[1326] Adams, 17; cf. ch. xiii (Duke of York’s). The further suggestion of Adams, 8, that Rawlidge in 1628 (cf. p. 360) wrote ‘Whitefriars’ for ‘Whitechapel’ is less plausible. Rawlidge is only dealing with play-houses within the City.
[1327] Adams, 17, identifies the site with Boar’s Head Yard, between Middlesex Street and Goulston Street, Whitechapel. But this is the house of 1557 (v. supra) within the liberties. Rocque (1746) shows an oval site, just east of Church Lane and south of the church of St. Mary, Whitechapel, which rather suggests an amphitheatre, but may be merely a churchyard.
[1328] Henslowe Papers, 59.
[1329] Cf. p. 374.
[1330] The section is reproduced in Adams, 294.
[1331] Not the mercer Stone who sold stuffs to the Admiral’s in 1601 and 1602 (Henslowe, ii. 313); he was doubtless William Stone (Knt. in 1604).
[1332] W. v. H. 296. Professor Wallace has confused this 1s. 6d. with the profits of Woodford’s seventh, and thinks that a gatherer got one-eighteenth of the receipts.
[1333] I think the inference is that the gallery profits were divided in the proportion of seven-eighteenths to the housekeepers and eleven-eighteenths to the players.
[1334] No order seems to have been made as to the gatherer’s place.
[1335] Knight of the Burning Pestle, IV. i. 43.
[1336] Travels of the Three Brothers (ed. Bullen, p. 88).
[1337] Dekker, Works, iv. 97; cf. p. 367.
[1338] Jeaffreson, ii. 64, 86.
[1339] Wither, Abuses Stript and Whipt (1613), i. 1,
Albumazar, II. i. 16, ‘Then will I confound her with compliments drawn from the plays I see at the Fortune and Red Bull, where I learn all the words I speak and understand not’; Gayton, 24, ‘I have heard that the poets of the Fortune and Red Bull had always a mouth-measure for their actors (who were terrible tear-throats) and made their lines proportionable to their compass, which were sesquipedales, a foot and a half’.
[1340] Collier, Memoirs of Alleyn, 107; D. N. B. s.v. Alleyn. The Diary (Young, ii. 51) runs:
‘Oct. 1, 1617. I came to London in the coach and went to the red Bull. 2d.
Oct. 3. I went to the red bull and ℞ for the younger brother but 3. 6. 4, water 4d.’
The Younger Brother was entered in the Stationers’ Register in 1653, but is not extant.
[1341] Heywood, Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas, 247.
[1342] Adams, 300.
[1343] Prynne, Epistle to Histriomastix (1633); W. C., London’s Lamentation for her Sins (1625), ‘Yet even then, Oh Lord, were the theatres magnified and enlarged’.
[1344] Fortnightly Review (May 1916).
[1345] Cf. App. I.
[1346] Cf. ch. xviii, Bibl. Note.
[1347] Mediaeval Stage, ii. 250; cf. i. 53, 68, 72; ii. 244 (Durham Priory), 246 (Thetford Priory), 247 (Winchester College), 248 (Magdalen, Oxford).
[1348] Strutt, Sports and Pastimes (ed. Cox), 195.
[1349] Rendle, Old Southwark, f. p., 31.
[1350] It is also, although unnamed, in Smith’s drawing of 1588, but that is probably based on Agas.
[1351] William Fitzstephen (c. 1170–82) in J. C. Robertson, Materials for the History of Becket (R. S.), iii. 11, ‘In hieme singulis feré festis ante prandium ... pingues tauri cornipetae, seu ursi immanes, cum objectis depugnant canibus’.
[1352] Erasmus, Adagia, 3354, ‘Sed intolerabilius est quod apud Britannos complures alunt greges ursorum ad saltationem, animal vorax et maleficum’. I owe the correct reference to Mr. P. S. Allen. Presumably ‘greges’ is no more than ‘numbers’.
[1353] Collier, i. 42, from Harl. MS. 433.
[1354] Egerton MS. 2623, f. 11. Collier, who owned this document, or some other modern, has substituted the name of John Dorrington. A copy, exemplified for Morgan Pope on 18 Nov. 1585, is at Dulwich; cf. Henslowe Papers, 1. Long became steward of Paris Garden in 1536 (Kingsford, 159).
[1355] Collier, i. 194, from list of fees payable by the Treasurer of the Chamber in 1571 (Cotton MS. Vesp. C. xiv), ‘keapers of Beares and Mastives, iij. Item to Mathew Becke, Sergeaunte of the beares, for his wages per ann. 12l 10s 7½d. Item to Symon Powlter, yoman, per ann. 14l 6s 3d. Item to Richard Darryngton Mr and kepar of the bandogges and mastives, per ann. 21l 5s 10d’. Similarly, the Treasurer’s Declared Account for 1594–5 (Pipe Roll, 542) shows a total payment to keepers of Bears and Mastiffs of £48 12s. 8½d. There is an error in one or other entry of 10s.
[1356] The Privy Council Acts record warrants inter alia to Ralph in 1574 (Dasent, viii. 257), Thomas in 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, and 1580 (ix. 121, 153, 335; x. 148; xi. 70, 392), Ralph in 1581 (xii. 321), and Edward in 1581 and 1582 (xiii. 115, 311). Edward Bowes seems to have held the Keepership of Dogs, but disclaimed having a fee of £15 17s. 4d. at the subsidy of 1588 (M. S. C. i. 355).
[1357] Earlier licensees were William Payne and Simon Powlter (> 1574). Wistow (c. 1575), John Napton, Morgan Pope (c. 1585–7), Thomas Burnaby (c. 1590–4), and perhaps others; cf. p. 464; Wallace in The Times (1914); Kingsford, 171–8.
[1358] Alleyn Memoirs, 213; cf. Henslowe Papers, 4.
[1359] Henslowe, i. 71. Some payments of June 1597 on account of a privy seal and a patent for Alleyn (Henslowe, i. 200) may relate to this.
[1360] Henslowe Papers, 98. Possibly an undated letter from Arthur Langworth to Alleyn (Henslowe Papers, 99), in which he refers to Bowes’s illness and protests against a charge of not giving Alleyn sufficient help in procuring some ‘place’, relates to this. But it is allusive and obscure.
[1361] S. P. D. Eliz. cclxviii. 18; cf. Henslowe Papers, 12.
[1362] Probably Bowes had also held this keepership with his Mastership, as he was drawing a fee from the Chamber in 1596 (Henslowe, i. 128).
[1363] Muniment 19 in the Dulwich MSS. is a warrant of 24 Nov. 1599 by Meade to a deputy; cf. Henslowe, ii. 38. A list of fees c. 1600 in Henslowe Papers, 108, shows, under the general heading ‘Parris garden’, only two keeperships, instead of the three of 1571, that of Bears at £12 8s. 1½d., and that of Mastiffs at £21 5s. 10½d.
[1364] Henslowe Papers, 12; cf. Henslowe, ii. 37.
[1365] Receipts by or on behalf of Dorrington dated Jan. and April 1602 are in Henslowe Papers, 101; Henslowe, i. 212. Each is for a quarter’s ‘rent’ of £10, and the earlier is specified as ‘for the commissyon for the Bear-garden’. A letter of May 1600 from Dorrington to Henslowe asking him and Meade to have the ‘games’ ready for Court is in Henslowe Papers, 100. In 1603 Henslowe spent 16s. 4d. ‘for sewinge at the cort’, on petitions to Dorrington, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Council, the drawing of two licences, and ‘our warent for baytynge’ (Henslowe Papers, 109). I think that from 1603, if not earlier, he had a regular appointment as deputy to Dorrington. On 18 April 1604 he received the Treasurer of the Chamber’s reward as ‘Deputy Master of the Game’.
[1366] Alleyn Memoirs, 213; cf. Henslowe Papers, 4.
[1367] S. P. D. Jac. I, 1603–10, p. 134.
[1368] Henslowe Papers, 101; S. P. D. Jac. I, x, p. 167. It appears from a memorandum of Alleyn’s in Henslowe Papers, 107, that he paid £250 for his share.
[1369] Henslowe Papers, 104.
[1370] This is recited in a warrant to one of their deputies in Henslowe Papers, 18.
[1371] Henslowe, ii. 38. Dr. Greg gives many interesting details of the business, and of the relations of the Masters with their agents, for which I have not space. Others, of Bowes’s time, are in Dasent, ix. 9; xiii. 101.
[1372] Sydney Papers, ii. 194 (12 May 1600), ‘This day she appointes to see a Frenchman doe feates upon a rope, in the Conduit court. To morrow she hath commanded the beares, the bull and the ape to be baited in the tiltyard. Upon Wednesday she will have solemn dawncing’; cf. Epicoene, iii. 1, ‘Were you ever so much as look’d upon by a lord or a lady, before I married you, but on the Easter or Whitsun-holidays? and then out at the banqueting-house window, when Ned Whiting or George Stone were at the stake?’ George Stone was killed during the visit of Christian of Denmark in 1606 (H. P. 105). The Court practice was followed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. Payments to the bearward of Paris Garden for pastime showed at the Conduit Heads are in Harrison, iv. 322.
[1373] Machyn, 198.
[1374] Ibid. 270; Nichols, Eliz. i. 305; ii. 469; Walsingham, Journal, 42; Boississe, i. 345. There is a spirited description of a baiting before Elizabeth at Kenilworth on 14 July 1575 in Laneham’s Letter (Furnivall, Captain Cox, 17); but I do not suppose that these were the London bears. Leicester, whose cognizance was the bear and ragged staff, doubtless kept his own ursine establishment.
[1375] Rye, 123.
[1376] Pipe Office Declared Account, 543, m. 194.
[1377] Stowe, Annales (1615), 835, 865, 895.
[1378] Translated by F. Madden in Archaeologia, xxiii. 354.
[1379] Machyn, 198.
[1380] Translated by G. von Bülow in 2 Transactions of Royal Hist. Soc. ix. 230, from a manuscript in the possession of Graf von der Osten at Plathe, Pomerania. I add for the sake of completeness the following lines from the Hodoeporica (1568, ed. 2, 1575), 224, of N. Chytraeus, whose visit was probably c. 1565–7:
[1381] Cf. ch. xviii.
[1382] Translated in Rye, 45.
[1383] Cf. p. 362.
[1384] Hentzner, 196; cf. p. 363.
[1385] G. Binz in Anglia, xxii. 460, ‘Man pfleget auch alle Sontag vnndt mittwochen zu Londen, yenseits desz wassers den Berenhatz zu halten.... Der Schauplatz ist in die Ründe gebauwen, sind oben herumb viel geng, darauf man zusicht, vnden am boden vnder dem heiteren Himmel ist es nicht besetzet. Da bande man in mitten desz platzes einen grossen Beeren an ein stock am langen seil an.... Wie wir die stegen hinunter kamen, gungen wir hinder den schauwplatz, besahen die Englischen docken, deren bey 120 in einem bezirk beysamen, yedoch yetwederer in einem sonderbahren ställin an einer kettin angeheftet wahren.’
[1386] Hatfield MSS. xi. 382.
[1387] G. von Bülow in 2 Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc. vi. 16, ‘16 Sept. Auf den Nachmittag haben wir den Bär u. Stierhetze zugesehen ... wohlmehr as 200 Hünde an selbigem Ort in einem besonderen Häuslein unterhalten’.
[1388] Rye, 61.
[1389] Rye, 133.
[1390] Englische Studien, xiv. 440.
[1391] Epigram xliii:
[1392] Merry Wives, I. i. 306.
[1393] Dekker, Work for Armourers (1609, Works, iv. 98), ‘At length a blind bear was tied to the stake, and instead of baiting him with dogs, a company of creatures that had the shapes of men and faces of Christians (being either colliers, carters, or watermen) took the office of beadles upon them, and whipped Monsieur Hunkes till the blood ran down his old shoulders’.
[1394] Coryats Crudities (1611), i. 114, ‘Hunks of the Beare-garden to be feared if he be nigh on’.
[1395] Cf. p. 453. Nashe, Strange News (1592, Works, i. 281, also names ‘great Ned’ and adds ‘Harry of Tame’. In 1590 Burnaby had at the Bear Garden ‘Tom Hunckes’, ‘Whitinge’, ‘Harry of Tame’, three other bears, three bulls, a horse, an ape. A ‘great’ bear was worth £8 or £10, a bull £4 or £5 (Kingsford, 175).
[1396] Puritan, iii. 5, ‘How many dogs do you think I had upon me?... almost as many as George Stone, the bear; three at once’.
[1397] Henslowe Papers, 106.
[1398] Copley Accounts, s. a. 1575, in Collectanea Genealogica et Topographica, viii. 253, ‘Gyven to the master of Paryshe Garden his man for goynge with Thos. Sharples into Barmensy Street to see certen mastyve dogges’.
[1399] R. Crowley, One and thyrtye Epigrammes (1550, ed. E. E. T. S.), 381:
Jonson, Execration upon Vulcan (Works, iii. 322):
Taylor, Bull, Bear and Horse (1638):
Cf. Sir John Davies’ lines already quoted; also Dekker, ii. 125 (News from Hell), iv. 109 (Work for Armourers), &c., &c.
[1400] Stowe, Annales, 695.
[1401] Henslowe Papers, 15, 104. Miss Dormer Harris kindly tells me that the Coventry Corporation rewarded the ‘Bearward of palace Garden’ in 1576–7.
[1402] Cf. p. 411.
[1403] Malone, Variorum, xix. 483; Rendle, Bankside, iii; Antiquarian, vii. 277; Ordish, 128.
[1404] Annales Monasterii de Bermundseia, s. a. 1113 (Luard, Annales Monastici, iii. 432), ‘Hoc anno Robertus Marmion dedit hidam de Wideflete cum molendino et aliis pertinentibus suis monachis de Bermundeseye’; Register of Hospital of St. John, s. a. 1420 (Monasticon Anglicanum, vi. 819), ‘Haec sunt statuta et ordinationes concernentia locum privilegiatum vocatum Parishgardyn, alias dictum Wideflete, sive Wiles, cum pertinentiis, facta per Johannem nuper Ducem Bedfordiae, firmarium ibidem, anno Domini mccc[c]xx’ [Rules for a sanctuary, with a dominus, senescallus, ballivus, constabularius, and societas, follow]; Liber Fundatorum of St. John (ibid. vi. 832), ‘Molendina de Wideflete cum gardino vocato Parish-gardin ... tenentur de Abbate de Barmondesey’ (1434). Kingsford, 157, traces the manor through Bermondsey priory, the Templars, and St. John’s Hospital to the Crown in 1536.
[1405] Blount, Glossographia (ed. 4, 1674), 469, quotes Close Roll, 16 Rich. II, dorso ii. Kingsford, 156, translates the writ, which is abstracted (Sharpe, Letter Book H, 392), ‘Writ to the Mayor and Sheriffs to proclaim ordinances made in the last Parliament at Winchester to the effect that the laystall or latrine (fimarium sive sterquilinium) on the bank of the Thames near the house of Robert de Parys be removed, and a house be built on its site for the use of butchers, where they may cut up their offal and take it in boats to mid-stream and cast it into the water at ebb-tide.... Witness the King at Westminster 21 Feb. 16 Rich. II’. The ordinance is recorded in Rot. Parl. iii. 306.
[1406] Index to Remembrancia, 478.
[1407] Brewer, xxi. 2. 88, ‘a licence for Thomas Fluddie, yeoman of your Majesty’s bears, to bait and make pastime with your Graces bears at the accustomed place at London, called the Stewes, notwithstanding the proclamation’ (Sept. 1546); Machyn, 78, ‘The sam day [9 Dec. 1554] at after-non was a bere-beytyn on the Banke syde, and ther the grett blynd bere broke losse, and in ronnyng away he chakt a servyng man by the calff of the lege, and bytt a gret pesse away, and after by the hokyll-bone, that within iij days after he ded’.
[1408] Foxe, Acts and Monuments (ed. 1846), v. 388. Collier, iii. 94, cites ‘a book of the expenses of the Northumberland family’ to the effect that the earl went to Paris Garden to behold the bear-baiting in 1525–6. Ordish, 129, criticizes this on the ground that the statement is not in the Northumberland Household Book printed by Percy. It was in fact a different book, from which Collier, i. 86, gives entries, of which one is of boat-hire from and to ‘Parys gardyn’. But there is nothing about bear-baiting.
[1409] Account of Treasurer of Chamber, s. a. 1515 (Brewer, ii. 1466), ‘Hen. Anesley, conveying the King’s barge from Greenwich to Parys Garden, 16d’.
[1410] Ordish, 127.
[1411] In Shaw v. Langley (1597) the Swan is described as ‘in the oulde Parrisgardin’, although there is no specific mention of baiting (E. S. xliii. 345, 355).
[1412] Fleetwood, writing to Burghley on 13 July 1578 (Rendle, Antiquarian, vii. 274, from S. P. D. Eliz. cxxv. 21), describes intrigues of the French ambassador ‘on the Thames side behind Paris Garden toward Lambeth, in the fields ... I got a skuller to Paris Garden, but the place was dark and shadowed with trees, that one man cannot see another unless they have lynceos oculos or els cattes eys, shewing how admirable a place it was for such doings. The place is that boowre of conspiracies, it is the college of male cownsell.... There be certain virgulta or eightes of willows set by the Thames near that place; they grow now exceeding thick, and a notable covert for confederates to shrowd in; a milkmade lately did see the French ambassador land in that virgulta’.
[1413] The ring, without a name, is also shown in Smith’s drawing (1588), but this is probably based on one of the maps.
[1414] Rendle, Antiquarian, viii. 57, from Exchequer Depositions, 18 Jac. I. The depositions also mention a bull-house built in a dog-yard, a bear-house, a hay-house, a pond for the bears to wash in, and a pond for dead dogs. Kingsford, 175, gives fuller extracts.
[1415] Stowe, Survey, ii. 54. A short passage in i. 95 adds nothing.
[1416] Stowe (1615), 695.
[1417] Halliwell, Dr. Dee’s Diary (C. S.), 18; App. C, No. xxxi; App. D, No. lxiv. The ballad of which four stanzas are given by Collier, i. 244, is presumably a forgery.
[1418] More, Works (ed. 1557), 208, ‘This is much like as at Beuerlay late, whan much of the people beyng at a bere baytyng, the church fell sodeinly down at euensonge tyme, and ouer whelmed some that than were in it: a good felow, that after herde the tale tolde, “lo”, quod he, “now maie you see what it is to be at euensong whan ye should be at the bere baytynge”. How be it, the hurt was not ther in beinge at euensonge, but in that the churche was falsely wrought’.
[1419] App. D, No. lxx.
[1420] Rendle, Antiquarian, viii. 57.
[1421] Rendle, Antiquarian, viii. 57; Bankside, xxx, with map.
[1422] The tithes were for ‘the bear garden and for the ground adjoining to the same where the dogs are’ (Rendle, Bankside, v). It was for Morgan Pope that Bowes’s patent as Master of the Game was exemplified in 1585; cf. p. 450.
[1423] Henslowe, ii. 25, from Egerton MS. 2623, f. 13, and Dulwich MS. iv. 21.
[1424] Henslowe, i. 71, ‘Ano do 1595 the xxviijth of Novembere Reseved of Mr Henslow the day and yeare abov written the som of syx poundes of curant mony of England and is in part of a mor som [yf he the sayd] by twyxt the sayd Phillyp Henslow and me consaning a bargen of the beargarden I say Reseved vjll. By me John Mavlthouse. Wittnes I E Alley.’ I take the words in square brackets, which are cancelled in the diary, to represent ‘if he proceed’. In Henslowe, i. 43, are further receipts for 40s. ‘in part of the bargen for the tenymentes on the bankes syd’ in Dec. 1595, and sums of £10, £20, and £4 for unspecified purposes in Jan. and Feb. 1596. Kingsford, 177, gives the date of Henslowe’s purchase.
[1425] Henslowe, i. 209; cf. Henslowe Papers, 109.
[1426] Henslowe, ii. 25.
[1427] Henslowe Papers, 107. I agree with Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 30, 39) that it is difficult to see what a lease from Thomas Garland to Henslowe and Alleyn in 1608 of a close called Long Slip or Long Meadow in Lambeth can have had to do with the baiting. But Alleyn added the word ‘Bear-garden’ to the original endorsement ‘Mr Garlands lece’ (Henslowe Papers, 12). Perhaps the land was used for some subsidiary purpose in connexion with the Garden.
[1428] Henslowe Papers, 110; Architectural Review, xlvii. 152.
[1429] Full text in Alleyn Memoirs, 78; abstract in Henslowe Papers, 102.
[1430] Henslowe, i. 214; cf. p. 189 (supra).
[1431] Cf. p. 458.
[1432] Cf. ch. xviii.
[1433] Henslowe Papers, 19, from Dulwich Muniment 49; also printed in Variorum, iii. 343. Muniment 50 is Katherens’ bond, and Muniment 51 a sub-contract of 8 Sept. 1613 with John Browne, bricklayer, to do the brickwork for £80.
[1434] Cf. p. 370.
[1435] Taylor, Works (1630), 304, with a reply by Fennor and rejoinder by Taylor. Incidentally Taylor mentions the arras of the theatre and the tiles with which it was covered.
[1436] The Southwark vestry order of 1 May 1598 (App. D, No. cxv) seems to connect him with ‘play-houses’, but I doubt whether anything but the bear garden is meant.
[1437] Cf. Satiromastix, 1247, ‘Th’ast a breath as sweet as the Rose that growes by the Beare-Garden’.
[1438] Alleyn Memoirs, 159.
[1439] Ordish, 235. No date can be assigned to A North Countrey Song in Wit and Drollery (1656):
[1440] Collier, iii. 102.
[1441] Cf. p. 375.
[1442] Ordish, 244. A Bearsfoot Alley shown farther to the east by Rocque (1746) may derive from one of the earlier baiting-places.
[1443] C. W. Wallace in The Times (30 April 1914), ‘We present John Wardner William Sellors and all the land holders or their tenantes that holde anie landes gardeines ground or tenementes abbutting vpon the common sewer leadinge from Sellors gardin to the beare garden to cast clense and scoure their and euerie one of their seuerall partes of the common sewer by Candlemas nexte vpon paine of euerie pole then vndone ... ijs’.
[1444] Cf. p. 458.
[1445] E. Hake, Newes out of Poules Churchyarde (1579), Sat. v:
Many of the attacks on plays (App. C) also refer to baiting.