[1692] Hist. Eccles., XXII, 17 (Muratori, XI, 1150).

[1693] Epitaphs of Albert and Aquinas, opening respectively, “fenix doctorum” and “in luctu citharae,” are preserved in CLM 19608, 15th century, fols. 219-21. A portrait of Albert is found in CLM 27029, fol. 88, in the midst of a treatise copied in 1388 A. D.

[1694] Hist. Eccles. XXII, 19 (Muratori, XI, 1151).

[1695] Pouchet (1853), p. 210.

[1696] In Dict. Theol. Cath., (1909-). Also Revue Thomiste V, 95; Siger de Brabant, 2nd edition (1911 and 1908), p. 36.

[1697] Henry of Hereford, ed Potthast, Göttingen, 1859. Over this point quite a war of pamphlets and monographs has recently been waged.

[1698] Peter of Prussia (1621), p. 65, “qui ab ipso puerili aevo ut ipse testatur ad decrepitam usque aetatem iugum Domini mira cum hilaritate in eodem Ordine portavit.”

[1699] Meteor., III, ii, 12.

[1700] Mineral., II, iii, 1.

[1701] Vita Alberti (1621), p. 90.

[1702] Meteor., I, iii, 5. See also Ashmole 393, fol. 77, “Cometa” seu “De generatione comete” secundum Januensem, Papiam, et Albertum in summa (an. 1240).

[1703] Amplon. Quarto 296.

[1704] Although the treatise on Minerals has always been accepted as authentic, since its opinions in connection with magic and astrology are rather extreme, it may be well to list here some early MSS of it. Berthelot (1893) I, 290, regarded BN 6514, written about 1300, as “almost contemporary,” but some of the following are older, if the dating in the MSS catalogues is dependable.

CLM 353, 13th century, fol. 55- Lapidarius, fol. 69- liber de mineralibus.

CLM 540A, anno 1298, fols. 1-106, libri V mineralium.

CLM 23538, 13-14th century, 54 fols., de mineralibus libri V.

Amplon. Quarto 189, about 1300 A. D., fols. 40-67, liber de mineralibus et lapidibus.

Amplon. Quarto 293, 13th century, fols. 57-85, quatuor (vel potius quinque) libri mineralium domini Alberti Magni.

Magdalen 174, close of 13th century, fol. 51v- de mineralibus libri tres (?).

The Minerals is found in the following 14th century MSS, and doubtless in many others: Digby 119, 26; 183, 1; 190, 1; Ashmole 1471, fols. 1-48; Merton 285; S. Marco XIII, 18, fols. 1-31, “Explicit liber de lapidibus secundum fratrem Albertum qui liber oculo intitulatur”; CLM 16129, fols. 25-112; BN 7156, 2; BN 7475, 8.

[1705] Mineral., IV, i, 6, “Hi autem qui in cupro multum operantur in nostris partibus Parisiis videlicet at Coloniae et in aliis locis in quibus fui et vidi experiri.” Ibid., II, ii, 11, “Narravit mihi unus ex nostris sociis curiosus experimentator quod vidit Fredericum Imperatorem habere magnetem qui non traxit ferrum sed ferrum vice versa traxit lapidem.”

[1706] De animalibus, XXIII, i, 40.

[1707] Schools were established by the general chapter of the Dominicans in that year at Cologne, Oxford, Bologna, and Montpellier.

[1708] De animalibus, VII, i, 6, “quod expertus sum in villa mea super Danubium”; cited by v. Hertling (1914), p. 16.

[1709] Summa, XIII, 77, iv; cited by v. Hertling (1914), p. 14.

[1710] Sighart (1857), pp. 157, 159, 162.

[1711] Politics, VII, 14; cited by v. Hertling (1914), p. 13.

[1712] CE, “Albertus Magnus.” I have not found original sources for these events and fear that they may be inferences from the Speculum astronomiae.

[1713] HL XIX, 365; and v. Hertling (1914), p. 19. But he is called “Bishop of Lyons” in a 15th century MS at Munich; CLM 15181, fols. 167-77, Compendium magistri Magni Alberti episcopi Lugdunensis de disputatione corporis et animae.

[1714] De causis et proprietatibus elementorum, I, ii, 3, “In Colonia vidimus altissimas fieri foveas et in fundo illarum inventa sunt paramenta (pavimenta?) mirabilis schematis et decoris quae constat ibi homines antiquitus fecisse et congestam fuisse terram super ea post ruinas aedificiorum”; quoted by v. Hertling (1914), p. 11.

[1715] De natura locorum, III, 2; v. Hertling (1914), p. 11 note.

[1716] Petrus de Prussia (1621), pp. 179-81. Recently H. Stadler has edited the Historia animalium from what is believed to be the autograph MS at Cologne in Beiträge zur Gesch. d. Philos. d. Mittelalters, vols. 15-16. See also his Vorbemerkungen zur neuen Ausgabe der Tiergeschichte des Albertus Magnus in Sitzungsberichte d. kgl. bayr. Akad. d. Wiss. phil. hist. Classe, Munich (1912), pp. 1-58. Stadler also edited from a Cologne MS, believed to be the archetype, Liber de principiis motus processivi, Munich, 1909.

[1717] Opus Tertium, ed. Brewer (1859), p. 14.

[1718] Summa philosophiae, I, 6; XIX, 6; XII, 17; Baur (1912), pp. 280, 633, 505.

[1719] Cited by Petrus de Prussia (1621), p. 126.

[1720] “venerabilis ille frater ordinis predicatorum magister Albertus.”

[1721] Bonum univ., II, 57, Partic. xxxv, “Simili prope modo magister Albertus theologus frater ordinis predicatorum narravit mihi quod Parisius illi demon in specie cuiusdam fratris apparuit ut eum a studio revocaret sed mox crucis virtute discessit.”

[1722] Ibid., Partic. li, “Vii et fortissimo expertus sum sicut auditor eius per multum tempus quam venerabilis ille frater ordinis predicatorum Albertus cuius superiors femurs mentionem multis annis fere quotidie cum tamen in cathedra theologie regeret tantum de die et nocte orationibus incumbebat ut psalterium davidicum legeret et interdum dictis horis et lectionibus et disputationibus terminatis contemplatione divine et meditationibus insudaret. Quid mirum ergo si talis homo super hominem in scientia profecerit qui tam sancte tam integre in virtute profecerit.”

[1723] Abhandl. z. Gesch. d. Math. 26, 139 (1911).

[1724] CLM 453, 15th century, fol. 87-.

[1725] Corpus Christi 125, fol. 16r- “Incipit tractatus fratris Alberti de Colonia de plantacionibus arborum.”

Ashmole 1471, late 14th century, fols. 137-43, “Incipit tractatus Alberti de plantationibus arborum et de conservatione vini ... / ... Explicit tractatus Alberti de plantationibus arborum et de conservatione vini. aliqui tamen asserunt Euclidem hunc librum fecisse.”

Arundel 251, written on the back of the cover binding is “Albertus Magnus de Plantationibus arborum, etc.” But in the Arundel catalogue of 1834 the work is listed as “Anonymi cuiusdam tractatus de plantationibus arborum, de conservatione fructuum et de vino,” which has since been corrected to “Galfridi de Vino Salvo,” etc.

BN 9328, 14th century, fol. 124- Petrus de Crecenciis, De plantationibus arborum.

[1726] Vienna 5292, 15th century, fols. 1r-65v, Epitome in Almagestum Cl. Ptolomaei. Perhaps it is the same as CLM 56, 1434-1436 A. D., fols. 1-122, “Almagesti abbreviatum per mag. Thomam de Aquino,” which opens, “Omnium recte philosophantium....”

[1727] Vienna 5309, 15th century, fols. 127r-55v, Summa astrologiae, “In hoc tractatu brevi ... / ... habencia probabilitatis.”

[1728] It is included in Borgnet’s edition, vol. 5. Other such works are:

BN 16222, 14th century, fols. 22-67, Alberti compendium de negotio naturali; BN 16635, 14th century, fols. 1-53, Libri V Alberti Magni in philosophia naturali. Albertus Magnus, Summa naturalium, in Arundel 344, 13-14th century, fols. 40-65; Harleian 536, fols. 1-8; Harleian 4870, 14th century, #2.

[1729] Petrus de Prussia (1621), p. 294.

[1730] Clemens Baeumker, Die Stellung des Alfred von Sareshel (Alfredus Anglicus) und seiner Schrift De motu cordis in der Wissenschaft des beginnenden XIII Jahrhunderts, (June 7, 1913), p. 12, in Sitzungsberichte d. Königl. Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., Philos-philol. u. hist. Klasse; citing Arthur Schneider, Die Psychologie Alberts des Grossen, II, Münster, 1906, pp. 293-308, in Beiträge z. Gesch. d. Philos. des Mittelalters, IV, 5-6.

[1731] Grabmann (1916), pp. 165-6, citing Pangerl (1912). Grabmann notes further that Albert did not leave his theological Summa unfinished, but that the part which has never been printed exists in a MS at Venice.

[1732] C. Jessen (1867), p. 99.

[1733] Petrus de Prussia (1621), p. 288.

[1734] Halle, X, 641-741; XI, 545.

[1735] Geschichte der Botanik, Königsberg, 1855, IV, 39.

[1736] Meyer (1855), p. 40.

[1737] Pouchet’s fifth chapter (p. 203-644) was devoted to École Expérimentale, and of this pp. 203-320 to Albert himself.

[1738] M. H. De Blainville, Histoire des sciences de l’organisation ... Rédigée d’après ses notes et ses leçons faites à la Sorbonne de 1839 à 1841, avec les dêveloppements nécessaires et plusieurs additions, par F. L. M. Maupied, in 3 vols, Paris, 1847.

[1739] HL XIX, 377.

[1740] Stadler (1906), p. 2.

[1741] I, ii, 9.

[1742] “Non autem sufficit scire in universali sed quaerimus scire unumquodque secundum quod in propria natura se habet, hoc enim optimum et perfectum est genus sciendi.” Galen had expressed much the same thought eleven centuries before.

[1743] Émile Mâle, Religious Art in France in the Thirteenth Century, translated from the third edition by Dora Nussey, 1913, p. 52.

[1744] Ibid., 53.

[1745] Published in facsimile at London, 1859, and Paris, 1908.

[1746] Hist. Eccles., XXII, 18. “Hic commentatus est totam logicam Aristotelis, philosophiam naturalem et quantum ad naturalem experientiam naturarum clarissima et excellentissima tradidit. Hic theologiam declaravit.” I assume that Aristotle is understood as the subject of tradidit.

[1747] De natura locorum, I, 7.

[1748] IV, 40.

[1749] De veget. et plantis, I, ii, 12.

[1750] VI, i, 30.

[1751] VI, i, 2.

[1752] De veget. et plantis, VI, i, 35.

[1753] De animalibus, XI, i, 1.

[1754] XXIII, i, 40 (xix).

[1755] XXII, ii, 10 and 99; XXIII, i, 5 and 34-35 and 83 and 123; XXVI, i, 10 and 14 and 20.

[1756] XXIII, i, 9 and 14 and 23 and 57 and 83 and 104.

[1757] XXII, ii, 1.

[1758] XXIV, i, 28.

[1759] Pouchet (1853), pp. 285-6.

[1760] XXII, ii, 29 and 39 and 41 and 51 and 97.

[1761] XXIV, i, 9.

[1762] XXIII, i, 9.

[1763] XXII, ii, 28.

[1764] XXVI, i, 10.

[1765] XXIV, i, 123.

[1766] XXIII, i, 104.

[1767] XXIII, i, 54.

[1768] XXIII, i, 93.

[1769] XXIII, i, 55.

[1770] XXIII, i, 22.

[1771] XXII, ii, 56. Sed iste Jorach frequenter mentitur. XXV, i, 5. Et sicut in multis mentitur Solinus, ita et in hoc falsum dicit.

[1772] XXV, i, 26. Hoc est verius quod de draconibus ab expertis Philosophorum invenitur. Si autem sequamur dicta eorum qui potius referunt audita vulgi quam physica dictorum suorum ostendant experta, tunc sequendo Plinium et Solinum et quosdam alios dicemus.... For further criticism of Pliny see XXV, i, 13, and XXIII, i, 9.

[1773] XXIV, i, 47. Pliny, NH XXXII, i, spells it echenais or echeneis, as does Plutarch. We have seen other medieval authors spell it echinus.

[1774] NH, VIII, 25.

[1775] XXII, ii, 101.

[1776] XVII, ii, 1; XXIII, i, 14; see also Meteor., IV, i, 11.

[1777] I have been unable, however, to run it down in the Natural History; perhaps it is in the Medicina of the Pseudo-Pliny.

[1778] XXVI, i, 37.

[1779] XXII, ii, 88.

[1780] XXIII, i, 9.

[1781] XXV, i, 28.

[1782] XXII, ii, 19.

[1783] XXII, ii, 56.

[1784] VII, ii, 5.

[1785] XXII, ii, 99.

[1786] Polit., VII, 14.

[1787] Mineralium, II, ii, 1.

[1788] III, i, 1.

[1789] IV, i, 6.

[1790] II, ii, 1.

[1791] Pliny, NH XXXVII, 15, agrees with the passage in Albert only in the general notion that goat’s blood will break adamant.

[1792] II, ii, 17.

[1793] II, ii, 11.

[1794] De veget. et plantis, VI, ii, 1. “Smaragdus enim nuper apud nos visus est parvus quidem quantitate et mirabiliter pulcher, cuius cum virtus probari deberet, adstitit qui diceret, quod si circa bufonem circulus smaragdo fieret et postea lapis oculis bufonis exhiberetur, alterum duorum, quod aut lapis frangeretur ad visum bufonis si debilem haberet lapis virtutem, aut bufo rumperetur si lapis esset in naturali suo vigore: nec mora factum est ut dixit et ad modicum temporis intervallum, dum bufo adspiceret lapidem nec visum averteret ab ipso, crepitare coepit lapis sicut avellana rumperetur et exilivit ex annulo una pars eiusdem, et tunc bufo qui ante stetit immobilis, coepit recedere ac si absolutus esset a lapidis virtute.”

[1795] Meteor., III, iv, 8-26 (Borgnet, vol. IV, 674-97).

[1796] III, iv, 11.

[1797] III, iv, 28.

[1798] Peter of Prussia (1621), 126.

[1799] Cap. 20.

[1800] Caps. 21-24.

[1801] Caps. 1, 25, 29.

[1802] Cap. 3.

[1803] Cap. 19.

[1804] Caps. 8-18.

[1805] P. 106.

[1806] P. 107.

[1807] P. 108.

[1808] Cap. 17, p. 161.

[1809] Cap. 18, p. 165.

[1810] Cap. 44, et seq., pp. 299-341.

[1811] Quoted in Latin by Wolfgang E. Heidel in his Vita Trithemii, prefixed to his edition of the Steganographia, cap. xvii, “Trithemium non fuisse alchymistam, astrologum et magum, ostenditur.”

[1812] For instance, Commentary on Micah, VI, 11, “Maleficia are veneficia by which men are deceived in the works of necromancers and of idols.”

[1813] Sententiae, II, 7, F, vi.

[1814] Summa, II, 30.

[1815] Summa, II, 30, ii.

[1816] Sententiae, II, 7, L, xii.

[1817] In Evang. Lucae, XI, 15.

[1818] Sententiae, II, 7, viii.

[1819] The Latin of the essential portions of these passages is as follows. In Evang. Matth., II, 1. “Magi enim grammatice magni sunt.... Nec sunt Magi malefici sicut quidam male opinantur. Magus enim et Mathematicus et Incantator et Maleficus sive Necromanticus et Ariolus et Aruspex et Divinator differunt. Quia Magus proprie nisi magnus est, qui scientiam habens de omnibus necessariis et effectibus naturarum coniecturans aliquando mirabilia naturae praeostendit et educit....

Incantator ... qui carminibus quibusdam bestias aut herbas aut lapides aut imagines ad quosdam parat effectus....

Divinatores autem multi sunt valde: in punctis terrae et casu ignis et aqua et in aere divinantes....

Nulli istorum dediti fuerunt isti nisi magicis hoc modo prout dictum est. Et hoc est laudabile.”

In Daniel., I, 20. “Magi dicuntur secundum Hieronymum quasi magistri qui de universis philosophantur, magi tamen specialiter astronomi dicuntur qui in astris futura rimantur.”

[1820] XXIII, i, III.

[1821] De veget. et plantis, V, ii, 6.

[1822] De veget. et plantis, VI, i, 32; VI, ii, 17; VI, i, 30; VI, ii, 3.

[1823] VI, ii, 12.

[1824] VI, i, 33.

[1825] VI, ii, 3.

[1826] VI, ii, 10.

[1827] VI, i, 34.

[1828] Mineralium, II, ii, 4.

[1829] II, iii, 1.

[1830] II, iii, 5.

[1831] II, iii, 3.

[1832] Sentent., II, 7, ix and xii.

[1833] Mineralium, II, i, 1.

[1834] II, i, 1 (Borgnet, V, 24).

[1835] III, i, 6.

[1836] II, 7, vii.

[1837] Petrus de Prussia (1621), cap. XII or p. 135, citing the De motibus animalium.

[1838] III, i, 1.

[1839] II, i, 3.

[1840] III, i, 10.

[1841] III, i, 1.

[1842] III, i, 3.

[1843] III, ii, 5.

[1844] De animalibus, XXII, ii, 61.

[1845] XXII, ii, 67.

[1846] XXII, i, 5.

[1847] XXII, ii, 18.

[1848] XXV, i, 26.

[1849] XXV, i, 13.

[1850] XXIII, i, 40 (17-23).

[1851] XXII, ii, 18.

[1852] XXII, ii, 61.

[1853] VIII, ii, 2.

[1854] De veget. et plantis, VI, ii, 3.

[1855] VI, i, 32.

[1856] VI, ii, 17.

[1857] VI, ii, 1.

[1858] VI, ii, 2.

[1859] VI, ii, 13.

[1860] V, ii, 1.

[1861] VI, ii, 22.

[1862] Mineralium, II, i, 1.

[1863] Tract., XIX, cap. 6 (ed. Baur, pp. 633-34).

[1864] I have not examined the work itself, but append the following notice of a MS of it: Corpus Christi (Cambridge), 243, 13-14th century, Pseudo-Albert de lapidibus; fol. 1-, Incipit liber de coloribus et virtutibus lapidum, Liber primus, including a prologue and then an alphabetical arrangement of stones; fol. 20v-, De sculturis de omnibus lapidibus; fol. 21v-, Liber II, de natione et ubi inveniuntur; fol. 27-, Liber III, de sculturis lapidum; fol. 40v-, Liber IV, de consecratione lapidum; fol. 44-, Liber V, de confectione et compositione lapidum.

There is said to be another copy at Glasgow in Hunterian, V, 6, 18.

I am not sure whether CUL 1175, 14th century, fols. 1-3, “Albertus de Colonia de lapidibus,” is a fragment of it or of the genuine treatise on minerals.

In CLM 353, 13th century, the Liber de mineralibus of Albertus Magnus at fol. 69 is preceded at fol. 55 by Lapidarius (deest lib. I, tract, i) also ascribed to him.

In the notice of CLM 16129, 14th century, fols. 25-112, Alberti Magni tractatus de passionibus aeris et impressionibus vaporum in alto, de mineralibus, de imaginibus lapidum et sigillis, de natura metallorum, it is scarcely clear whether De imaginibus lapidum et sigillis is a separate treatise from the De mineralibus or only the portion of it dealing with astronomical images.

[1865] III, i, 2.

[1866] Mineral, III, i, 8.

[1867] Ibid., III, i, 9.

[1868] Ibid., III. i, 4.

[1869] Vita Alberti, cap. 16.

[1870] Mineral., III, i, 2.

[1871] Mineral., II, i, 5.

[1872] De causis elementorum, I, ii, 7 (Borgnet, IX, 615).

[1873] I, 290.

[1874] Most of them I have not been able to examine or compare; but where the opening and closing words are given in the catalogues, they differ as well as the titles. It is possible, however, that some of them may be parts of the other treatises.

[1875] MS 138, 15th century, fols. 171-83, “Semita recta fratris Alberti Magni”; fols. 233-5, “Speculum secretorum philosophorum Alberti Magni de secretis naturae,” opening, “Ad instructionem multorum” and closing, “penuriam librorum”; fols. 235-7, “Liber xii aquarum Alberti Magni,” opening “Ovorum vitella,” and closing, “omne corpus.”

In the same library MS 139, 14th century, besides the Semita recta at fols. 3-35—this time Albert is not named as its author—occurs at fols. 107-21, “Incipit libellus ab Alberto compositus. Quoniam ignorantis ... / ... dum regnat Iupiter.”

Also in MS 270, II, 15-16th century, fol. 77, “Alberti Magni Alchymia. Callixtenes unus philosophorum ... / ... siccum.”

In MS 270, X, at fol. 99 the Speculum secretorum, etc., is again ascribed to Albert; and in MS 270, XV, fol. 3-, is “Ars experimentorum Alberti Magni. Sciendum vero ... / ... viscositate malve.”

[1876] Sloane 323, 14th century, fols. 1-84, “Practica Fratris Alberti in alchimiam, que ab eodem dicitur sec. sec.” The work is said to have been printed in the Theatrum Chymicum, II, 423.

[1877] Ibid., fol. 8r. The previous citation of Albert was at fol. 7v.

[1878] Arundel 164, written in 1422, fols. 127v-131, “De occultis nature,” opening, “In mutue allocutionis tractatu,” and closing, “sicut qui cum arcu sine torta sagutur (sagittur?) deo gratias.”

[1879] CUL 220, 16th century, occupying two leaves in an alchemical miscellany. It opens, “Aqua Mercurius et oleum sulphuris. Opus istud multis diebus abscondebatur....”

Possibly the following are also distinct treatises, but I do not have their Incipits and Explicits: CLM 12026, 15th century, fol. 32, Alberti de Colonia ars alchymiae; Wolfenbüttel 676, anno 1444, following the Semita recta at fols. 34-36, Varia Alberti Magni chymica; Riccard. 119, following the Semita recta, which is #32 in this miscellany, comes #33, an Alchimia ascribed to Albertus Magnus, while the second treatise bearing #37 (at fol. 177r) is Alberti quidam Tractatus.

[1880] It is included in vol. 21 of the edition of Lyons, 1651, by R. P. Jammy; and by Borgnet, vol. 37; 545-73, Alberti Magni libellus de alchimia. It had previously been printed at Basel, 1561, and Urcellis, 1602-1608, Theatrum chemicum, pp. 485-527. It is the same as the treatise called Semita recta in the MSS. Another MS of it is Corpus Christi 226, 15th century, fols. 59-69.

[1881] See Denifle (1886), 236.

[1882] “Videns ergo tot errare iam decrevi scribere vera et probata opera et meliora omnium philosophorum in quibus laboravi et sum expertus nihil aliud scribam nisi quod oculis meis vidi.” Or perhaps he means that his works are better than those of all the philosophers.

[1883] “Alchimia est ars ab Alchimo inventa et dicitur ab archymo Graece quod est massa Latine,” cap. 2.

[1884] Cap. 3, “Probat artem Alchimiae esse veram.” This done, however, the chapter continues with the eight precepts which follow.

[1885] “domum specialem extra hominum conspectum in qua sint duae camerae vel tres in quibus fiant operationes.”

[1886] Since he had just mentioned “the books of incantations of Hermes the philosopher and Costa ben Luca,” he very likely had in mind simply the Letter of the latter on Incantation, Adjuration, and Suspension from the Neck, of which we have previously treated, and which Albert uses for physical ligatures in his treatise on minerals.

[1887] II, iii, 5.

[1888] II, iii, 6.

[1889] XXII, ii, 18.

[1890] Mineral., II, i, 1; De animalibus, XXII, i, 5; De somno et vigilia, III, i, 6.

[1891] I-ii-2.

[1892] CLM 916, 15th century, fols. 25-30, Chiromantia Alberti: BN 7420A, 14th century, #15, Alberti de Colonia ars chiromantiae.

[1893] I presume that Vienna MS 2448, 14th century, 26 fols., “Expliciunt interpretaciones sompniorum reuerendi domini Magni Alberti Parisiis conscripta” is simply this third book, but perhaps it is some spurious treatise. MS 1158, 14th century, in the University Library at Bologna, fols. 41-52, catalogued as “Magistri Alberti theotonici de fato, de divinatione, de sortibus,” consists of the De fato ascribed to Aquinas; a second treatise De fato which in the MS itself is headed in the upper margin of fol. 45r, “Magri (Magistri) Alexandri”; a “Questio de divinatione Alexandri,” at fol. 47r; and an anonymous De sortibus.

[1894] Extract from the Compendium studii theologiae, quoted at page 412 of Charles’ Life of Roger Bacon. “Tarde venit aliquid de philosophia Aristotelis in usum Latinorum, quia naturalis philosophia eius et metaphysica cum commentariis Averrois et aliorum libris in temporibus nostris translatae sunt, et Parisiis excommunicabantur ante annum Domini 1237 propter aeternitatem mundi et temporis, et propter librum ‘De divinatione somniorum’ qui est tractatus ‘De somno et vigilia,’ et propter multa alia erronea translata.” It is found in Rashdall’s edition of the Compendium studii theologiae at pp. 33-4.

[1895] III, i, 2.

[1896] III, i, 1.

[1897] III, i, 4.

[1898] III, ii, 5.

[1899] III, ii, 3-4.

[1900] III, i, 8-9.

[1901] III, ii, 6.

[1902] III, ii, 9.

[1903] VI, 12.

[1904] III, i, 10.

[1905] I have not seen CUL 1705, 14th century, fols. 181v-183, “Albertus de naturis signorum,” opening, “Deus utitur corporibus celestibus” and closing “Saturnus enim tenebras significat.” It is not included in Albert’s printed works and is perhaps not by him.

[1906] See chapter 62 below for bibliography.

[1907] In his Siger de Brabant et l’averroisme latin au XIIIe siècle, deuxième édition revue et augmentée, Louvain, 1911, I, 244-48; and more fully in an article, “Roger Bacon et le ‘Speculum astronomiae,’” in the Revue Néo-Scolastique, vol. 17, August, 1910.

[1908] Theophilus Witzel in an otherwise excellent article on Roger Bacon in the Catholic Encyclopedia; A. G. Little, Roger Bacon Essays, Oxford, 1914, p. 25; Paschal Robinson, “The Seventh Centenary of Roger Bacon,” Catholic University Bulletin, January, 1914. Professor Ch. V. Langlois, however, made some strictures upon Mandonnet’s general method of arriving at conclusions, in his review of the first edition of the Siger de Brabant in Revue de Paris, Sept. 1, 1900, p. 71.

[1909] Revue Néo-Scolastique, XVII, 323-24.

[1910] Revue Néo-Scolastique, XVII (1910), 328.

[1911] Summa de Creaturis, tract. III, q. 15. art. 2: Opera omnia, ed. Borgnet, t. 34, p. 434.

[1912] Petrus de Prussia (1621), caps. 13-15, pp. 137-50.

[1913] Petrus de Prussia (1621), pp. 123, 131, 133; cited by Mandonnet (1910), p. 329, note 1.

[1914] In Matth., II, 1.

[1915] De causis et proprietatibus elementorum et planetarum, I, i, 1.

[1916] Ibid., II, i, 1.

[1917] Borgnet, X, 1-2.

[1918] De meteoris, I, i, 4.

[1919] Metaphysicorum, XI, ii, 12.

[1920] Idem. “Sicut manus est instrumentum intellectus practici in artificialibus, ita totus coelestis circulus est instrumentum huius intellectus ad totam materiam naturae quae ambit.” See also Metaphysicorum, V, ii, 4; De intellectu et intelligibili, I, 4, “Sic totus coeli concentus refertur ad causam primam”; De animalibus, XVI, i, 11, “Orbis autem revolvitur ab uno intellectu primo ad quem referuntur alii motores”; Liber de natura et origine animae, I, 5, “Intellectus qui est cum coelesti virtute, eo quod ipse coelum movet, et movet virtutes coelestes quae sunt in materia generabilium, et est intellectus purus et primus movens et informans omnia alia sub ipso instrumentaliter agentia.”

[1921] De animalibus, XX, ii, 2.

[1922] De causis et procreatione universi, I, iv, 7, “Utrum coelum moveatur ab anima vel a natura vel ab intelligentia.”

[1923] De causis et proprietatibus elementorum et planetarum, I, ii, 9.

[1924] De animalibus, XX, ii, 2.

[1925] De intellectu et intelligibili, I, 4. “Mediae autem causae sunt motores orbium coelestium quos intelligentias coelestes vocaverunt Philosophi. ... ideo melius intelligentes Philosophi totum unicum motorem dixerunt habere, et inferiores motores ad sphaeras dixerunt esse virtutes et membra primi coeli et sui motoris.” Yet in De coelo et mundo, II, iii, 5, he asserts again that the stars “sunt instrumenta intellectuum moventium,” as if there were more than one intelligence.

[1926] See De meteoris, I, i, 4 and 7; De causis et propriet. element., etc., I, ii, 2; Mineralium, II, iii, 3; De causis et procreat. universi, II, ii, 23.

[1927] De natura locorum, I, 6.

[1928] Meteor., III, iii, 22.

[1929] De causis et propriet., I, ii, 2.

[1930] Idem.

[1931] Ibid., I, ii, 9.

[1932] Ibid., II, ii, 1.

[1933] Meteor., I, iii, 11.

[1934] De intellectu et intelligibili, I, 4; also De natura et origine animae, I, 5, “Et ideo complementum ultimum quod est intellectualis formae et substantiae non per instrumentum neque ex materia sed per lucem suam influit intellectus primae causae purus et inmixtus.”

[1935] Pars prima, Quaest. 68.

[1936] II, iii, 3.

[1937] De intell. et intell., I, 4. “Quod autem anima praecipue sub motibus astrorum restringitur contra omnes est Peripateticos et contra Ptolemaeum.”

[1938] De generatione et corruptione, II, iii, 5.

[1939] Summa, I, 68, passim.

[1940] De natura locorum, I, 5.

[1941] De somno et vigilia, III, ii, 5.

[1942] I take it that geomantici should be genethliaci in the passage (De coelo et mundo, II, iii, 5) given in Borgnet’s text as follows: “Et hoc oportet relinquere scientiae electorum, quia alio nomine vocantur geomantici eo quod principalius quod inquirunt per stellarum figuras et effectus sunt nativitates ... et eventus nascentium....”

[1943] De gener. et corrupt., II, iii, 5.

[1944] De coelo et mundo, II, iii, 5.

[1945] Albert was of course also familiar with the Tetrabiblos or Quadripartite of Ptolemy and with the Centiloquium ascribed to him. He names three commentators upon it, namely, the well-known Arabian and Jewish authorities, Haly and Abraham, and a mysterious third, Bugaforus (Meteor., I, iii, 5).

[1946] De animalibus, XXII, ii, 1. The closest approach to the passage that I have found in Galen occurs in the De foetuum formatione (Kühn, IV, 700-701) where Galen mentions approvingly the theory of some Platonic masters that the world-soul is responsible for the marvelous process of the formation of the foetus, but adds that he regards it as impious and unfitting to ascribe the generation or formation of scorpions, spiders, flies, fleas, worms, vipers, and the like to the soul of the cosmos.

[1947] Mineral., II, iii, 3.

[1948] De coelo et mundo, II, iii, 5.

[1949] De animal., XXII, i, 3.

[1950] Mineral., II, iii, 3. “Est autem principium in ipsa scientia omnia quaecunque fiunt a natura vel arte moveri a virtutibus coelestibus primo; et hic de natura non est dubium. In arte etiam constat, eo quod aliquid modo et non ante incitat cor hominum ad faciendum; et hoc esse non potest nisi virtus coelestis, ut dicunt sapientes praenominati.” Then follows immediately an admission of the freedom of the human will which has already been cited.

[1951] De causis et propriet, element. et planet., I, ii, 7.

[1952] Liber II, Tractatus iii.

[1953] II, iii, 3.

[1954] II, iii, 5.

[1955] Summa, Pars prima, Quaestio 68, De fato; in Borgnet, vol. 31, pp. 694-714.

[1956] Ibid., p. 701.

[1957] P. 696, “Unde sic dicere fatum, est haereticum.”

[1958] P. 708.

[1959] P. 698.

[1960] P. 701.

[1961] Pp. 698 and 702.

[1962] Pp. 706 and 710.

[1963] P. 696.

[1964] Pp. 702, 704.

[1965] Pp. 707, 711.

[1966] Pp. 711-4.

[1967] Albert, of course, has already upheld free will against the doctrine of fatal necessity in nativities; it is therefore only the support of these particular arguments of Augustine and Gregory that seems strange.

[1968] P. 698.