Articles of [  ]uaunce against
M[  ] Hinchlowe

Imprimis in March 1612 vppon Mr. Hynchlowes Joyninge Companes with Mr. Rosseter the Companie borrowed 80[ll] of one Mr. Griffin and the same was put into Mr. Hinchlowes debt which made itt sixteene score poundes; whoe [a]fter the receipt of the same or most parte thereof in March 1613 hee broke the saide Comp[any a]gaine and Ceazed all the stocke, vnder Culler to satisfie what remayned due to [him]; yet perswaded Mr. Griffyne afterwardes to arest the Companie for his 80ll, whoe are still in daunger for the same; Soe nowe there was in equitie due to the Companie 80ll:

Item Mr. Hinchlowe having lent one Taylor 30ll and 20ll to one Baxter fellowes of the Companie Cunninglie put theire said privat debts into the generall accompt by which meanes hee is in Conscience to allowe them 50ll:

Item havinge the stock of Apparell in his handes to secure his debt he sould tenn poundes worth of ould apparrell out of the same without accomptinge or abatinge for the same; heare growes due to the Companie 10ll:

Also vppon the departure of one Eglestone a ffellowe of the Companie hee recovered of him 14ll towardes his debt which is in Conscience likewise to bee allowed to the Companie 14ll:

In March 1613 hee makes vpp a Companie and buies apparrell of one Rosseter to the value of 63ll, and valued the ould stocke that remayned in his handes at 63ll, likewise they vppon his word acceptinge the same at that rate, which being prized by Mr. Daborne iustlie, betweene his partner Meade and him, Came but to 40ll: soe heare growes due to the Companie 23ll:

Item hee agrees with the said Companie that they should enter bond to plaie with him for three yeares att such house and houses as hee shall appointe and to allowe him halfe galleries for the said house and houses, and the other halfe galleries towardes his debt of 126ll, and other such moneys as hee should laie out for playe apparrell duringe the space of the said 3 yeares, agreeinge with them in Consideration theareof to seale each of them a bond of 200ll to find them a Convenient house and houses, and to laie out such moneies as fower of the sharers should think fitt for theire vse in apparrell, which att the 3 yeares, being paid for, to be deliuered to the sharers; whoe accordinglie entered the said bondes; but Mr. Henchlowe and Mr. Mead deferred the same, an[d] in Conclusion vtterly denied to seale att all.

Item Mr. Hinchlowe havinge promised in Consideracion of the Companies lying still one daie in forteene for his baytinge to give them 50s, hee havinge denied to bee bound as aforesaid gave them onlie 40s, and for that Mr. Feild would not Consent therevnto hee gave him soe much as his share out of 50ll would have Come vnto; by which meanes hee is dulie indebted to the Companie xll:

In June followinge the said agreement, hee brought in Mr. Pallant and short[l]ie after Mr. Dawes into the said Companie, promisinge one 12s a weeke out of his part of the galleries, and the other 6s a weeke out of his parte of the galleries; and because Mr. Feild was thought not to bee drawne therevnto, hee promissed him six shillinges weekelie alsoe; which in one moneth after vnwilling to beare soe greate a Charge, he Called the Companie together, and told them that this 24s was to bee Charged vppon them, threatninge those which would not Consent therevnto to breake the Companie and make vpp a newe without the[m]. Whearevppon knowinge hee was not bound, the three-quarters sharers advauncinge them selves to whole shares Consented therevnto, by which meanes they are out of purse 30ll, and his parte of the galleries bettred twise as much 30ll:

Item havinge 9 gatherers more then his due itt Comes to this yeare from the Companie 10ll:

Item the Companie paid for [Arra]s and other properties 40ll, which Mr. Henchlow deteyneth 40ll:

In Februarie last 1614 perceav[ing]e the Companie drewe out of his debt and Called vppon him for his accompts hee brooke the Companie againe, by withdrawinge the hired men from them, and selles theire stocke (in his hands) for 400ll, givinge vnder his owne hand that hee had receaved towardes his debt 300ll:

Which with the iuste and Conscionable allowances before named made to the Companie, which Comes to ... 267ll, makes 567ll:

Articles of oppression against Mr. Hinchlowe.

Hee Chargeth the stocke with ... 600ll: and odd, towardes which hee hath receaved as aforesaid ... 567ll of vs; yet selles the stocke to strangers for fower hundred poundes, and makes vs no satisfacion.

Hee hath taken all boundes of our hired men in his owne name, whose wages though wee have truly paid yet att his pleasure hee hath taken them a waye, and turned them over to others to the breaking of our Companie.

For lendinge of vjll to p[ay] them theire wages, hee made vs enter bond to give him the profitt of a warraunt of tenn poundes due to vs att Court.

Alsoe hee hath taken right gould and silver lace of divers garmentes to his owne vse without accompt to vs or abatement.

Vppon everie breach of the Companie hee takes newe bondes for his stocke and our securitie for playinge with him; Soe that hee hath in his handes bondes of ours to the value of 5000ll and his stocke to; which hee denies to deliuer and threatens to oppresse us with.

Alsoe havinge apointed a man to the seeinge of his accomptes in byinge of Clothes (hee beinge to have vis a weeke) hee takes the meanes away and turnes the man out.

The reason of his often breakinge with vs hee gave in these wordes ‘Should these fellowes Come out of my debt, I should have noe rule with them’.

Alsoe wee have paid him for plaie bookes 200ll or thereaboutes and yet hee denies to give vs the Coppies of any one of them.

Also within 3 yeares hee hath broken and dissmembred five Companies.

It is not quite possible to trace all the five breakings of companies referred to in the closing sentence; but the statement is sufficient to give a fairly clear outline of the history of the Lady Elizabeth’s men during the years which it covers, and, as it happens, there is a good deal of other evidence from which to supplement it. It appears that in March 1613 Henslowe joined companies with Rosseter; that is to say, that an amalgamation took place between the Lady Elizabeth’s men and the Children of the Queen’s Revels, who had been acting at the Whitefriars under the patent to Rosseter and others of 4 January 1610. One of these children was Robert Baxter, if he is the Baxter named in the Articles of Grievance as a fellow of the company with Taylor between March 1613 and March 1614.[686] During the same period it appears that William Ecclestone left the company. He afterwards joined the King’s men. But, before he went, he took a part in The Honest Man’s Fortune, which is stated in the Dyce MS. to have been played in 1613, while its ‘principal actors’ are named in the 1679 folio of Beaumont and Fletcher as ‘Nathan Field, Robert Benfield, Emanuel Read, Joseph Taylor, Will. Eglestone and Thomas Basse’. This particular combination seems to point clearly to the Lady Elizabeth’s men as the original producers of the play. A very similar cast is assigned in the same folio to The Coxcomb, namely, ‘Nathan Field, Joseph Taylor, Giles Gary, Emanuel Read, Richard Allen, Hugh Atawell, Robert Benfeild, and William Barcksted’; and I think that this also must belong to a performance by the Lady Elizabeth’s men about 1613. The Coxcomb had certainly been played at Court by the Queen’s Revels in 1612, but it seems impossible that Taylor can then have been a member of that company.[687] The new blood brought in from Rosseter’s company will, then, have included Field, Attwell, Richard Allen, Benfield, Reade, and perhaps Robert Baxter, of whom the first three had played in Jonson’s Epicoene for the Revels in 1609. When it is remembered that Cary and Barksted had been in the same cast, it will be realized that the Lady Elizabeth’s men, as constituted in 1613, were very much the Queen’s Revels over again.

I think there can be no doubt that the Lady Elizabeth’s men was the company principally referred to in the long series of letters from Robert Daborne to Henslowe, which runs from 17 April 1613 to 31 July 1614.[688] Daborne had been one of the patentees for the Queen’s Revels in 1609, and some letters apparently belonging to the same series show Field as interested, either as writer or actor, in some of the plays which Henslowe was purchasing from Daborne, with a view to reselling them to this company. Further confirmation is to be obtained for this view from the signature of Hugh Attwell as witness to one of Henslowe’s advances to Daborne,[689] and from the mention of Benfield,[690] of Pallant who, as will be seen, joined the company in 1614,[691] and of Eastward Ho! which their repertory had inherited from that of the Queen’s Revels.[692] That ‘Mr. Allin’ was hearing Daborne’s plays with Henslowe in May 1613 need cause no difficulty.[693] It is true that Edward Alleyn is not known to have had any relations with the Lady Elizabeth’s men, but John Alleyn, a nephew of Edward, is amongst Henslowe’s witnesses about this time,[694] and Richard Allen, who may not have belonged to the same family, was himself one of the Lady Elizabeth’s men, and perhaps served as their literary adviser. The correspondence makes it possible to recover the names of a series of plays on which Daborne was engaged, either alone or in collaboration with others, during the period over which it extends, and all of which seem to have been primarily meant for the Lady Elizabeth’s men, although he occasionally professes, as an aid to his chaffering, to have an alternative market with the King’s men.[695] From April to June 1613 he was writing a tragedy of Machiavel and the Devil, and this is probably the ‘new play’, of which he suggests the performance on Wednesday in August, to follow one of Eastward Ho! on the Monday.[696] For this Henslowe covenanted to pay him £20. In June he was also completing The Arraignment of London, of which he had given an act to Cyril Tourneur to write; and to this The Bellman of London, for which he and a colleague, perhaps again Tourneur, asked no more than £12 and ‘the overplus of the second day’ in August, was probably a sequel.[697] This may be the play which he had delivered to Henslowe about the beginning of December. About July he seems also to have been occupied upon a play in collaboration with Field, Fletcher, and Massinger. This is not named, and Mr. Fleay’s identification of it with The Honest Man’s Fortune is rather hazardous.[698] In December he began The Owl, for which his price fell to £10; and on 11 March 1614 he had finished this, and was beginning The She Saint and asking ‘but 12l a play till they be playd.’ The correspondence has a gap between the middle of August and the middle of October 1613. Probably the company were on tour; they are found at Coventry, Shrewsbury, and Marlborough in 1612–13, Canterbury on 4 July 1613, Dover between 12 July and 7 August, and Leicester on 13 October. In the spring they had been at Bristol and Norwich. On 12 December they repeated one of their plays of the preceding winter, Marston’s The Dutch Courtesan, before Charles, and on 25 January 1614 gave Eastward Ho! which they had been playing in public during the summer, before James. Taylor was again their payee for this Christmas.

The statement of grievances indicates another reconstruction of the company in March 1614. In this transaction, which apparently involved the buying out of Rosseter’s interest, Meade was in partnership with Henslowe, and Field was presumably in some position of authority on behalf of the players, as it is alleged that Henslowe bribed him, in order to obtain his assent to the modification of a covenant under which he was to make an allowance for a withdrawal of the theatre once a fortnight for baiting. The terms recited agree with those of an undated and mutilated agreement between Henslowe and Jacob Meade on one side and Field on behalf of an unnamed company of players on the other. The text of this follows:[699]

Articles of agreement made, concluded, and agreed vppon, and which are on the parte and behalfe of Phillipp Henslowe Esquier and Jacob Meade Waterman to be perfourmed, touchinge & concerninge the Company of players which they haue lately raised, vizt.

Imprimis the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade doe for them, their executours and administratours, Covenante, promise, and graunt by theis presentes to and with Nathan Feilde gent., That they the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade or one of them shall and will duringe the space of Three yeares at all tymes (when noe restraynte of playinge shalbe) at their or some of their owne proper costes and charges fynde and provide a sufficient howse or howses for the saide Company to play in, And also shall and will at all tymes duringe the saide tearme disburse and lay out all suche somme & sommes of monny, as ffower or ffive Shareres of the saide Company chosen by the saide Phillipp and Jacob shall thinck fittinge, for the furnishinge of the said Company with playinge apparrell towardes the settinge out of their newe playes, And further that the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall and will at all tymes duringe the saide tearme, when the saide Company shall play in or neare the Cittie of London, furnish the saide Company of players, aswell with suche stock of apparrell & other properties as the said Phillipp Henslowe hath already bought, As also with suche other stock of apparrell as the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall hereafter provide and buy for the said Company duringe the saide tearme, And further shall and will at suche tyme and tymes duringe the saide tearme, as the saide Company of Players shall by meanes of any restraynte or sicknes goe into the Contrey, deliuer and furnish the saide Company with fitting apparrell out of both the saide stockes of apparrell. And further the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade doe for them, their executours and administratours, convenante and graunt to and with the saide Nathan Feilde by theis presentes in manner and fourme followinge, that is to say, That they the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade or one of them shall and will from tyme to tyme duringe the saide tearme disburse and lay out suche somme or sommes of monny as shalbe thought fittinge by ffower or ffive of the Shareres of the saide Company, to be chosen by the saide Phillipp & Jacob or one of them, to be paide for any play which they shall buy or condicion or agree for; Soe alwaies as the saide Company doe and shall truly repaye vnto the saide Phillipp and Jacob, their executores or assignes, all suche somme & sommes of monny, as they shall disburse for any play, vppon the second or third daie wheron the same play shalbe plaide by the saide Company, without fraude or longer delay; And further that the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall and will at all tymes, vppon request made by the Maior parte of the Sharers of the saide Company v[nder their] handes, remove and putt out of the saide Company any of the saide Company of playeres, if the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall fynde [the s]aide request to be iust and that ther be noe hope of conformety in the partie complayned of; And further that they the saide Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Mea[de shall] and [will] at all tymes, vppon request made by the saide Company or the maior parte therof, pay vnto them all suche somes of monny as shall comme vnto their handes v[ppon      of] any forfectures for rehearsalles or suche like paymentes; And also shall and will, vppon the request of the said Company or the maior parte of the[m], sue [  ] ar[    ] persons by whom any forfecture shalbe made as aforesaid, and after or vppon the recovery and receipte th[ero]f (their charges disbursed about the recovery [    b]einge first deducted and allowed) shall and will make satisfaccion of the remaynder therof vnto the said Company without fraude or guile.

Mr. Fleay and Dr. Greg think that at the time of this reconstruction the company was further strengthened by the incorporation of the Duke of York’s, now the Prince’s, men.[700] This I doubt, as the Prince’s men continued to play at Court, as a company quite distinct from the Lady Elizabeth’s, during the winter of 1614–15. It is true that Robert Dawes, who had been one of the Duke of York’s in 1610, joined the Lady Elizabeth’s, but it was precisely one of the grievances that this man and Robert Pallant were introduced by Henslowe, by means of a financial adjustment unfavourable to the sharers, in June 1614. Pallant had passed through several companies, and is traceable with Queen Anne’s men in 1609. He was still technically a servant of the Queen at her death in 1619.[701] A letter from Daborne on 28 March 1614 shows that he was then expecting an answer to some proposal made to Henslowe, which the latter had neglected.[702] Articles between Robert Dawes and Henslowe and Meade are on record, and bear the date 7 April 1614.[703] The following is the text:

Articles of Agreement,] made, concluded, and agreed uppon, and which are to be kept & performed by Robert Dawes of London, Gent. unto and with Phillipp Henslowe Esqre and Jacob [Meade Waterman] in manner and forme followinge, that is to say

Imprimis. The said Robert Dawes for him, his executors, and administrators doth covenante, promise, and graunt to and with the said Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade, their executors, administrators, and assynes, in manner and formme followinge, that is to saie, that he the said Robert Dawes shall and will plaie with such company, as the said Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade shall appoynte, for and during the tyme and space of three yeares from the date hereof for and at the rate of one whole share, accordinge to the custome of players; and that he the said Robert Dawes shall and will at all tymes during the said terme duly attend all suche rehearsall, which shall the night before the rehearsall be given publickly out; and if that he the saide Robert Dawes shall at any tyme faile to come at the hower appoynted, then he shall and will pay to the said Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade, their executors or assignes, Twelve pence; and if he come not before the saide rehearsall is ended, then the said Robert Dawes is contented to pay Twoe shillings; and further that if the said Robert Dawes shall not every daie, whereon any play is or ought to be played, be ready apparrelled and —— to begyn the play at the hower of three of the clock in the afternoone, unles by sixe of the same company he shall be lycenced to the contrary, that then he, the saide Robert Dawes, shall and will pay unto the said Phillipp and Jacob or their assignes Three [shillings]; and if that he, the saide Robert Dawes, happen to be overcome with drinck at the tyme when he [ought to] play, by the judgment of ffower of the said company, he shall and will pay Tenne shillings; and if he, [the said Robert Dawes], shall [faile to come] during any plaie, having noe lycence or just excuse of sicknes, he is contented to pay Twenty shillings; and further the said Robert Dawes, for him, his executors, and administrators, doth covenant and graunt to and with the said Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade, their executors, administrators, and asignes, by these presents, that it shall and may be lawfull unto and for the said Phillipp Henslowe and Jacob Meade, their executors or assignes, during the terme aforesaid, to receave and take back to their own proper use the part of him, the said Robert Dawes, of and in one moyetie or halfe part of all suche moneyes, as shal be receaved at the Galleries & tyring howse of such house or howses wherein he the saide Robert Dawes shall play, for and in consideration of the use of the same howse and howses; and likewis shall and may take and receave his other moyetie [. . . . .] the moneys receaved at the galleries and tiring howse dues, towards the pa[ying] to them, the saide Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Meade, of the some of one hundred twenty and fower pounds, being the value of the stock of apparell furnished by the saide company by the saide Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Meade [. . . . .] the one part of him the saide Robert Dawes or any other somes [. . . . .] to them for any apparell hereafter newly to be bought by the [said Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Meade, until the saide Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Meade] shall therby be fully satisfied, contented, and paid. And further the said Robert Dawes doth covenant, [promise, and graunt to and with the said Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Meade, that if he, the said Robert Dawes], shall at any time after the play is ended depart or goe out of the [howse] with any [of their] apparell on his body, or if the said Robert Dawes [shall carry away any propertie] belonging to the said company, or shal be consentinge [or privy to any other of the said company going out of the howse with any of their apparell on his or their bodies, he, the said] Robert Dawes, shall and will forfeit and pay unto the said Phillip and Jacob, or their administrators or assignes, the some of ffortie pounds of lawfull [money of England] . . . . . and the said Robert Dawes, for him, his executors, and administrators doth [covenant promise and graunt to with the said] Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Meade, their executors, and administrators [and assigns]      that it shall and may be lawfull to and for the said Phillip Henslowe and Jacob Meade, their executors, and assignes, to have and use the playhows so appoynted [for the said company     one day of] every fower daies, the said daie to be chosen by the said Phillip and [Jacob]      Monday in any week, on which day it shalbe lawful for the said Phillip [and Jacob, their administrators], and assignes, to bait their bears and bulls ther, and to use their accustomed sport and [games]      and take to their owne use all suche somes of money, as thereby shall arise and be receaved

And the saide Robert Dawes, his executors, administrators, and assignes, [do hereby covenant, promise, and graunt to and with the saide Phillip and Jacob,] allowing to the saide company daye the some of ffortie shillings money of England ... [In testimony] for every such whereof, I the saide Robert Dawes haue hereunto sett my hand and seal this [sev]enth daie of April 1614 in the twelfth yeare [of the reign of our sovereign lord &c.]

Robert Dawes.

It must be mainly matter of conjecture at what theatres the Lady Elizabeth’s had played from 1611 to 1614. Possibly they may have begun at the Swan. Middleton’s A Chaste Maid in Cheapside was published as ‘often acted at the Swan on the Bankeside by the Lady Elizabeth her Seruants’, and although this publication was not until 1630, it is rather tempting to identify the play with The Proud Maid of 1611–12. Probably the association of the company with Henslowe led to a transfer to the Rose; and after the joining of forces with Rosseter in March 1613, the Whitefriars must have been available for the combination. That there were alternatives open in 1613 is shown by two passages in Daborne’s letters.[704] On 5 June he says that the company were expecting Henslowe to conclude ‘about thear comming over or goinge to Oxford’, and by ‘comming over’ may most naturally be understood crossing the Thames. On 9 December he claims that a book he is upon will ‘make as good a play for your publique howse as ever was playd’, and the inference is that at the time Henslowe was interested in a ‘private’ as well as in a ‘public’ house. Certainly the Watermen’s complaint in the spring of 1614 indicates that there were then no plays on Bankside, and both the Swan and the Rose must therefore have been deserted. But by the autumn the Lady Elizabeth’s men were in the Clink, occupying the newly built Hope on the site of the old Bear-garden; and that the use of this theatre was contemplated in the agreements of the previous spring is shown both by the presence of Meade, who is not known to have been interested in any other house, as a party, and by the reservation of one day in fourteen for the purpose of baiting.[705] It was at the Hope that William Fennor failed to appear to try his challenge with John Taylor on 7 October, and the Lady Elizabeth’s men were presumably the players—

And such a company (I’ll boldly say)
That better (nor the like) ne’er played a play—

who came to the rescue and saved the occasion from fiasco. And it was at the Hope and by the Lady Elizabeth’s men, as the Induction and the title-page show, that Jonson’s Bartholomew Fair was produced on 31 October. There is a reference in the text of the play to Taylor’s adventure,[706] and a compliment to Field, which puts him on a level with Burbadge of the King’s men.[707] Bartholomew Fair was presented on the very next day before James at Court. This performance, for which Field was payee on 11 June, was the only one by the company during the winter festivities of 1614–15. In February 1615 there was a breach between Henslowe and the company, as a result of which the Articles of Grievance were drawn up. According to the Articles Henslowe ‘brooke the companie’; but it is not quite clear what exactly took place. In some form the Lady Elizabeth’s men certainly continued to exist. They visited Nottingham in March 1615, and a letter from Lord Coke to the Mayor of Coventry shows that they also contemplated a visit to that town in the same month.[708] My impression is that they subsequently patched up another reconstruction with Henslowe, and that on this occasion the process did entail some kind of amalgamation with Prince Charles’s men. Field, however, probably now joined the King’s men. The Lady Elizabeth’s do not appear to have been separately represented when the Privy Council called the London companies before them for a breach of Lent on 29 March 1615. It is true that they may have been alone in not offending, but it is more probable that William Rowley and John Newton, who were summoned, answered for the amalgamation. The Prince’s men are recorded as playing at Court during the Christmas of 1615–16 and the Lady Elizabeth’s men are not. Yet the payee for their four plays, of which the dates are not specified, was Alexander Foster, who had been a Lady Elizabeth’s man and not a Prince’s man. But it is probable that both this amalgamation and the earlier one between the Lady Elizabeth’s and the Queen’s Revels, although effective as a business operation from Henslowe’s point of view, did not amount to a complete merging of identities, such as would entail a surrender of one or other of the official patents. Certainly the Lady Elizabeth’s, the Prince’s and the Revels were in some sense distinct, and yet in the closest relationship in 1615. So much is clear from Rosseter’s patent of 3 June to build in the Blackfriars, which contemplated that all three companies would share in the use of the new house. That the joint user extended also to plays is suggested by the title-page of Field’s Amends for Ladies (1618) which declares it to have been ‘acted at the Blacke-Fryers, both by the Princes Seruants and the Lady Elizabeths’. Perhaps this indicates alternative rather than combined playing. Whatever the arrangement, it was probably altered again on or before Henslowe’s death on 6 January 1616.[709] A company containing many of the former Lady Elizabeth’s men remained at the Hope. But they went under Prince Charles’s patronage, and it is not until 1622, when we find them at Christopher Beeston’s house of the Cockpit or Phoenix, that we can be sure of the presence of Lady Elizabeth’s men in London once more.[710] But they had held together in the provinces. Possibly the nucleus of the provincial company had been formed of men left out by the Henslowe-Rosseter negotiations of 1613–14. They first appear at Norwich on 2 March 1614 under Nicholas Long, who in 1612 had been travelling with Queen’s Revels boys. They came again on 27 May 1615 with an exemplification of the 1611 patent dated 31 May 1613, and again on 5 June 1616 under John Townsend, and again on 7 June 1617 under Henry Sebeck. In the same year Joseph Moore was acting as an agent of the Lord Chamberlain and Master of the Revels in clearing the provinces of irregularly licensed players, not improbably in the interests of the Lady Elizabeth’s themselves, whose original patent was now set free, through changes in London, for provincial use in place of a mere exemplification.[711] The company is also traceable at Leicester, Coventry, Nottingham, Marlborough, and elsewhere from 1614,[712] and on 11 July 1617 Townsend and Moore received a warrant for £30 in respect of three plays given before James during his journey to Scotland.[713] On 20 March 1618 Townsend and Moore, with Alexander Foster and Francis Waymus, obtained a new licence under the royal signet.[714] This authorized them to play in London, and their actual return there may have been earlier than 1622.