[775] Ib. vol. v. p. 89.
[776] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 288, 796.
[777] Ib. vol. iii. p. 7; see vol. ii. p. 376.
[778] Ib. vol. iv. p. 694.
[779] We have seen him already as a counsellor; see above, p. 220. Orderic, giving a picture of him some years later (778 B), adds that “ducem sibi coævum et quasi collectaneum fratrem diligebat.”
[780] See Appendix M.
[781] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 194, 508, 567.
[782] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “And ut of Normandig for to þam cynge his aðume to Scotlande and to his swustor.”
[783] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Ðas forewarde gesworan xii. þa betste of þes cynges healfe, and xii. of þes eorles.” In Florence the “betste” become “barones.”
[784] “Þeah hit syððan litle hwile stode.”
[785] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Aggregatis Britonibus et Normannis, Constantiam et Abrincas aliaque oppida munivit, et ad resistendum totis nisibus insurrexit.”
[786] Ib. 697 B. “Britones, qui sibi solummodo adminiculum contulerant.”
[787] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 209.
[788] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Hugo Cestrensis comes aliique fautores, ejus paupertatem perpendentes, et amplas opes terribilemque potentiam Guillelmi regis metuentes, egregium clitonem in bellico angore deseruerunt, et municipia sua regi tradiderunt.” Wace tells quite another tale, more favourable to Earl Hugh, but much less likely. See Appendix N.
[789] Ann. S. Mich. 1023. “Hoc anno inchoatum est novum monasterium a Richardo secundo comite et Hildeberto abbate, qui abbas ipso anno obiit.” This is Hildebert the Second, appointed in 1017.
[790] Ib. 1100. “Hoc anno pars non modica ecclesiæ montis sancti Michaelis corruit … in cujus ruina portio quædam dormitorii monachorum destructa atque eversa est.” Ib. 1112. “Hoc anno combusta est hæc ecclesia sancti Michaelis igne fulmineo, cum omnibus officinis monachorum.”
[791] Ann. S. Mich. 1085. “Huic [Rannulfo] successit Rogerius Cadomensis, non electione monachorum, sed vi terrenæ potestatis.”
[792] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 468.
[793] See Florence’s account in Appendix N.
[794] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 235.
[795] I take this from Wace, 14660;
On the value of Wace’s general story, see Appendix N; but we may trust the topography of the Jerseyman.
[796] See Florence’s account in Appendix N. So Will. Malms. iv. 308; “Crebris excursibus obsidentem militiam germanorum contristavit.” Wace (14652) says,
[797] Wace, 14666;
[798] On the two versions of this story, if they are meant to be the same story, in William of Malmesbury and in Wace, see Appendix N.
[799] Will. Malms. iv. 309. “Solus in multos irruit, alacritate virtutis impatiens, simulque confidens nullum sibi ausurum obsistere.”
[800] Ib. “Fides loricæ obstitit ne læderetur.”
[801] Ib. “Tolle, nebulo, Rex Angliæ sum.”
[802] I Kings xii. 31.
[803] Will. Malms. iv. 309. “Tremuit, nota voce jacentis, vulgus militum, statimque reverenter de terra levato equum alterum adducunt.”
[804] Ib. “Non expectato ascensorio, sonipedem insiliens, omnesque circumstantes vivido perstringens oculo, Quis, inquit, me dejecit?”
[805] See Appendix G. We have had this favourite oath already.
[806] Will. Malms. u. s. “Meus amodo eris, et meo albo insertus laudabilis militiæ præmia reportabis.” Of William’s “album” or muster-roll we hear elsewhere. Wace, 14492;
[807] See Roger of Howden, iv. 83. The King is wounded before Chaluz; the castle is taken, “quo capto, præcepit rex omnes suspendi, excepto illo solo qui eum vulneraverat, quem, ut fas est credere, turpissima morte damnaret, si convaluisset.”
[808] See N. C. vol. v. p. 73. Where did William of Malmesbury find his story of Alexander, “qui Persam militem se a tergo ferire conatum, sed pro perfidia ensis spe sua frustratum, incolumem pro admiratione fortitudinis conservavit”? The story in Arrian, i. 15, is quite different.
[809] The stock of meat comes from Wace, 14700;
The lack of water is secondary in his version. See Appendix N.
[810] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “Impium esse ut eum aqua arceant, quæ esset communis mortalibus; aliter, si velit, virtutem experiatur; nec pugnet violentia elementorum sed virtute militum.” If this represents a real message from Henry, it must surely have been meant as an argumentum ad hominem for Robert.
[811] Ib. “Genuina mentis mollitie flexus, suos qua prætendebant laxius habere se jussit.” This must mean the quarters of Robert at Genetz, as distinguished from those of William.
[812] See Appendix N.
[813] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “Belle scis actitare guerram, qui hostibus præbes aquæ copiam; et quomodo eos domabimus si eis in pastu et in potu indulserimus?”
[814] Ib. “Ille renidens illud come et merito famosum verbum emisit, Papæ, dimitterem fratrem nostrum mori siti? et quem alium habebimus si eum amiserimus?” For the other version, see Appendix N. M. le Hardy (80), who is a knight of the order of Pius the Ninth, translates “Papæ,” “par le Pape.”
[815] See Appendix N.
[816] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Fere xv. diebus cum suis aquæ penuria maxime coarcuerunt. Porro callidus juvenis, dum sic a fratribus suis coarctaretur, et a cognatis atque amicis et confœderatis affinibus undique destitueretur, et multimoda pene omnium quibus homines indigent inedia angeretur,” &c. The siege began “in medio quadragesimæ,” and lasted fifteen days. Florence is therefore wrong in saying “per totam quadragesimam montem obsederunt.”
[817] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Frequenter cum eo prœlium commiserunt, et homines et equos nonnullos perdiderunt. At rex, cum obsidionis diutinæ pertæsus fuisset, impacatus recessit.”
[818] Ord. Vit. 697 A. “Liberum sibi sociisque suis exitum de monte ab obsidentibus poposcit. Illi admodum gavisi sunt, ipsumque cum omni apparatu suo egredi honorifice permiserunt.” On the honours of war, see above, p. 86. See Appendix N.
[819] Ib. “Rex in Neustria usque ad Augustum permansit, et dissidentes qui eidem adquiescere voluerunt regali auctoritate pacavit.” So in 693 C he mentions the lands of Eu, Gournay, and Conches, and adds, “ubi præfatus rex a Januario usque ad kal. Augusti regali more cum suis habitavit.” I assume Eu as his actual head-quarters, as it was before and after.
[820] Ib. D. See the next chapter.
[821] Ord. Vit. 697 B. “Sic regia proles in exsilio didicit pauperiem perpeti, ut futurus rex optime sciret miseris et indigentibus compati, eorumque dejectioni vel indigentiæ regali potentia seu dapsilitate suffragari, et ritus infirmorum expertus eis pie misereri.”
[822] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 156, 843.
[823] See Appendix O.
[824] Will. Malms. iv. 310. “In regnum se cum ambobus fratribus recepit.” I should hardly have accepted this evidence, if it had not been confirmed by the signatures to a charter of which I shall presently speak. See below, p. 305.
[825] Immediately after the words quoted in p. 282, follows the entry about Malcolm; “Onmang þam þe se cyng W. ut of Englelande wæs ferde se cyng Melcolm of Scotlande hider into Englum, and his mycelne dæl ofer hergode.”
[826] Ord. Vit. 701 A. “In illo tempore Melcoma rex Scotorum contra regem Anglorum rebellavit, debitumque servitium ei denegavit.” See Appendix P.
[827] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Mense Maio rex Scottorum Malcolmus cum magno exercitu Northymbriam invasit; si proventus successisset, ulterius processurus, et vim Angliæ incolis illaturus. Noluit Deus: ideo ab incepto est impeditus: attamen antequam rediisset, ejus exercitus de Northymbria secum non modicam prædam abduxit.”
[828] Sim. Dun. 1093 (where he reckons up Malcolm’s invasions); “Quarto, regnante Willelmo juniore, cum suis copiis infinitis usque Ceastram, non longe a Dunelmo sitam, pervenit, animo intendens ulterius progredi.”
[829] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Oð þæt þa gode men þe þis land bewiston, him fyrde ongean sændon and hine gecyrdon.” Did they not go in their own persons?
[830] See above, p. 282. The words of Orderic (701 A) are odd; “Guillelmus rex … cum Roberto fratre suo pacem fecerat, ipsumque contra infidos proditores qui contra regem conspiraverant secum duxerat.” This surely cannot mean the Scots; it must mean the rebels of three years before. Robert cannot have been brought to act in any way against them; yet the words of Orderic must have a confused reference to some real object of his coming.
[831] Will. Malms. iv. 311. “Satagente Roberto comite, qui familiarem jamdudum apud Scottum locaverat gratiam, inter Malcolmum et Willelmum concordia inita.” See Appendix P.
[832] See Appendix BB.
[833] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 513.
[834] Sim. Dun. His. Eccl. Dun. iv. 8. “Priori ad se venienti humiliter assurgens, benigne illum suscepit, et ita per omnia sub se, quemadmodum sub episcopo, curam ecclesiæ cum omni libertate agere præcepit.”
[835] Ib. “Licet in alia monasteria et ecclesias ferocius ageret, ipsis tamen non solum nihil auferebat, sed etiam de suo dabat, et ab injuriis malignorum sicut pater defendebat.”
[836] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 674.
[837] Sim. Dun. u. s. “Hoc tempore refectorium, quale hodie cernitur, monachi ædificaverunt.”
[838] Ib. “Tertio anno expulsionis episcopi, cum homines regis quoddam in Normannia castellum tenentes obsiderentur, et jamjamque capiendi essent, eos episcopus a periculo liberavit, et consilio suo ut obsidio solveretur effecit.”
[839] Sim. Dun. His. Eccl. Dun. iv. 8. “Unde rex placatus, universa quæ in Anglia prius habuerat, ei restituit.” More formally in the Gesta Regum, 1091; “Veniens Dunelmum, episcopum Willelmum restituit in sedem suam, ipso post annos tres die quo eam reliquit, scilicet tertio idus Septembris.” The time of three years is not quite exact; see above, p. 94.
[840] Hist. Eccl. Dun. u. s. “Ille nequaquam vacuus rediit, sed non pauca ex auro et argento sacra altaris vasa et diversa ornamenta, sed et libros plurimos ad ecclesiam præmittere curavit.”
[841] See above, p. 295, and below, p. 305.
[842] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Se cyng W…. sona fyrde hét ut abeodan ægðer scipfyrde and landfyrde; and seo scipferde, ær he to Scotlande cuman mihte, ælmæst earmlice forfór, feowan dagon toforan S[~c]e Michæles mæssan.” Florence calls the host “classis non modica et equestris exercitus,” and adds that “multi de equestri exercitu ejus fame et frigore perierunt.”
[843] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “Ac þa þa, se cyng Melcolm gehyrde þæt hine man mid fyrde secean wolde, he for mid his fyrde ut of Scotlande into Loðene on Englaland, and þær abad.” Florence, followed by Simeon, oddly enough translates this; “Rex Malcolmus cum exercitu in provincia Loidis occurrit.” Hence some modern writers have carried Malcolm as far south as Leeds, I presume only to Leeds in Yorkshire. Orderic (701 A), though, as we shall see, he somewhat misconceives the story, marks the geography very well; “Exercitum totius Angliæ conglobavit, ut usque ad magnum flumen, quod Scotte Watra dicitur, perduxit.” The “Scots’ Water” is of course the Firth of Forth. So Turgot in the Life of Margaret (Surtees Simeon, p. 247) speaks of “utraque litora maris quod Lodoneium dividit et Scotiam.” See Appendix P.
[844] Chron. Petrib. ib. “Ða ða se cyng William mid his fyrde genealehte þa ferdon betwux Rodbeard eorl and Eadgar æþeling, and þæra cinga sehte swa gemacedon.” So Florence; “Quod videns comes Rotbertus, clitonem Eadgarum, quem rex de Normannia expulerat, et tunc cum rege Scottorum degebat, ad se accersivit: cujus auxilio fretus, pacem inter reges fecit.” On the details in Orderic, see Appendix P.
[845] “Ex consultu sapientum,” says Orderic. These ancient formulæ cleave to us wherever we go, even in the camp. On the action of the military Witan, see above, p. 216.
[847] See Appendix P.
[848] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 175.
[849] Ib. vol. ii. p. 272.
[850] It is specially marked that the homage now done was the renewal of the old homage. So the Chronicle, 1091; “Se cyng Melcolm to uran cynge com, and his man wearð to ealle swilcre gehyrsumnisse swa he ǽr his fæder dyde, and þæt mid aðe gefestnode.” So Florence; “Ea conditione, ut Willelmo, sicut patri suo obedivit, Malcolmus obediret.”
[851] The Chronicle says only; “Se cyng William him behét on lande and on ealle þinge þæs þe he under his fæder ǽr hæfde.” Florence is fuller; “Et Malcolmo xii. villas, quas in Anglia sub patre illius habuerat, Willelmus redderet, et xii. marcas auri singulis annis daret.” See Appendix P.
[852] Chron. Petrib. u. s. “On þisum sehte wearð eac Eadgar eþeling wið þone cyng gesæhtlad, and þa cyngas þa mid mycclum sehte tohwurfon, ac þæt litle hwile stod.” Florence is to the same effect. See Appendix P.
[853] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Post hæc rex de Northymbria per Merciam in West-Saxoniam rediit.”
[854] See Appendix P.
[855] See N. C. vol. v. p. 121. The Chronicle in 1093 brings him in as “Dunecan … se on þæs cynges hyrede W. wæs, swa swa his fæder hine ures cynges fæder ær to gisle geseald hæfde.”
[857] Could there be any reference to the non-restoration of Odo? See above, p. 283.
[859] Chron. Petrib. 1091. “And se eorl Rodbeard her oð X[~p]es mæsse forneah mid þam cynge wunode, and litel soðes þær onmang of heora forewarde onfand; and twam dagon ær þære tide on Wiht scipode and into Normandig fór, and Eadgar æþeling mid him.” So Florence; “Rex … secum fere usque ad nativitatem Domini comitem retinuit, sed conventionem inter eos factam persolvere noluit. Quod comes graviter ferens, xᵒ. kal. Januarii die cum clitone Eadgaro Normanniam repetiit.”
[860] Florence (1091) tells this tale; “Magnus fumus cum nimio fœtore subsecutus, totam ecclesiam replevit, et tamdiu duravit, quoad loci illius monachi cum aqua benedicta et incensu et reliquiis sanctorum, officinas monasterii psalmos decantando circumirent.” William of Malmesbury (iv. 323) gives more details, and is better certified as to the cause; “Secutus est odor teterrimus, hominum importabilis naribus. Tandem monachi, felici ausu irrumpentes, benedictæ aquæ aspergine præstigias inimici effugarunt.” A modern diplomatist might have said that the prestige of the evil one was lowered.
[861] Florence again tells the tale; but William of Malmesbury (iv. 324) again is far more emphatic, and seems to look on the winds as moral agents; “Quid illud omnibus incognitum sæculis? Discordia ventorum inter se dissidentium, ab Euro-austro veniens decimo sexto kal. Novembris Londoniæ plusquam secentas domos effregit…. Majus quoque scelus furor ventorum ausus, tectum ecclesiæ sanctæ Mariæ quæ ‘ad Arcus’ dicitur pariter sublevavit.” But Florence is simply setting down events under their years, while William is making a collection of “casualties,” to illustrate the position that “plura sub eo [Willelmo Rufo] subita et tristia acciderunt,” and notes this year as specially marked by “tumultus fulgurum, motus turbinum.”
[862] Flor. Wig. 1092. “Civitas Lundonia maxima ex parte incendio conflagravit.”
[863] See N. C. vol. i. p. 321.
[864] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 691.
[865] Flor. Wig. 1092. “Osmundus Searesbyriensis episcopus, ecclesiam quam Searesbyriæ in castello construxerat, cum adjutorio episcoporum Walcelini Wintoniensis et Johannis Bathoniensis, nonis Aprilis feria ii. dedicavit.” Cf. Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 183. The foundation charter (Mon. Ang. vi. 1299) was signed in 1091, “Willelmo rege monarchiam totius Angliæ strenue gubernante anno quarto regni ejus, apud Hastinges”—most likely on his return from Normandy in August. The signatures come in a strange order. Between the earls and the Archbishop of York come “Signum Wlnoti. Signum Croc venatoris.” Wulfnoth here turns up in the same strange way in which he so often does. Croc the huntsman we have heard of already. See above, p. 102. We get also the signatures of Howel Bishop of Le Mans, and of Robert the dispenser, who invented the surname Flambard (see below, p. 331). On the signature of Herbert Losinga, see Appendix X.
[866] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 606.
[867] Will. Malms. iv. 325. “Eadem violentia fulminis apud Salesbiriam tectum turris ecclesiæ omnino disjecit, multamque maceriam labefactavit, quinta sane die postquam eam dedicaverat Osmundus, præclaræ memoriæ episcopus.”
[868] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 419, and Giraldus, Vita Rem. c. 3, 4, 5 (vol. vii. p. 17 et seqq. Dimock). Giraldus is, I believe, the only writer who makes a saint of Remigius. He enlarges on the effects of Remigius’ preaching, and consequently on the wickedness of those to whom he had to preach.
[869] Giraldus, Vit. Rem. ch. v. “Prolem propriam quam genuerat, nepotes etiam et neptes, alienigenis in servitutem detestanda avaritia venalem ex consuetudine prostituebant.” Cf. N. C. vol. iv. p. 381, and the stories in Will. Malms. ii. 200, about Godwine’s supposed first wife. See N. C. vol. i. p. 737.
[870] I mentioned in N. C. vol. iv. p. 212, that Lincoln minster grew out of an earlier church of Saint Mary. The history of John of Schalby printed by Mr. Dimock shows that this elder parish church went on within the minster. This is a very important case of a double church. See Giraldus, vii. xxx. 194, 209.
[871] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 369.
[872] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 355.
[873] Giraldus, Vit. Rem. ch. iv. “Operam erga regem et archiepiscopum, excambium Eboracensi pro Lindeseia donantes, prudenter effectui, Deo cooperante mancipavit. Et sic Lindeseiam terramque totam inter Widhemam scilicet Lincolniæ fluvium et Humbriam diocesi suæ provinciæque Cantuariensi viriliter adjecit.” This is Giraldus’ improvement on the local record copied by John of Schalby (Giraldus, vii. 194); “Datis per regem prædictum Eboracensi archiepiscopo in excambium possessionibus, totam Lyndesyam suæ diocesi et provinciæ Cantuariensi conjunxit.” It must be remembered that a bishopric of Lindesey had once been set up by the Northumbrian Ecgfrith. See Bæda, iv. 12.
[874] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 90, 354. This seems to be delicately referred to in the record copied by John of Schalby (Giraldus, vii. 193); “Remigius natione Normannus ac monachus Fiscanensis, qui ob certam causam venerat cum eodem [Willielmo rege] in episcopum Dorkecestrensem.”
[875] So says Florence. Remigius is eager to dedicate his church, “quia sibi diem mortis imminere sentiebat.” Thomas objects, “affirmans eam in sua parochia esse constructam.” “At rex Willelmus junior, pro pecunia quam ei Remigius dederat, totius fere Angliæ episcopis mandavit ut, in unum convenientes, septennis idibus Maii ecclesiam dedicarent.” Of course there is nothing about the bribe in Giraldus, nor yet in William of Malmesbury, Gest. Pont. 313, where the King’s order to the bishops is issued “magnanimi viri”—Remigius has got the King’s own epithet—“hortatu.” Matthew Paris, in the Historia Anglorum, i. 42, credits the Red King with an unlooked-for degree of zeal; “Postea rex Willelmus, cujus consilio et auxilio ecclesia illa fuit a primo loco suo remota, et quam pro anima patris sui [this at least is characteristic] multis ditaverat possessionibus, procuravit ut ea magnifice consummaretur.”
[876] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 313. “Solus Rotbertus Herefordensis venire abnuerat, et certa inspectione siderum dedicationem tempore Remigii non processuram viderat, nec tacuerat.”
[877] On the exact date, see Mr. Dimock’s note to Giraldus, vii. 20. Ascension Day came on the feast of Saint John ante Portam Latinam.
[878] “Ecclesiæ per hoc remansit dedicatio.” William of Malmesbury (u. s.) says, “Rem dilatam successor ejus non graviter explevit, utpote qui in labores alterius delicatus intrasset.” There seems to be no mention of this in the Lincoln writers.
[879] Giraldus (vii. 22–31) has fifteen chapters, very short ones certainly, of the miracles of Remigius. One takes most to the healings of the crippled women Leofgifu and Ælfgifu; Remigius “huic præcipue languori se propitium dedit.” A Norman, Richard by name, who tried to pull a hair from the beard of the saint’s uncorrupted body (cf. N. C. vol. iii. p. 32), became crippled himself. But a certain deaf and dumb Jewess, who came to blaspheme—doubtless mentally—was smitten to the earth and suddenly endowed with hearing and speech, beginning by uttering the name of Remigius in French. “Ex quo patet, quia non propter merita semper aut devotionem, sed ut manifestetur gloria Dei, miracula fiunt.” She was baptized by Bishop Alexander, and was carried about by him hither and thither to declare the praises of his predecessor.
[880] See Appendix R.
[881] See Bæda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 29. But we have a more distinct notice in the Life of Saint Cuthberht, c. 27 (ii. 101 Stevenson), of “Lugubalia civitas, quæ a populis Anglorum corrupte Luel vocatur.” In Ecgfrith’s day there might be seen “mœnia civitatis, fonsque in ea miro quondam Romanorum opere extractus.”
[882] See N. C. vol. i. pp. 58, 576.
[883] Ib. vol. i. pp. 63, 580.
[884] See N. C. vol. i. p. 647.
[885] Flor. Wig. 1092. “Hæc civitas, ut illis in partibus aliæ nonnullæ, a Danis paganis ante cc. annos diruta, et usque ad id tempus mansit deserta.”
[886] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 134.
[887] Chron. Petrib. 1092. “On þisum geare se cyng W. mid mycelre fyrde ferde horð to Cardeol, and þa burh geæðstaþelede, and þone castel arerde, and Dolfin út adraf, þe æror þær þæs landes weold, and þone castel mid his mannum gesette.” Florence seems to connect this with the unwrought ceremony at Lincoln; “His actis, rex in Northymbriam profectus, civitatem quæ Brytannice Cairleu, Latine Lugubalia vocatur, restauravit et in ea castellum ædificavit.” Orderic brings together the old and the new when he speaks (917 B) in David’s time of “Carduilum validissimum oppidum, quod Julius Cæsar, ut dicunt, condidit.”
[888] The Chronicler goes on; “And syððan hider suð gewænde, and mycele mænige cyrlisces folces mid wifan and mid orfe þyder sænde þær to wunigenne þæt land to tilianne.” So Henry of Huntingdon, vii. 2; “Rex reædificavit civitatem Carleol, et ex australibus Angliæ partibus illuc habitatores transmisit.” Florence leaves out both the colonization and the driving out of Dolfin.
[889] See Appendix R.
[890] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 858.
[891] See Appendix R.
[892] On the bishopric, see N. C. vol. v. p. 230.
[893] On Henry’s election at Domfront, see Appendix P.
[894] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 287; vol. iii. p. 165.
[895] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 198.
[896] See Appendix P.
[897] See Appendix P.
[898] See Appendix P.
[899] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 253.
[901] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 228.
[902] Will. Gem. viii. 4. “Quia in hoc negotio et in aliisque plerisque suis necessitatibus Hugo comes Cestrensis ei fidelis exstiterat, concessit ei ex integro castellum quod sancti Jacobi appellatum est, in quo idem comes tunc temporis nihil aliud habebat, præter custodiam munitionis istius oppidi.” He goes on to describe the building of the castle, in words partly borrowed from William of Poitiers, and the grant to Richard of Avranches. On Richard, see N. C. vol. ii. pp. 209, 296.
[903] During this chapter, the authorities for the life of Anselm become of primary importance. We have the invaluable help of the two works of Anselm’s friend and faithful companion, the English monk Eadmer, afterwards Bishop-elect of Saint Andrews. Both Orderic and William of Malmesbury speak of Eadmer with the deepest reverence, and cut short their own accounts of Anselm, referring to his. He first wrote the Historia Novorum, and then the Vita Anselmi as a kind of supplement, to bring in certain points more purely personal to his hero. The subject of the Historia Novorum we might call “Anselm and his Times.” The subject of the Vita is naturally Anselm himself. Eadmer’s history is of course most minute and most trustworthy for all that concerns Anselm; other matters he cuts short. In most cases one can see his reasons; but it is not easy to see why he should have left out the mission of Geronto recorded by Hugh of Flavigny (see Appendix AA). Along with the works of Eadmer, we have also a precious store in the Letters of Anselm himself (see Appendix Y), which, besides the picture which they give of the man, throw a flood of light on the history. All these materials, with the other writings of Anselm, will be found in two volumes of Migne’s Patrologia, 158 and 159. I have used this edition for the Letters and for the Life; the Historia Novorum I have gone on quoting in the edition of Selden.
I need hardly say that Anselm’s English career, with which alone I am concerned, is only one part of his many-sided character. I have kept mainly to the history of Anselm in England; I have cut short both his early life and even the time of his first banishment. With his theology and philosophy I have not ventured to meddle at all. Anselm has had no lack of biographers from the more general point of view; Hasse (Anselm von Canterbury, Leipzig, 1852), Charles de Rémusat (Saint Anselme de Cantorbéry, Paris, 1853), Charma (Saint-Anselme, Paris, 1853), Croset-Mouchet (S. Anselme d’Aoste, Archevêque de Cantorbéry, Paris, 1859). I have made some use of all these; but the value even of Hasse and De Rémusat for my strictly English purpose is not great. M. Croset-Mouchet writes with a pleasant breeze of local feeling from the Prætorian Augusta, but he is utterly at sea as to everything in our island.
In our own tongue the life of Anselm has been treated by a living and a dead friend of my own, holding the same rank in the English Church. Dean Hook, I must say with regret, utterly failed to do justice to Anselm. This is the more striking, as he did thorough justice to Thomas. From Dr. Hook’s point of view it needed an effort to do justice to either, a smaller effort in the case of Anselm, a greater in the case of Thomas. As sometimes happens, he made the greater effort, but not the smaller. I am however able to say that he came to know Anselm better before he died. Dean Church, on the other hand, has given us an almost perfect example of a short sketch of such a subject. The accuracy of the tale is as remarkable as the beauty of the telling. It lacks only the light which is thrown on the story of Anselm by the earlier story of William of Saint-Calais. It is most important to remember that Anselm was not the first to appeal to the Pope.
[904] See N. C. vol. v. p. 131.
[905] Ib. p. 135.
[906] Ib. vol. iv. p. 521, and see Appendix S.
[907] See the extract from Orderic (678 C) in Appendix S.
[908] See Appendix S.
[909] So Liebermann truly remarks (Einleitung in den Dialogus de Scaccario, 40). He adds; “Diese pflegten die Priesterweihe möglichst spät zu empfangen; desto eifriger erjagten sie fette Pfründen.”
[910] Florence (1100) notices emphatically that the doings of Flambard were done “contra jus ecclesiasticum, et sui gradus ordinem, presbyter enim erat.” So he is marked by Anselm (Epp. iv. 2) as “sacerdos.”
[911] See Appendix S. The story about Flambard’s mother, which Sir Francis Palgrave suggests may have come from a ballad, is told by Orderic in another place (787 A); “Mater, quæ sortilega erat et cum dæmone crebro locuta, ex cujus nefaria familiaritate unum oculum amiserat,” One thinks of a later dabbler in mischief; “Our minnie’s sair mis-set, after her ordinar, sir—she’ll hae had some quarrel wi’ her auld gudeman—that’s Satan, ye ken, sirs.” William of Malmesbury (Gesta Regum, iv. 314) calls him “fomes cupiditatum, Ranulfus clericus, ex infimo genere hominum lingua et calliditate provectus ad summum.” In the Gesta Pontificum, 274, he is more guarded, and says only “ex quo ambiguum genere.”
[912] See Appendix S.
[913] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 522.
[914] See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 348.
[915] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.
[916] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Is, si quando edictum regium processisset ut nominatum tributum Anglia penderet, duplum adjiciebat.”
[917] Ib. “Subinde, cachinnantibus quibusdam ac dicentibus, solum esse hominem qui sciret sic agitare ingenium nec aliorum curaret odium dummodo complacaret dominum.” This is one of the passages where William of Malmesbury thought it wise to soften what he first wrote. For “cachinnantibus quibusdam ac dicentibus” some manuscripts read “cachinnante rege ac dicente.”
[918] See Appendix U.
[919] See N. C. vol. v. p. 430.
[920] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Invictus causidicus, et tam verbis tam rebus immodicus.” One thinks of Lanfranc’s successes in the law-courts of Pavia (see N. C. vol. ii. p. 226); but knowledge of the Imperial law was a matter of professional learning; with the simpler law of England age and experience were enough.
[921] See Stubbs, Const. Hist. i. 384, and Appendix T.
[922] Chron. Petrib. 1099. “Rannulfe his capellane … þe æror ealle his gemot ofer eall Engleland draf and bewiste.”
[923] See N. C. vol. v. p. 445.
[924] Will. Malms. iv. 314. “Juxta in supplices ut in rebelles furens.”
[925] See Appendix T.
[926] See the extract from Orderic, 786 C, in Appendix T.
[928] See N. C. vol. v. p. 398.
[929] As in the case of the general redemption of lands (see N. C. vol. iv. p. 25) and the great confiscation and distribution in the midwinter Gemót of 1067 (ib. p. 127).
[930] Chron. Petrib. 1100. “Forðan þe he ælces mannes gehadodes and læwedes yrfenuma beon wolde.”
[931] William of Malmesbury (v. 393) seems to sum up the reforms of Henry in the words “injustitias a fratre et Rannulfo institutas prohibuit.” “Justitiæ” is a technical phrase (see N. C. vol. iv. pp. 559, 560). “Injustitiæ,” as here used, is something like our “unlaw” and “ungeld.”
[932] Revised Statutes, i. 725. By some chance this statute is printed in this collection, which commonly leaves out the statutes which are of most historical importance.
[933] I borrow this phrase from the story of Count William of Evreux in Orderic, 814 C (see Appendix K), though he was not to be given in quite the same sense.
[934] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 373–381.
[935] See the charter of Henry, Select Charters, 97; “Et omnes malas consuetudines quibus regnum Angliae injuste opprimebatur inde aufero, quas malas consuetudines ex parte hic pono.” He then goes through the grievances in order, relief, marriage, wardship, and the rest.
[936] I borrow our ancient word lænland, which survives in the German lehn.