
to the Centennial Commission of Ohio (Columbus, Ohio, 1877, 8vo).
The incompleteness of the work is to be regretted. Ohio, out of its
vast fund of material, certainly ought to furnish a more satisfactory
contribution to the subject of archæology. The work comprises seven
chapters, of which the last is the least satisfactory of all, for
while bearing the title “Location of Ancient Earthworks in Ohio,”
it enumerates only one hundred and sixteen out of the ten thousand
mound-works in the State. Still the memoir is not without value. Its
chapters on Stone Relics, Copper Relics, and Insignia and Ornaments are
comparatively thorough.
[66] Ancient Monuments, p. 143. Prof. E. B. Andrews has
shown that the supposed uniformity of stratification in altar mounds
is a fallacy. In many instances the earth has been dumped together
indiscriminately.
[67] Ancient Monuments, p. 143, the following general
description is given: “The altars or basins found in these mounds are
almost invariably of burned clay, although a few of stone have been
discovered. They are symmetrical, but not of uniform size or shape.
Some are round, others elliptical, and others square or parallelograms.
Some are small, measuring barely two feet across, while others are
fifty feet long by twelve or fifteen feet wide. The usual dimensions
are from five to eight feet. All appear to have been modelled of fine
clay brought to the spot from a distance, and they rest on the original
surface of the earth. In a few instances a layer or small elevation of
sand had been laid down, upon which the altar was formed. The height of
the altars, nevertheless, seldom exceeds a foot or twenty inches above
the adjacent level. The clay of which they are composed is usually
burned hard, sometimes to the depth of ten, fifteen, and even twenty
inches. This is hardly to be explained by any degree or continuance of
heat, though it is manifest that in some cases the heat was intense. On
the other hand, a number of these altars have been noticed which are
very slightly burned; and such, it is a remarkable fact, are destitute
of remains.”
[68] Charles Rau in Smithsonian Report, 1872, p. 357.
Baldwin’s Ancient America, p. 41.
[69] Squier and Davis: Op. Cit., pp. 169–70.
Foster: Op. Cit., pp. 188–196. Schoolcraft in vol.
i, Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc. M. C. Read in American
Antiquarian, vol. i, p. 139, Jan. 1879. Dr. Clemens in Morton’s
Crania Americana, p. 221. Mr. E. O. Dunning in Foster, p. 194.
[70] Description of an Ancient Sepulchral Mound near
Newark, Ohio, by O. C. Marsh, F. G. S., in American Journal of
Science and Arts for July, 1866. Second Series, vol. xlii.
[71] See Dr. Charles T. Jackson’s Geological Report to the
United States Government, 1849. Foster and Whitney’s Report
on the Geology of the Lake Superior Region, Part I. Published
by authority of Congress in 1850, and substantially reproduced in
Foster’s Pre-Historic Races of the U. S., chap. vii, in 1873.
The most elaborate treatment is by Col. Charles Whittlesey,
Ancient Mining on the Shores of Lake Superior. Published in
the Smithsonian Contribution to Knowledge in 1863, vol. xiii.
Swineford’s History and Review of the Mineral Resources of Lake
Superior, Marquette, 1876. Containing Ancient Copper Mines of
Lake Superior by Jacob Houghton.
[72] Foster’s Pre-Historic Races, p. 268. For a further
account, see Mr. Henry Gillman in an article printed in Appleton’s
Journal, August 9, 1873, and entitled Ancient Works at Isle
Royal; also to a paper printed in the Smithsonian Report
for 1873, and in the Proceedings of the Amer. Ass. for the
Advancement of Science, 1875 meeting, p. 330. Also A. C. Davis in
Smithsonian Report for 1874, p. 369.
[73] Ancient Mining on the Shore of Lake Superior, p. 2.
[74] “L’on trouve souvent au fond de l’eau, des pieces de
cuivre tout formé, de la pesanteur de dix et vingt livres; i’en ay
veu plusieurs fois entre les mains des Sauvages, et comme ils sont
superstitieux, ils les gardent comme autant de divinités, ou comme des
presents que les dieux qui sont au fond de l’eau leur ont faits pour
estre la cause de leur bonheur; c’est pour cela, qu’ils conservent ces
morceaux de cuivre envelopés parmi leurs meubles les plus pretieux, il
y en a qui les gardent depuis plus de cinquante ans; d’autres les ont
dans leurs familles de temps immemorial, et les cherissent comme des
dieux domestiques.”—Relations des Jésuites, en l’Année 1667, p.
8. Quebec reprint, 1858. Tome iii.
[75] “En y entrant par son embouchure, que se décharge au
Sault, le premier endroit que se présente où se retrouve du cuivre
en abondance, est une Isle que est éloignée de quarante on cinquante
lieuës, scituée vers le côté du Nord, vis a vis d’un endroit qu’on
appelle Missipicoüatong. Les sauvages racontent que c’est une Isle
flottante, que est quelquefois loing, quelquefois proche, selon les
vents qui la poussent, et la promenent de côté et d’autre. Ils ajoûtent
qu’il y a bien longtemps que quatre sauvages y furent par rencontre,
s’etans égarez dans la brume, dont cette Isle est presque toujours
environnée. C’étoit du temps qu’ils n’avoient point encore eu de
commerce avec les François, et n’avoient aucun usage ny des chaudieres
ny des haches. Ceux-cy donc voulans se preparer à manger, firent à leur
ordinaire: prenant des pierres qu’ils trouvoient au bord de l’eau, les
faisaient rougir dans le feu et les jettaient dans un plat d’ecorce
plein d’eau pour la faire boüillir et faire cuire par cette industrie
leur viande. Comme ils choisissoient ces pierres, ils trouvoient, que
c’étoient presque tous morceaux de cuivre; ils se servirent donc des
unes et des autres, et aprés avoir pris leur repas, ils songerent à
s’embarquer au plustost, craignant les Loups Cerviers et les Lievres,
qui sont en cét endroit grands comme des Chiens, et qui venoient
manger leurs provisions et même leur Canot. Avant que de partir, ils
se chargerent de quantité de ces pierres grosses et menuës, et même de
quelques plaques de cuivre; mais ils ne furent pas bien éloignez du
rivage, qu’une puissante voix se fit entendre à leurs oreilles, disant
tout en colere: Qui sont ces voleurs qui m’emportent les berceaux
et les divertissemens de mes enfans? Les plaques de cuivre sont les
berceaux, parce que parmy les sauvages ils ne sont faits que d’un ou
deux aix joints ensemble, sur lesquels ils couchent leurs enfans; et
ces petits morçeaux de cuivre qu’ils enlevoient, sont les jouets et
les divertissemens des enfans sauvages, qui joüent ensemble avec des
petites pierres.” The voice which the savages heard was believed to be
that of a spirit called Missibizi, a certain water-god. “Quoy qu’il en
soit, cette voix étonnante jetta tellement la frayeur dans l’esprit de
nos Voyageurs, qu’un des quatre mourut avant que d’arriver à terre;
peu de temps aprés un second fut enlevé, puis le troisièma; de sorte
qu’il n’en resta qu’un, lequel s’étant rendu en son Pays, raconta
tout ce qui s’étoit passé, pues mourut fort peu apriés.” The Father
adds that the savages never afterward could be induced to approach
the island for fear of being seized by the Genii presiding over its
treasures.—Relations des Jesuités l’année 1670, p. 84, tome iii.
Quebec reprint, 1858.
[77] Congrès International des Américanistes.
Luxembourg. 1877, tom. i, pp. 51–2.
[78] Essai Politique (Paris, 1825–27), vol. iii,
p. 114. Dr. Charles Rau has courteously furnished me the following
references on ancient mining in Mexico: Clavigaro’s History of
Mexico, Phil., 1817, vol. i., p. 20. Prescott’s Mexico,
vol. i, p. 138; Despatches of Hernando Cortés addressed to
the Emperor Charles V (trans. by Folsom, New York, 1842), p. 412.
Memoirs of Bernal Diaz (trans. of Lockhart, London, 1844), vol.
i, p. 36. Dr. Rau remarks: “We are forcibly led to the conclusion that
the Mexicans obtained copper by the mining process.”—Letter to the
Author, Aug. 24, 1878.
[79] Colonel Whittlesey in the Report of the State
Archæological Society to the Centennial Commission of Ohio, Chap.
IV, pl. 10, has figured several symmetrical tubes of stone from Ohio
Mounds. The most perfect of these he thinks may have served “as
telescopic helps for distant views.” The most general use to which most
of them were applied, it is believed, was the making of signals, or
possibly rude music. One of the tubes taken from the Tippet Mound near
Newark, Ohio, and figured in the report, has its upper end flattened
like a whistle or flute, and has a hole penetrating it just below the
mouthpiece, which indicates that it may have been a musical instrument.
The Huron slates were most frequently employed in the manufacture of
tubes, as they were in the production of the class of objects known as
ceremonial relics.
[80] Baldwin’s Ancient America, p. 42, and Dupaix,
quoted on pp. 122–3.
[81] Dr. Rau has shown that division of labor and its
advantages was recognized among the aborigines; that certain
individuals who were qualified to manufacture particular implements
devoted themselves exclusively to that work. He bases his conjecture
“on the occurrence of manufactured articles of a homogeneous character
in mounds or in deposits below the surface of the soil. There is little
doubt, for instance, that there were persons who devoted their time
chiefly to the manufacture of stone arrow-heads and of other articles
produced by chipping, among which may be mentioned those remarkable
large digging tools described by me several years ago, and the oval or
leaf-shaped implements made of the peculiar hornstone of ‘Flint Ridge’
in Ohio.” See Stock-in-trade of an Aboriginal Lapidary, by Charles Rau,
Smithsonian Report for 1877.
[82] Dr. S. S. Schoville, in the Cincinnati Quarterly
Journal of Science, April, 1875, p. 164, describes the discovery of
numerous mica plates in a mound on the east bank of the Little Miami
River, about twenty-five miles east of Cincinnati. He states, that
at the base of the mound, on a level with the surrounding country,
the remains of several skeletons were found, placed with their heads
together and lying in a horizontal position. “Lying upon or immediately
over the cranial debris, were found plates of mica, some a foot in
diameter. These plates were disposed in such a way as to cover an area
somewhat larger than that occupied by the crania beneath. However,
it could not definitely be determined whether the design had been to
make a continuous or common roof over the faces as a group, or whether
each face had a covering of its own.” The writer ventures the rather
fanciful conjecture that the mica in this and many other cases served
the purpose of exhibiting temporarily the features of the dead in the
manner that glass is now used on caskets.
[83] See a most interesting and extensive memoir on
Aboriginal Trade in North America, by Charles Rau,
first published in vol. iv of the Archiv für Anthropologie
(Braunschweig, 1872), and translated in Smithsonian Report for
1872, pp. 249–394.
[84] Mr. A. J. Conant in the Commonwealth of Missouri,
pp. 77–8 (St. Louis, 1877), refers to ancient canals fifty feet wide
and twelve feet deep observed by Dr. G. C. Swallow. He quotes a pretty
full account from Geo. W. Carleton, Esq. Mr. Conant considers some of
the southern bayous of artificial origin.
[85] For further material on the Mound-builders, see the
documents cited throughout the chapter. No less important is Dr.
Foster’s admirable work so often quoted, and which we must add has been
of great service in the preparation of this chapter. A very good paper
on the Mound-builders is that by Robert S. Robertson of Fort Wayne,
Indiana, in the Congrès International des Américanistes Compte-Rendu
de la Sec. Ses. Luxembourg, 1877, tom. i, pp. 39–50, though we
do not fully agree with the author’s views as to the colonization
of the Mississippi valley from the south. The classification of
Mound-works by Rev. Stephen D. Peet in the same document, p. 103, is
very satisfactory, and corresponds to that adopted in this chapter. The
learned article by Judge Force of Cincinnati in the same document, vol.
i, pp. 121–156, is full of interest. For recent mound explorations, see Appendix.
[86] Pre-Historic Times, p. 425. Also cited by
Foster. In this connection I refer the reader to the argument of
Mr. John H. Becker of Berlin, in the Congrès International des
Américanistes, Luxembourg, 1877, tom. i, pp. 345–6: “These northern
nations * * * have not quite forgotten the former existence and the
exodus of these Nahua Mound-builders in and from the western prairie
country. Cusick’s remarkable history of the Iroquois (Schoolcraft,
vol. v) states again and again that ‘their hunters were opposed by big
snakes,’ that the ‘great horned snake appeared on Lake Ontario,’ that
the ‘lake serpent traversed the country, and they were compelled to
build fortifications in order to save themselves from the devouring
monsters,’ that ‘a snake with a human head prevented the intercourse
of their several villages, as it had settled near the principal path
of communication,’ also ‘that it retreats,’ etc., etc. Now, in order
to understand the force of these passages, it is necessary to remind
the reader that the Nahua race were perhaps even more properly and
generally designated as the ‘Culhua’ the ‘Snake’ race, and one branch,
remotely connected with them in blood and language, though wofully
degenerated, the Snakes or Shoshones of Oregon, etc., carry the name to
this very day. * * * ‘An expedition was sent towards the Mississippi
River; they crossed it, reached an extensive meadow; they discovered a
curious animal, a winged fish; it flew about the tree,
it moved like a humming bird’ * * * the humming bird was
the totem of the last tribe of Nahuas, arriving in Anahuac from Aztlan.
The Cherokee tradition, told by Timberlake, is equally significant:
‘The prince of rattlesnakes lives in the glens of the mountains. His
palace is guarded by obedient subjects. * * * And in the myth of the
Algonquins, the god-hero Michabo is in conflict with the shining prince
of serpents who lives in the lake; he destroys the reptile with a dart;
clothes himself with the skin of his foe, and drives the rest of the
serpents to the south.’”
[88] Foster, pp. 172–3, remarks: “Squier and Davis hastily
stated that none of these works occupied the alluvial bottoms (an error
which Mr. Squier subsequently corrected), and from this statement the
most erroneous conclusions as to their antiquity have been drawn.
There is nothing to indicate but that those works were constructed
after the surface had assumed its present configuration, and that the
climate had become essentially as it is now. That they should not
occur as abundantly on the bottoms as on the river terraces is not
to be wondered at, when we consider the great fluctuations of the
Mississippi and its tributaries. The extreme range between low and
high water of the Upper Mississippi at its mouth is thirty-five feet;
that of the Missouri at its mouth about the same; and that of the Ohio
at Louisville, forty-two feet. Hence, during the flood time a greater
portion of the bottom lands are subject to overflow, and it would be
natural for the Mound-builders to shun such situations. Where the
immediate valleys lie above high water, we find their works. Of this
the ‘American Bottom’ is a notable instance.”
[89] See Dr. Lapham’s communication in Foster’s
Pre-Historic Races, pp. 373–5, in which he shows the possibility
of finding the average increase of wood each year by measuring annual
rings of growth.
[90] Sir Charles Lyell, Antiquity of Man, p. 41, says:
“When I visited Marietta in 1842, Dr. Hildreth took me to one of the
mounds, and showed me where he had seen a tree growing on it, the trunk
of which when cut down displayed eight hundred rings of annual growth.”
[91] See Prof. Asa Gray in Foster’s Pre-Historic Races,
p. 392; also Lyell’s Antiquity of Man, p. 41, where the opinion
of President Harrison is quoted as follows: “We may be sure that no
trees were allowed to grow so long as the earthworks were in use; and
when they were forsaken, the ground, like all newly-cleared land in
Ohio, would for a time be monopolized by one or two species of tree,
such as the yellow locust and the black or white walnut. When the
individuals which were the first to get possession of the ground had
died out one after the other, they would, in many cases, instead of
being replaced by other species, be succeeded, by virtue of the law
which makes a rotation of crops profitable in agriculture, by other
kinds, till at last, after a great number of centuries (several hundred
years perhaps), that remarkable diversity of species characteristic
of North America, and far exceeding what is seen in European forests,
would be established.”
[92] Foster’s Pre-Historic Races, pp. 118, 119,
122, and M. Stronck, Repères chronologiques de l’histoire des
Mound-builders in Congrès des Américanistes, Luxembourg,
tom. i, pp. 316–18, catalogues the record of the age of trees found on mounds.
[95] Second Visit to the United States, vol. i, p. 252.
[96] Dr. Brinton’s Notes on the Floridian Peninsula.
[97] From the immense heaps distributed over an area of 150
miles between Pilatka and Salt Creek Dr. Wyman made some collections
of interest. The banks were composed mostly of the Ampullaria
Depressa, the Paludina Multilineata and Unio
Buckleyi. The bank at King Phillip’s Town, 450 feet long by 120
feet wide, and in some places eight feet thick, yielded fragments
of pottery and decayed animal bones. At Black Hammock, on the St.
Johns, a mound 900 feet long and from 100 to 150 in width, yielded
the following: such marine shells as the strombus-gigos, pyrula
carica and P. perversa. These had been shaped into hatchets, gouges
and chisels. Scarcely any stone implements were found in any of the
mounds examined. A chisel and twenty-five arrow-heads were collected
in the vicinity of the above shell-bank. The following animal remains
were found: bear, deer, raccoon, opossum, terrapin, turtle, alligator,
cat-fish and garpike. But few bones of birds were found. Prof. Wyman
can only explain the presence of so many of the now scarce species,
the Ampullarius and Paludinas, on the supposition that they were much
more plentiful and are now becoming extinct, or that the heaps where so
abundantly found were made by slow accumulation, through the lapse of
an indefinitely long period.—American Naturalist, vol. ii, Nos.
8 and 9, and Fifth Annual Report of Peabody Museum, pp. 22–25.
Also First Report of Peabody Museum, pp. 11, 18.
[98] A small sand-mound near Cedar Keys yielded peculiarly
massive skulls; the capacity being 1375 cubic centimetres, or nearly
84 cubic inches. They show no distortion, and the average thickness of
eight of them through the parietal bones measured 10.5 millimetres, or
0.42 of an inch. The heaviest weighed 995 grams, and notwithstanding
the loss of its organic matter, is heavier than any of the three
hundred skulls in the collection (Peabody Museum).—Fourth Annual
Report of Peabody Museum, p. 13. Also see Foster’s Pre-Historic
Races, p. 170.
[100] Nott and Gliddon’s Types of Mankind, p. 272.
[101] C. C. Jones, Jr., Antiquities of the Southern
Indians.
[102] Further consult, Second Indiana Report, p. iii;
Smithsonian Report for 1870; Humphreys and Abbot’s Physics
and Hydraulics of the Mississippi Valley, p. 89, and Foster’s
Pre-Historic Races, Chap. IV.
[103] Martius: Von dem Rechtszustande unter den
Ureinwohner Brasiliens, p. 80, and reprinted in his Beiträge
zur Ethnographie, etc., Leipzig, 1867, quarto. “Der dermalige
Zustand dieser Naturwesen beurkundet, dass die amerikanische Natur
schon seit Jahrtausenden den Einfluss einer verändernden und
umgestaltenden Menschenhand erfahren hat. Auf den Antillen und dem
Festlande fanden die ersten Conquistadores den stummen Hund als
Hausthier und auf der Jagd dienend, ebenso das Meerschweinchen in
St. Domingo in einem heimischen Zustande.... Das Llama war in Peru
schon seit undenklicher Zeit als Lastthier benützt worden, und kam
nicht mehr im Zustand der Freiheit vor; ja sogar das Guanaco und die
Vicunna scheinen damals nicht ganz wild, sondern in einer beschränkten
Freiheit den Urbewohnern befreundet, gelebt zu haben, da sie, um
geschoren zu werden, eingefangen, so dann aber wieder freigelassen
würden.... Die Cultur dieser Pflanze (Maize) aus welcher die Peruaner
auch Zucker bereiteten, ist uralt; man findet sie, und die Banane, den
Baumwollenstrauch, die Quinoa- und die Mandioca-Pflanze ebenso wenig
wild in America als unsere Getreidearten in Asien, Europa und Africa.
Die einzige Palme, welche von den Indianern angebaut wird, hat durch
diese Cultur den grossen, steinharten Saamenkern verloren, der oft in
Fasern zerschmolzen, oft gänzlich aufgelöst ist. Ebenso findet man die
Banane, deren Einfuhr nach America geschichtlich nicht nachgewiesen
werden kann, immer ohne Saamen. Man weiss aber aus anderen Erfahrungen,
welch’ lange Zeit nothwendig ist, um den Pflanzen einen solchen Stempel
von der umbildenden Macht menschlichen Einflusses aufzudrücken. Gewiss,
auch in America sind die dort heimischen Nutz-Pflanzen der Menschheit
seit undenklichen Zeiten zinsbar unterworfen.”
[115] Extinct Mammalia of North America, p. 365:
“The specimen may have been contemporary with the remains of extinct
animals, with which it is said to have been found, though it appears
to me equally if not more probable that it may have fallen into
the formation from an Indian grave above at a comparatively recent
date, and become stained like the true fossils from ferruginous infiltration.”
[116] Foster: Pre-Historic Races, p. 61. “A dozen
plantation burial places and Indian mounds and camps had been exposed
above for centuries; and in recent years since uninhabited by the
whites (for a hundred years), the drains had cut through the surface
to the depth of twenty and even forty feet of the bluff loam-beds. The
probabilities are a hundred to one that this bone was not of the bluff
(mastodon) formation but of the recent era.”
[117] Foster in Transactions of the Chicago Academy of
Sciences, vol. i, part ii.
[118] Fontaine’s How the World was Peopled, pp. 67–69.
A book with many good points, but obscure as to this particular case.
[119] On the Geology of Lower Louisiana and the Salt
Deposit on the Petit Anse Island, p. 14, in Smithsonian
Contributions to Knowledge, No. 248.
[124] J. D. Dana: Koch’s Evidence on the Contemporaneity
of Man and the Mastodon in Missouri, in the Am. Jour. of Sci.
and Arts, Art. xxxv, May, 1875, gives the title of two of these
pamphlets as follows: 1. Description of the Missourium or Missouri
Leviathan, together with its Supposed Habits; Indian Traditions
Concerning the Location from which it was Exhumed; Also, Comparisons
of the Whale, Crocodile, and Missourium with the Leviathan, as
described in the Forty-first Chapter of the Book of Job: by Albert
Koch, 16 pp. octavo, St. Louis, 1841 (1840 on the cover, indicating
that the copy is from a second edition). 2. Description of the
Missourium Theristocaulodon (Koch) or Missouri Leviathan (Leviathan
Missouriensis), together with its Supposed Habits and Indian
Traditions; Also, Comparisons of the Whale, Crocodile, and Missourium
with the Leviathan, as described in the Forty-first Chapter of the Book
of Job: by Albert Koch. Fifth edition enlarged, 28 pp. octavo.
Dublin, 1843. (A third edition of twenty-four pages appeared in London
in 1841.)
[125] American Journal of Science and Arts, 1830, Art.
xxxvi, p. 198, and copied by Mr. J. D. Dana, in his article before
cited, May, 1875.
[126] Dr. Koch’s Pamphlet of 1843, pp. 13, 14, 27,
copied by J. D. Dana.
[127] Transactions of St. Louis Academy of Sciences,
vol. i, 1857.
[132] Though the above argument by so eminent a specialist
must satisfy any one that Dr. Koch’s claim, as it now stands, is
valueless to science; still, it is due to the memory of the latter,
to admit that he was the most indefatigable and successful collector
in his department in this country. Though unscientific himself, his
service to science must ever be recognized. The great Mastodon in the
British Museum is a monument to his persevering research. Perhaps the
disposition to acknowledge his services, has unduly biased the judgment
of many in favor of his groundless claim.
[134] “But it is one of those isolated cases which require
further investigation before full credence can be attached to
it.”—Foster’s Pre-Historic Races, p. 71.
[135] Antiquity of Man in the United States, Transactions
of American Association for Advancement of Science. Chicago, 1869.