[317] Arber, ii. 526, ‘A sorowfull newe sonnette intituled Tarltons Recantacon uppon this theame gyven him by a gentleman at the Bel savage without Ludgate (nowe or ells never) beinge the laste theame he songe’. The tract is not extant.

[318] App. C, No. lvii. He names Knell, Bentley, Mills, Wilson, and Laneham.

[319] Cf. ch. xv, s.v. Alleyn, and ch. xviii.

[320] E. J. L. Scott in Athenaeum for 21 Jan. 1882.

[321] Cf. ch. xviii.

[322] Murray, ii. 398 (Southampton), ‘the Queenes maiesties & the Earle of Sussex players, xxx^s’; 240 (Coventry), ‘the Quenes players & the Erle of Sussex players, xv^s’; 284 (Gloucester), ‘the Queenes and the Earle of Sussex players, xxx^s’. At Faversham (Murray, ii. 274) separate payments of 1590–1 for the Queen’s (20s.) and Essex’s (10s.) are followed by ‘to the Queen’s Players and to the Earl of Essex’s Players’ (20s.). It is conceivable that in this last entry ‘Essex’s’ may be a slip for ‘Sussex’s’.

[323] App. D, No. lxxxv.

[324] Nashe, Works, iii. 244.

[325] M. S. C. i. 190, from Lansd. MSS. 71, 75. The letters are both dated 18 Sept. 1592, and that to Burghley contained copies of the charters of Henry III and Elizabeth, of a Privy Council letter of 30 Oct. 1575 (cf. Dasent, ix. 39) forbidding shows within five miles of the University, and of the warrant of the Vice-Chancellor and other justices to the constables of Chesterton, dated 1 Sept. 1592.

[326] University Letter of 17 July 1593 in M. S. C. i. 200, from Lansd. MS. 75; Privy Council Act of 29 July 1593 in Dasent, xxiv. 427.

[327] M. S. C. i. 198, from Lansd. MS. 71.

[328] Henslowe, i. 4. The date in the diary is ‘8 of Maye 1593’, but I am prepared to accept Dr. Greg’s view (ii. 80) that as Francis was pawnbroking for his uncle all through 1593, this must be an error of Henslowe’s for ‘1594’. He seems to have actually left London on 18 May 1594.

[329] Henslowe, i. 6.

[330] W. H. Stevenson, Nottingham Records, iv. 244.

[331] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 186, 251.

[332] Sh. Homage, 154.

[333] Fleay, Shakespeare, 184.

[334] Collier, i. 259.

[335] Murray, i. 294. I add Maldon (1564–5). There is no proof that ‘Beeston and his fellowes’ at Barnstaple in 1560–1 were Strange’s.

[336] The Revels account for 1587–9 (Feuillerat, Eliz. 390) includes ‘a paire of fflanell hose for Symmons the Tumbler’, which is not in the separate account for 1587–8 (Feuillerat, Eliz. 380).

[337] App. D, No. lxxxii. The forged list of Queen’s men (q.v.) in 1589 is sometimes, by a further error, whose I do not know, assigned to Strange’s.

[338] I had better give the complicated and in some cases uncertain notices in full; the unspecified references are to Murray: Cambridge (1591–2), ‘my Lord Stranges plaiers’ (Cooper, ii. 518), and so also (ii. 229, 284) Canterbury (13 July 1592) and Gloucester (1591–2); Bath (1591–10 June 1592), ‘my Lord Admiralls players’ ... ‘my L. Stranges plaiers’ (ii. 202); Aldeburgh (1591–2), ‘my Lord Admirals players’ (Stopes, Hunnis, 314); Shrewsbury (30 Sept. 1591–29 Sept. 1592), ‘my L. Admeralls players’ ... ‘my l. Stranges and my l. Admyralls players’ (ii. 392, s. a. 1592–3, but the entries for the two years seem to be transposed; vide infra); Coventry (10 Dec. 1591–29 Nov. 1592), ‘the Lord Strange players’ (ii. 240); Leicester (19 Dec. 1592), ‘the Lorde Admiralls Playars’ (ii. 305); Shrewsbury (30 Sept. 1592–29 Sept. 1593), ‘The iii of Feb: 1592. Bestowed vppon the players of my Lorde Admyrall’ ... ‘my L. Darbyes men being players’ (ii. 392, s. a. 1591–2, but the detailed date and the name Derby make an error palpable); Bath (11 June 1592–10 Sept. 1593), ‘my L. Stranges plaiers’ (ii. 203); Coventry (30 Nov. 1592–26 Nov. 1593), ‘the Lo Admiralls players’ (ii. 240); York (April 1593), ‘the Lord Admerall & Lord Mordens players’ (ii. 412); Newcastle (May 1593), ‘my Lord Admiralls plaiers, and my Lord Morleis plaiers being all in one companye’ (G. B. Richardson, Extracts from Municipal Accounts of N.); Southampton (1592–3), ‘my L. Morleys players and the Earle of Darbyes’ (ii. 398, ‘c. 18 May’, but Strange became Derby on 25 Sept.); Leicester (Oct.–Dec. 1593), ‘the Erle of Darbyes playors’ (ii. 306); Coventry (2 Dec. 1593), ‘the Lo: of Darbyes players’ (ii. 240); Bath (11 Sept. 1593–1594), ‘the L. Admiralls, the L. Norris players’ (ii. 203); Ipswich (7 March 1594), ‘vnto therlle of Darbys players and to the Lorde Admirals players, the ij amongste’ (ii. 293, s. a. 1591–2, but on 7 March 1592 Strange was not yet Derby, and his men were playing for Henslowe).

[339] App. D, No. xcii.

[340] Henslowe, i. 13. The account is headed, ‘Jn the name of god Amen 1591 beginge the 19 of febreary my lord stranges mene a ffoloweth 1591’.

[341] Cf. ch. xxiv, s.v. 1 Jeronimo. Some marginal notes of sums of money are not clearly intelligible, but may represent sums advanced by Henslowe for the company.

[342] Henslowe, i. 15.

[343] Dasent, xxiv. 212.

[344] Cf. W. W. Greg in Henslowe, ii. 70.

[345] Dulwich MSS. i. 9–15 (Henslowe Papers, 34); cf. Henslowe, i. 3.

[346] Their patron was Edward Parker, Lord Morley (Murray, ii. 54). I suspect the Morden of the York entry and the Norris of the Bath entry of being both transcriber’s errors for Morley. No players of Lord Norris are on record, and those of Lord Mordaunt (Murray, ii. 90) only recur in 1585–6 and 1602.

[347] Text in Henslowe Papers, 130; on the nature of a ‘plott’, cf. App. N.

[348] The following rather hazardous identifications have been attempted by Greg (loc. cit.) and Fleay, 84: ‘Harry’ = Henry Condell (Fleay, Greg); ‘Kit’ = Christopher Beeston (Fleay, Greg); ‘Saunder’ = Alexander Cooke (Fleay, Greg); ‘Nick’ = Nicholas Tooley (Fleay, Greg); ‘Ro.’ or ‘R. Go.’ = Robert Gough (Fleay, Greg); ‘Ned’ = Edward Alleyn or Edmund Shakespeare (Fleay); ‘Will’ = William Tawyer (Fleay), William Tawler (Greg). The object is, of course, to establish the connexion between Strange’s and the Chamberlain’s men. Both writers assign two of the unallocated parts to Heminges and Shakespeare.

[349] For speculation as to Shakespeare’s early career, cf. s.v. Pembroke’s.

[350] Text in Henslowe Papers, 155.

[351] George Fanner to H. Galdelli and G. Tusinga in S. P. Dom. Eliz. cclxxi. 34, 35. I do not accept Mr. James Greenstreet’s theory that W. Stanley was the real W. Shakespeare.

[352] Hatfield MSS. xiii. 609.

[353] Murray, i. 295.

[354] Taylor, Penniless Pilgrimage (ed. Hindley), 67.

[355] Dulwich MS. i. 14, in Henslowe Papers, 40.

[356] Outlines, i. 122; ii. 329.

[357] Fleay, 136, ‘Pembroke’s men continued to act at the Curtain from 1589 to 1597’ is guesswork.

[358] Henslowe, i. 131; cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Fulwell.

[359] Cf. infra (Chamberlain’s). Shank (cf. ch. xv) was once in Pembroke’s.

[360] The Council Register assigns this performance to the Chamberlain’s; cf. App. B.

[361] Fleay, Sh. 286, supposed Howard to be both Admiral and Chamberlain at this date, but this view was refuted by Halliwell-Phillipps in the Athenaeum for 24 April 1886, and resigned by Fleay, 31; cf. Greg, ii. 81.

[362] I. H. Jeayes, Letters of Philip Gawdy (Roxburghe Club), 23.

[363] Stopes, Hunnis, 322, names payees in error.

[364] Henslowe, ii. 83.

[365] Henslowe Papers, 31.

[366] Alleyn Papers, 11, 12; cf. Henslowe Papers, 32.

[367] Alleyn Papers, 1, 5.

[368] Ibid. 54.

[369] Henslowe, ii. 127.

[370] Henslowe, i. 17.

[371] Ibid. 198.

[372] Ibid. 17.

[373] Cf. the petitions assigned to 1592 (App. D, No. xcii).

[374] They may represent n[ew] e[nterlude], or merely ne[w].

[375] Fleay, 140; Henslowe, ii. 84.

[376] Henslowe, ii. 324.

[377] Ibid. ii. 133.

[378] Ibid. i. 126.

[379] Ibid. i. 44.

[380] Henslowe, i. 51; cf. Dr. Greg’s explanation in ii. 129 and my criticism in M. L. R. iv. 409. Wallace (E. S. xliii. 361) has a third explanation, that the figures represent the sharers’ takings. But (a) these would not all pass through Henslowe’s hands, (b) the amounts are often less than half the galleries, and (c) the columns are blank for some days of playing.

[381] I include Belin Dun, produced just before the separation of the Admiral’s and the Chamberlain’s, in the fifty-five; but I do not follow Dr. Greg in taking the sign ‘j’, which Henslowe attaches to Tamburlaine (30 Aug. 1594) and Long Meg of Westminster (14 Feb. 1595) as equivalent to ‘ne’. Were it so, these would furnish two, and the only two, examples of a second new production in a single week. Probably ‘j’ indicates in both instances the First Part of a two-part play. This view is confirmed by Henslowe’s note on 10 March 1595, ‘17 p[laies] frome hence lycensed’; cf. my criticism in M. L. R. iv. 408.

[382] Variously entered as ‘olimpo’, ‘seleo & olempo’, ‘olempeo & hengenyo’, &c.; but apparently only one play is meant.

[383] Alexander and Lodowick is actually entered for a second time as ‘ne’ on 11 Feb. 1597, but I have assumed this to be a mistake.

[384] It has been chiefly played by Fleay and Dr. Greg. The relations suggested are between 1 Caesar and Pompey and Chapman’s play of the same name, Disguises and Chapman’s May-day, Godfrey of Bulloigne and Heywood’s Four Prentices of London, Olympo, 1, 2 Hercules, and Troy and Heywood’s Golden, Silver, Brazen, and Iron Ages respectively. Five Plays in One and some of Heywood’s Dialogues and Dramas, The Wonder of a Woman and a supposed early version by Heywood of W. Rowley’s A New Wonder, or, A Woman Never Vexed, The Venetian Comedy and both the German Josephus Jude von Venedig and Dekker’s lost Jew of Venice, Diocletian and Dekker’s The Virgin Martyr, A Set at Maw and Dekker’s Match Me in London, The Mack and Dekker’s The Wonder of a Kingdom, Vortigern and Middleton’s The Mayor of Quinborough, Uther Pendragon and W. Rowley’s Birth of Merlin, Philipo and Hippolito and both Massinger’s lost Philenzo and Hypollita and the German Julio und Hyppolita. Full details will be found in Henslowe, ii. 165 sqq.

[385] Henslowe, i. 44, 128.

[386] Possibly identical with Mahomet, if that was Peele’s play. Dr. Greg’s identification with The Love of an English Lady strikes me as rather arbitrary.

[387] I assume that ‘valy a for’ entered on 4 Jan. 1595 is the same play. Conceivably it might be Vallingford, i. e. Fair Em, an old Strange’s play.

[388] An allusion in Field’s Amends for Ladies, ii. 1, shows that Long Meg still held the Fortune stage about 1611.

[389] Possibly identical with Longshanks.

[390] The relations suggested are between The Love of a Grecian Lady and the German Tugend-und Liebesstreit, The French Doctor and both Dekker’s Jew of Venice and the German Josephus Jude von Venedig, The Siege of London and Heywood’s 1 Edward IV, The Welshman and R. A.’s The Valiant Welshman, Time’s Triumph and Fortune’s and Heywood’s Timon. For details cf. Henslowe, ii. 165 sqq.

[391] This was on Whit-Tuesday 1596, and I rather suspect a mis-entry of iij^s for iij^li, the exact amount taken for the plays of the Monday and Wednesday in the same week.

[392] Henslowe, i. 5.

[393] Ibid. 44.

[394] Ibid. 31, 45.

[395] Henslowe, i. 29, 31, 43, 44, 199–201.

[396] I see no reason to agree with Dr. Greg in identifying ‘Black Dick’ with Jones, who would naturally have the ‘Mr.’; and the suggestions that ‘Dick’ might be Dick Juby and that ‘Will’ might be Will Barnes or Will Parr are mere guesses based on the occurrence of these names in other ‘plots’. ‘Will’ might just as well be Will Kendall.

[397] Henslowe, i. 45.

[398] Henslowe’s entry is (i. 54), ‘Martin Slather went for the company of my lord admeralles men the 18 of July 1597’. I think that ‘for’ must be meant for ‘from’. Elsewhere (i. 66) Henslowe writes ‘for’ for ‘from’.

[399] Henslowe, i. 47, 200.

[400] Ibid. 201–4; Egerton MS. 2623, f. 19 (a fragment from the Diary).

[401] Henslowe, ii. 89, 101.

[402] Henslowe, i. 105, 131, 134.

[403] Ibid. 40.

[404] Ibid. 199–201.

[405] App. D, No. cxii.

[406] Henslowe, i. 54; E. S. xliii. 351.

[407] Henslowe, i. 68–70.

[408] Ibid. 82.

[409] Ibid. ii. 91; cf. p. 200.

[410] Henslowe, i. 69, 73; Wallace in E. S. xliii. 382.

[411] Cf. p. 173.

[412] Henslowe, i. 81, 122.

[413] Ibid. 64, 67.

[414] Ibid. 63, 79.

[415] Henslowe, i. 72, ‘Lent W^m Borne to folowe the sewt agenste Thomas Poope’; cf. i. 26, 38, 47–8, 56, 63–9, 71–8, 80, 201, 205; and s.v. Pembroke’s.

[416] Henslowe, i. 84.

[417] During 1599–1602 Henslowe sometimes enters advances as made to the company through ‘W^m’ Juby, and in two cases corrects the entry by substituting ‘Edward’. As there is no other evidence for a William Juby as an actor, not to speak of a sharer, either Henslowe must have persistently mistaken the name, or William must have been a relative of Edward, acting as his agent (cf. Henslowe, ii. 290).

[418] Henslowe Papers, 48.

[419] Henslowe, i. 26.

[420] Henslowe Papers, 113.

[421] Henslowe, i. 122.

[422] Ibid. 122.

[423] Ibid. 66, 68, 91, 108.

[424] Ibid. 85.

[425] Henslowe, i. 72.

[426] Ibid. 63, 104.

[427] Ibid. 118.

[428] I find ‘Lorde Haywards’ men at Leicester during Oct.–Dec. 1599, ‘Lord Howardes’ at Bristol in 1599–1600, ‘Lord Heywardes’ at Bath in the same year, ‘Lord Howards’ at Coventry on 28 Dec. 1599, and ‘Lord Haywards’ in 1602–3. This must have been another company. The Admiral’s were playing in London at the time of the Leicester and the earlier Coventry visits, and Lord Howard of Effingham became Earl of Nottingham on 22 Oct. 1596. They were at Canterbury in 1599–1600.

[429] Henslowe, i. 120.

[430] Henslowe Papers, 49; Henslowe, i. 113.

[431] Henslowe Papers, 55; Henslowe, i. 122.

[432] Henslowe Papers, 56; Henslowe, i. 135, 147.

[433] Henslowe Papers, 56; Henslowe, i. 135.

[434] Henslowe Papers, 56–8.

[435] Henslowe, ii. 125.

[436] Henslowe, i. 84–107.

[437] Ibid. 103.

[438] Henslowe, i. 83, 101, 119.

[439] Ibid. ii. 124.

[440] Henslowe Papers, 113, from Malone (1790), i. 2. 300; the manuscript is now lost. The various sections of the document are headed: (a) ‘The booke of the Inventary of the goods of my lord Admeralles men, tacken the 10 of Marche in the yeare 1598’; (b) ‘The Enventary of the Clownes sewtes and Hermetes Swetes, with dievers others sewtes, as followeth, 1598, the 10 of March’; (c) ‘The Enventary of all the aparell for my Lord Admiralles men, tacken the 10 of Marche 1598—Leaft above in the tier-house in the cheast’; (d) ‘The Enventary tacken of all the properties for my Lord Admeralles men, the 10 of Marche 1598’; (e) ‘The Enventorey of all the aparell of the Lord Admeralles men, taken the 13^th of Marche 1598, as followeth’; (f) ‘A Note of all suche bookes as belong to the Stocke, and such as I have bought since the 3^d of Marche 1598’; (g) ‘A Note of all suche goodes as I have bought for the Companey of my Lord Admirals men, sence the 3 of Aprell, 1598, as followeth’. A comparison of the book-list with the diary payments makes it clear that ‘1598’ is 1597/8 and not 1598/9. The last book entered was bought in Aug. 1598. An undated inventory of Alleyn’s private theatrical wardrobe is in Henslowe Papers, 52.

[441] It should be borne in mind that these lists are based in part upon a rather conjectural interpretation of evidence. Full details, for which I have not space, will be found in Henslowe, ii. 186 sqq. I have annotated a few points of interest.

[442] So called in the book-inventory; in the diary it is Triplicity of Cuckolds.

[443] The first name appears in the inventory, the second in the diary.

[444] Only £4 was paid ‘to by a boocke’, which is low for a new play and high for an old one. Possibly Porter was in debt to the company.

[445] Once described as ‘other wisse called worsse feared then hurte’, whence Dr. Greg infers that the 1598–9 play of that name was a second part of it.

[446] So in the book-inventory; in the account it is only called The Cobler.

[447] Possibly Strange Flattery, but the manuscript is lost.

[448] They had to buy Mahomet, The Wise Man of West Chester, Longshanks, and Vortigern from Alleyn in 1601 and 1602.

[449] ‘the Mores lymes’, ‘iiij Turckes hedes’, ‘j Mores cotte’.

[450] ‘iiij genesareys gownes’, ‘owld Mahemetes head’.

[451] ‘Tamberlyne brydell’, ‘Tamberlynes cotte, with coper lace’, ‘Tamberlanes breches of crymson vellvet’.

[452] ‘j cauderm for the Jewe’.

[453] ‘j tree of gowlden apelles’.

[454] ‘j whell and frame in the Sege of London’.

[455] ‘Belendon stable’.

[456] ‘Tasso picter’, ‘Tasoes robe’.

[457] ‘senetores gowne’ and ‘capes’.

[458] ‘Kents woden leage’.

[459] ‘j mawe gowne of calleco for the quene’.

[460] ‘j sewtte for Nepton’, ‘Nepun forcke & garland’.

[461] ‘Harey the fyftes dublet’ and ‘vellet gowne’, ‘j payer of hosse for the Dowlfyn’.

[462] ‘j longe-shanckes sewte’.

[463] ‘j great horse with his leages’.

[464] ‘Vartemar sewtte’, ‘Valteger robe of rich tafitie’, ‘j payer of hosse & a gercken for Valteger’, ‘ij Danes sewtes, and ij payer of Danes hosse’.

[465] ‘j tome of Guido’, ‘j cloth clocke of russete with coper lace, called Guydoes clocke’.

[466] ‘Merlen gowne, and cape’.

[467] ‘my lord Caffes gercken & his hoose’.

[468] These include ‘Argosse head’, ‘Andersones sewte’, ‘Will Sommers sewtte’, ‘ij Orlates sewtes’, ‘Cathemer sewte’, ‘j Whittcomes dublett poke’, ‘Nabesathe sewte’, ‘j Hell mought’, ‘the cloth of the Sone & Mone’, ‘Tantelouse tre’, ‘Eves bodeyes’. Probably ‘Perowes sewte which W^m Sley were’ dated back to the days of Strange’s men. After 3 April 1598 Henslowe bought, inter alia, ‘a gown for Nembia’ and ‘a robe for to goo invisibell’.