[243] Baillie’s Letters and Journals. Gould’s Introduction to the Report of St. Mary’s Norwich Chapel Case cxiv. et seq.

[244] I refer to what Crosby says of Mr. Spilsbury’s Church (i. 148; iii. 41). A number seceded from Mr. Jessy’s Church in 1638, 1641, and 1643, and became Baptists before he did.—Crosby, i. 310.

[245] Gould, xxviii.

[246] See generally upon this subject Underhill’s Confessions of Faith, and Gould’s Introduction to St. Mary’s Case. The latter writer, who has carefully studied the subject, says, “The history of the Baptists in England has yet to be written.”

[247] See p. 75 of this vol.

[248] State Papers, 1676, April 8. Appended to this document is an unsigned letter, addressed to the same person, whose name was Warner, expostulating with him for absenting himself from communion, because he was dissatisfied with the writer.

[249] The history of the controversy is itself a subject of controversy. I cannot notice it. The question is ably argued on both sides in the Report of St. Mary’s Norwich Chapel Case. The character and limits of this work prevent me from entering more fully into Baptist affairs. The most learned representatives of that denomination seem to be dissatisfied with all the books which relate their own history.

[250] Broadmead Records, 189–221, 458, 459.

[251] Hist. of Friends, ii. 448 and 442.

[252] Pope’s Life of Ward.

[253] North’s Lives, i. 296, 279.

[254] Barwick’s Life, 302. I find the following in the Cambridge University Library:—“Negotium Consecrationis Sacelli palatio Episcopali Norw. pertinentis.”

“May 16, 1672. The chapel was built and adorned at Bp. Reynolds’ expense, having been demolished in the Civil War. Consecration of the reading-desk, pulpit, and altar. Sermon by Jno. Conant, D.D., the Bishop’s son-in-law, the Bishop being disabled by illness.”—Baker MSS., 40, 5. Cat. v. 478.

[255] D’Oyley’s Life, i. 145. Reynolds, Bishop of Norwich, zealously assisted.—Blomefield, i. 585.

[256] Webster’s Poetical and Dramatic Works, i. 274. Duchess of Malfey, a tragedy published in 1623.

[257] John Evelyn’s Diary. 1684, Dec. 7.

[258] Entring Book, March 3, 1681, Morice MSS.

[259] State Papers, Dom. Charles II. Entry of Ecclesiastical business. 1670, July 27.

[260] Evelyn. 1677, Sept. 10.

[261] Cosin’s Works, iv. 381.

[262] Articles of Visitation, in Appendix to Report of the Commission on Ritual. Most of these requirements were in compliance with the Canons of 1603.

[263] Naked Truth. Somers’ Tracts, iii. 346.

[264] Lives of North, i. 279.

[265] State Papers. Osborne to Williamson, March 27, 1675.

[266] Lathbury’s Convocation, 309.

[267] Blomefield’s Norwich, i. 413.

[268] Ashmole’s Order of the Garter, 357, 542.

[269] Sandford’s Funeral of Monk.

[270] Evelyn. 1684, March 30.

In Sancroft’s form of “Dedication and Consecration of a Church or Chapel, 1685,” this direction is found:—“So likewise, when a censer is presented and received, they say, ‘While the King sitteth at his table, my spikenard sendeth forth the smell thereof,’” &c. In the MS. Life of Ashmole, Ashmole Museum, Oxford, he says—1675, Jan. 6—“I wore the chain of gold sent me from the King of Denmark before the King in his proceeding to the chapel to offer gold, frankincense, and myrrh.”

[271] North’s Lives, i. 296.

[272] Wilkins’ Concilia, iv. 590. June 4, 1670.

[273] Naked Truth. Somers’ Tracts, iii. 347.

[274] From an autograph letter addressed to Sancroft, shown in 1862 at an exhibition of autographs in the Institution of the Incorporated Law Society. See Catalogue.

[275] Articles of Fuller, Bishop of Lincoln, 1671. Appendix to Second Report of Commission on Ritual, 641.

[276] They are computed by the writer of The Future Happy State of England (109) as having amounted, in 1660, to between £300,000 and £500,000 a year. The annual revenue of the whole nation he puts down at eight millions.

[277] Stowe.

[278] Chamberlayne’s Angliæ Notitia.

[279] Wood, iv. 311. There is in the Record Office (1678, May) a petition from Croft, Bishop of Hereford, in which he says the bishopric is not worth, in rents, £700 a year. In sixteen years he had not raised £2,000 in fines. There is also a letter from Bishop Barlow (Oxford, May 29, 1675), in which he writes, “Fees, first-fruits, &c., will cost me £2,000 or £1,500 before I shall receive a penny from the bishopric.”

[280] Granger’s Lives, iii. 235.

[281] Notice of Morley in Life of Ken, 138, and Le Neve, 192. According to another computation, Sheldon gave away £72,000.

[282] Life, by Pope, 57–63.

[283] Life of Sancroft, i. 147. State Papers—Entring Book. Ecclesiastical business, 1670–4. 1670, 13th June.

[284] State Papers, Dom. Charles II. 1678, May.

[285] North’s Lives, i. 289.

[286] State Papers, Dom. Charles II. 1667, Sept. 30.

[287] Dec. 18, 1669.

[288] March 12, 1672.

[289] State Papers, April 27, 1675.

[290] Dom. Charles II. April, 1675.

[291] State Papers, Dom. Charles II. Wood says (Ath. Ox. iv. 334), “On the 22nd of April, 1675, being the very day that Dr. Fuller, Bishop of Lincoln, died, after several discussions that passed between His Majesty, and certain persons of honour then present, concerning the person to be preferred, Dr. Barlow was introduced into the presence of His Majesty, and had the grant of that see, and forthwith kissed His Majesty’s hand for the same.” Coventry and Williamson were his friends.

[292] Parliamentary Return on Ecclesiastical Appeals, ordered by the House of Commons April 3, 1868, p. xxviii.—Oughton’s Ordo Judiciorum, vol. i. 219, et seq.

[293] Act of 25th Henry VIII., c. 19, 1533.—Parl. Return, p. iii.

[294] Parl. Return, p. xxx.

[295] There were two Commissions on this case: the first contained four Bishops and ten laymen—the second, five Bishops and ten laymen.

[296] There are papers relating to him in the Record Office.—Dom. Charles II., 1673, October.

[297] The cases are given in the Parliamentary Return; they are numbered:—53, William Duncke; 74, Edward Hirst (there are three other cases for not resorting to parish church, 53, 70, and 76;) 78, Catherine Gounter; 82, Jonathan Rutter. Duncke and Rutter were excommunicated.

[298] Return, p. viii.

[299] Salmon’s Lives of the Bishops, 310.

[300] I am not sure of the date in the 17th century when the Hall was so used. A fine copy of Baxter’s Christian Directory is preserved in Dr. Williams’ Library, and is said to have been chained to some part of the porch of the great meeting-house in the City of Coventry.

[301] Offor’s Life of Bunyan, Works, iii. lxix.

[302] Thoresby.

[303] State Papers, Dom. Charles II., 1674, Nov. 4.

[304] State Papers, Dom. Charles II., 1674, Feb. 12.

[305] I find these anecdotes in a MS. History of the Suffolk Churches, by the Rev. T. Harmer, author of Observations on Scripture.

[306] History of England, i. 294.

[307] The author, however, considers that the Bishops’ survey came far below the mark,—he mentions a conjectural estimate of eight millions.—Happy Future, &c., 116.

[308] Happy Future, &c., 281.

[309] Dalrymple’s Memoirs, Appendix, ii. 12.

[310] Happy Future, &c., 150.

[311] Pope’s Life of Ward, 148.

[312] Pope’s Life of Ward, 148.

[313] James II. said at Oxford, “he heard many of them used notes in their sermons, but none of his Church ever did.”—Wood, quoted in Southey’s Common-Place Book, iii. 496. The early Puritans greatly disliked read sermons. See Hooker (Keble), ii. 107.

[314] Howe’s Works, vi. 295.

[315] Life, 419. This was Bull’s advice after he became a Bishop in 1705.

[316] Wood, Ath. Ox.—Ed. Bliss. iv. 619.—See at the end of chapter xii. the Chancellor’s injunctions.

[317] Worcester MS. 1660, May 14. State Papers, 1666, Jan. 30.

[318] Williams’ Life of Hale, 106.

[319] Kennet’s Register, 154.

[320] These instances are gathered from the State Papers and the works of Sir Thomas Browne.

[321] Diary and Correspondence of Dr. John Worthington, i. 360, August 20, 1661. Samuel Hartlib was the son of a Polish refugee who lived in Prussia. He came to England in 1630, and devoted his time and fortune to the promotion of literature and science. Milton speaks highly of him in his Treatise on Education. Hartlib was reduced to poverty soon after the Restoration.

[322] Worthington’s Reply, ii., Sept. 12, 1661.

[323] Hunter’s Life of Heywood, 162.

[324] Hunter’s Life of Heywood, 219, 252, 204.

[325] Ibid., 254.

[326] Ibid., 192.

[327] Ibid., 277.

[328] Hunter’s Life of Heywood, 276.

[329] Dean Stanley informs me, that his father, the Bishop of Norwich, delighted to relate this anecdote of the connection between his ancestors and Oliver Heywood.

[330] Life of Philip Henry, 120.

[331] Turner’s Hist. of Remarkable Providences, ch. lxv. p. 80.

[332] Life of Heywood, 215, 331.

[333] For the knowledge of this tradition, I am indebted to Mr. Parker, of Wycombe.

[334] Howe’s Works, ii. 362, 369.

[335] Ibid., iv. 3, 47.

[336] Life of Heywood, 290.

[337] From an account entitled The Singular Experience and Great Sufferings of Mrs. Agnes Beaumont, printed in An Abstract of the Gracious Dealings of God, &c. Edited by Samuel James. 4th Edit., 1774, p. 83.

[338] Life by Dr. Pope.

[339] Pope’s Life of Ward.

[340] North’s Lives, iii. 323, 324.

[341] Ibid., i. 275.

[342] North’s Lives, i. 242.

[343] Heneage Finch to his sister.—State Papers, Feb. 10, 1671/2.

[344] Sabbatum Redivivum, ii. 37.

[345] Works, iii. 102. Baxter’s doctrine was that the Jewish Sabbath was abrogated, and that the Lord’s Day was instituted by Divine authority.—Works, xiii. 369, et seq. According to Orme, there is only another writer of the same period with Baxter who takes just the same view of the subject, and almost the same ground. He alludes to Warren’s Jews’ Sabbath Antiquated, 1659.

[346] Exposition of the Hebrews, ii. 453.

[347] Taylor’s Works, xii. 437.

[348] Thorndike’s Works, vi. 73; iv. 483–507.

[349] Cases of Conscience, Sanderson’s Works, v. 15.

[350] Cosin’s Works, i. 188.

[351] Annals of Windsor, ii. 404.

[352] Hooker paints the sacred year in magnificent colours.—Book V., c. lxx., s. 8.

[353] Newcome’s Diary.

[354] Reeve’s Charity at Windsor is an example.—Annals of Windsor, ii. 370.

[355] Blomefield, i. 412.

[356] Faulkener’s History of Chelsea, 153.

[357] Tillotson’s funeral sermon for Mr. Gouge, 62–64.

[358] Life of Thomas Firman, late Citizen of London, 1698.

Wesley prefaces the life of Firman in the Arminian Magazine with these words: “I was exceedingly struck at reading the following life, having long settled it in my mind that the entertaining wrong notions concerning the Trinity was inconsistent with real piety. But I cannot argue against matter of fact. I dare not deny that Mr. Firman was a pious man, although his notions of the Trinity were quite erroneous.”—Southey’s Life of Wesley, ii. 68.

[359] Life and Times, pt. ii. 296–7.

[360] Birch’s Life of Boyle, Appendix. The New England Company is still in existence. I hope to be able to give some account of its proceedings in a future volume.

[361] The College referred to was Emmanuel.—D’Oyley’s Life of Sancroft i. 128.

[362] “The gradual exclusion of mental by physical science from the circle of ‘philosophy’ as defined in the Cambridge Schools, belongs to the first half of the 18th, not of the 17th century,” says the author of Thorndike’s Life, but he justly adds that in the 17th century ancient philosophy and languages were yielding “to the continually-increasing influence of mathematics and natural philosophy.”—Works, vi. 166.

[363] State Papers, Dom., 1667, Cal. 301.

[364] North’s Lives, iii. 362–367.

[365] Cooper’s Annals, iii. 549.

[366] Dated Oct. 8, 1674.—Wilkins’ Concilia, iv. 594. Letters referring to Monmouth’s election as Chancellor, may be found amongst the State Papers, (1674,) and a characteristic one from the Duke, accepting this office in Lambeth Library, Tenison MSS. 674, fol. 5.

[367] Printed Copy of the programme in Latin:—“Quod se unusquisque, post sex hebdomodas abhinc numerandas, coram Academicis Concionem, sive Anglice, sive Latine habiturus, Illam, more majorum, a principio ad finem, memoriter recitare tenebitur; ita ut, vel non omnino, vel saltem perraro, nec nisi carptim, et stringente oculo, librum consulere opus habeat.”—State Papers, Dom., 1674, Nov. 24.

[368] Dom. Charles II. 1666, Aug. 16, 17. There is a curious letter, dated 1677, July 23, written by Joseph Addison’s father, Launcelot Addison, begging preferment.

[369] Autobiography of A. Wood, quoted Oxoniana, ii. 23.

[370] Ibid., 89.

[371] Letter from Dr. Wallis, July, 1669, Neal, iv. 423.

[372] State Papers.

[373] The letters are dated 1684, Nov. 6, 8, 12, 16, Oxoniana, ii. 205–210.

[374] See the Writings of William Penn.

[375] Life, Works, vi. 176, et seq.

[376] Works, ii. 15.

[377] Ibid., ii. 88–100.

[378] Ibid., v. 488.

[379] Works, i. 118; iii. 246.

[380] Vol. ii. 424, 409, 471, 564.

[381] Vol. iii. 68, 80, 128. It is well to recollect, all through this account of the Anglo-Catholic view of faith, what is the doctrine of Roman Catholics upon the subject—“Jam vero Catholici agnoscunt quidem vocabulum fidei, in divinis literis non semper uno, et eodem modo sumi ... tamen fidem historicam, et miraculorum, et promissionum, unam et eandem esse docent, atque illam unam non esse proprie notitiam, aut fiduciam, sed assensum certum, atque firmissimum, ob auctoritatem primæ veritatis; et hanc unam esse fidem justificantem.”—Bellarmin, De Justificatione, c. iv.

[382] Vol. iii. 173, 355.

[383] Vol. iii. 313.

[384] Ibid., 393, 496.

[385] Vol. iii. 541-547; chap. xxviii.–xxx.

[386] Ibid., 649.

[387] Ibid., 660.

[388] Any one who wishes to verify this may do so by consulting the useful index to the Oxford Edition of Thorndike’s Works. It is interesting and instructive, in connection with the study of Thorndike, to read the deeply thoughtful sermon on Justification by Hooker (Works, iii.). The divergence between them is manifest. Thorndike could not consistently hold Hooker’s clear view of justification, as distinguished from holiness. It may not be amiss here to observe that the doctrine of justification by faith, though tenaciously held by the Puritans, was not held by them alone. It was maintained by Reformers who opposed Puritanism, and by some Roman Catholics before the Council of Trent. There were anti-Lutherans who so far agreed with Luther. Whether they were consistent is another question.

[389] Vol. iii. 695.

[390] Life of Thorndike, 224, 253.

[391] Nelson’s Life of Bull, 24.

[392] Harmonia Apostolica, 10.

[393] Harmonia Apostolica, 21, 22.

[394] Harmonia Apostolica, 58, 71, 76, 87–166.

[395] This quotation is taken from the Tracts for the Times, iv. 63. The words in Bull’s Apology, sect. i., are not closely followed.

[396] Nelson’s Life of Bull, 191.

[397] Bull’s Exam. Cens., &c., Oxford Edit., 38–91.

[398] Ibid., 228.

[399] Preface to Exam. Cens.

[400] See for example his defence of Origen, Def. Fid., i. 190, 196, 200. Notice, also, what Hallam says of Bull, Introduction to Lit., iv. 152. Hooker (in the Eccl. Polity, book v. s. 42) speaks of the Deity of our Lord Jesus Christ—the co-equality and co-eternity of the Son with the Father—as contained but not opened in the former Creed (the Apostles’). I would call attention to a pregnant remark of that great Divine:—“Howbeit, because this Divine mystery is more true than plain, divers having framed the same to their own conceits and fancies, are found in their expositions thereof more plain than true.”—Ibid., s. 52. May I add, that he seems to forget his own remarks in s. 56.

[401] Bull’s State of Man, ii. 96; Jackson, iii. 117; Ellicott’s Destiny of the Creature, 172.