[1417] Ib. “Ad quam sinodum multitudo tam innumerabilis confluxit, ut nequaquam in qualibet ecclesia illius loci posset comprehendi. Unde et domnus papa extra urbem in campo illam celebrare compulsus est; nec hoc tamen absque probabilis exempli auctoritate.” He justifies the act by the example of Moses; in England Godwine and William might have been precedents enough.
[1418] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 230.
[1419] The matters discussed are reckoned up by Bernold, u. s.
[1421] So speaks our own Chronicler the next year. See above, p. 415.
[1422] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Siquidem ipse rex, ubi sensit Anselmum suæ voluntatis in præscripto negotio nolle obtemperare, clam et Anselmo ignorante, eosdem clericos [Girardum et Willielmum] Romam miserat, Romanæ statum ecclesiæ per eos volens certo dinoscere.”
[1423] Bernold (Pertz, v. 461) gives the details. The part which most concerns us is that the King and future Emperor is received only “salva justitia illius [Romanæ] ecclesiæ, et statutis apostolicis, maxime de investituris in spiritalibus officiis a laico non usurpandis.”
[1424] Bernold merely glances at this matter. It will be found described more at length in the hexameters of Donizo, ii. 9, Muratori, v. 374; and in the prose life of Matilda, 13, Muratori, v. 395.
[1425] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Scire veritatem hujus rei Romam missi sunt hii duo clerici, eaque cognita, jussi sunt sacris promissionibus illectum ad hoc si possent papam perducere, ut ipsi regi ad opus archiepiscopi Cantuariensis pallium, tacita persona Anselmi, destinaret, quod ipse rex, Anselmo a pontificatu simul et regno dejecto, cui vellet cum pontificatu vice apostolici postmodum daret.” The formal grant of the hereditary legation to Count Roger comes somewhat later, being given by Urban himself in 1099. (See William of Malaterra, iv. 29, Muratori, v. 602.) But the language used seems to imply that some such power practically existed already.
[1426] Ep. S. Thom, ad Cardinales, Giles, S. T. C. iii. 93. “Eo jam perventum est ut sequatur rex noster etiam Siculos, immo certe præcedat.” On the question of the legatine power supposed to have been granted, or designed to be granted, to Henry the Second, see J. C. Robertson, Becket, 106. For my purpose the general belief that something of the kind was done or designed is enough.
[1427] Bernold, ap. Pertz, v. 461.
[1428] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Hoc quippe disposuerat apud se; hoc suspicatus est non injuria sibi concedi posse, hoc indubitato fieri promittebat opinioni suæ.”
[1429] Chron. Petrib. 1095. “Eac on þis ylcan geare togeanes Eastron com þæs papan sande hider to lande, þæt wæs Waltear bisceop swiðe god lifes man, of Albin þære ceastre.” The date is strange, as he did not and could not come till after Easter.
[1430] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Præfatus episcopus Angliam veniens, secum archiepiscopatus stolam papa mittente clanculo detulit. Et silenter Cantuaria civitate pertransita, Anselmoque devitato, ad regem properabat, nulli de pallio quod ferebat quicquam dicens, nullum in absentia ductorum suorum familiariter alloquens. Rex denique præceperat ita fieri, nolens mysterium consilii sui publicari.”
[1431] Ib. 33. “Sentiens rex episcopum ex parte Urbani cuncta suæ voluntati coniventia nunciare, et ea, si ipsum Urbanum pro papa in suo regno susciperet, velle apostolica authoritate sibi dum viveret in privilegium promulgare, adquievit placito.” This is put somewhat more distinctly in the account by Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475, see Appendix AA); “Conventionem fecerat cum eo [Willelmo] Albanensis episcopus, quem primum illo miserat papa, ne legatus Romanus ad Angliam mitteretur nisi quem rex præciperet.”
[1432] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Nil penitus ipsi pro Anselmo locutus est, quod pacem inter eos conciliaret, quod tribulationes in quibus pro fidelitate sedis apostolice desudabat mitigaret, quod eum ad sublevandum in Anglia Christianæ religionis cultum roboraret.”
[1433] Ib. “Papæ, quid dicemus? Si aurum et argentum Roma præponit justitiæ,” &c. It must be remembered that in this sentence “Papæ” has nothing to do with “Papa.” See above, p. 292.
[1434] Ib. 33. “Præcipiens Urbanum in omni imperio suo pro apostolico haberi, eique vice beati Petri in Christiana religione obediri.”
[1435] Ib. “Egit post hæc quibus modis poterat ipse rex cum episcopo, quatenus Romani pontificis autoritate Anselmum ab episcopatu, regali potentia fultus, deponeret, spondens immensum pecuniæ pondus ei et ecclesiæ Romanæ singulis annis daturum, si in hoc suo desiderio satisfaceret.”
[1436] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Reputans apud se nihil in requisitione vel susceptione Romani antistitis se profecisse.”
[1437] “Qualiter, servata singulari celsitudinis suæ dignitate, viro saltem specie tenus amorem suum redderet, cui crudeliter iratus nihil poterat cupitæ damnationis pro voto inferre.”
[1438] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Ad eum venire et verba regis illi et illius possent regi deferre.”
[1439] “Dixi vobis jam, quod nunquam domino meo hanc contumeliam faciam ut facto probem amicitiam ejus esse venalem.”
[1440] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Dominus papa Urbanus, rogatu domini nostri regis, stolam illi archiepiscopatus per episcopum qui de Roma venit direxit.” The pallium, they said, was sent to the King, but the words which follow show that they wished it to be understood that it was meant for Anselm.
[1441] “Tuum igitur erit considerare quid tanto beneficio dignum regi rependas.”
[1442] “Laudamus et consulimus ut saltem quod in via expenderes si pro hoc Romam ires regi des, ne si nihil feceris injurius judiceris.” They enlarge also on the dangers of the way; these had certainly proved fatal to some of Anselm’s predecessors.
[1443] “Principum suorum consilio usus.”
[1444] This is not mentioned now, but it comes out afterwards; Hist. Nov. 39. See below, p. 588.
[1445] Ib. 39. “Scio quippe me [Anselmum] spopondisse consuetudines tuas, ipsas videlicet quas per rectitudinem et secundum Deum in regno tuo possides, me secundum Deum servaturum, et eas per justitiam contra omnes homines pro meo posse defensurum.”
[1446] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Cum curiæ illius apud Windlesorum se præsentasset et familiari alloquio in conspectu procerum et coadunatæ multitudinis ipsum detinuisset.”
[1447] “Ut pro regiæ majestatis honorificentia, illud per manum regis susciperet.”
[1448] “Rationabiliter ostendens hoc donum non ad regiam dignitatem, sed ad singularem beati Petri pertinere auctoritatem.”
[1449] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Quasi de manu beati Petri, pro summi quo fungebatur pontificatus honore, sumeretur.”
[1450] “Adquievit istis multitudo omnis.”
[1451] “Pœnitentiam apud illum agentes pro culpa suæ abnegationis, quam cum aliis coepiscopis suis fecerant apud Rochingeham.”
[1452] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 302) has two appearances of Saint Wulfstan to Robert; but both come before Wulfstan’s burial. The one here meant is recorded by Florence (1095). Robert was, according to the Worcester writer, “vir magnæ religionis,” and we have a pleasing picture of “ambo patres nimia caritate in Dei dilectione et ad se invicem conjuncti.” In the Life of Wulfstan (Ang. Sac. i. 268) the Bishop of Hereford is “homo seculi quidem fretus prudentia, sed nulla solutus illecebra.”
[1453] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Ibi etiam Wilfrido episcopo sancti David de Gualis quæ vulgo Dewi vocatur, ipsa hora reddidit episcopale officium, a quo, exigente culpa ejus, jam antea ipsemet illum suspenderat.” Was Wilfrith there in person? We shall hear of him again.
[1454] Flor. Wig. 1095. “Pallium … quod juxta condictum die dominica, quæ erat iv. idus Junii, ab eodem [Waltero] Cantuariam super altare Salvatoris delatum, ab Anselmo assumptum est, atque ab omnibus pro reverentia S. Petri suppliciter deosculatum.” The details come from Eadmer; the Chronicler tells only how Walter “þam arcebisceop Ansealme uppon Pentecosten, of þæs papan healfe Urbanus, his pallium geaf, and he hine underfeng æt his arcestole on Cantwarabyrig.”
[1455] I hardly know what to make of the words of Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475); “Adeo auctoritas Romana apud Anglos avaritia et cupiditate legatorum viluerat, ut eodem Albanense præsente et consentiente nec contradicente, immo præcipiente, Cantuariensis archiepiscopus fidelitatem beato Petro et papæ juraverat salva fidelitate domini sui regis.” One cannot conceive any time during the Cardinal’s visit in which Anselm could be called on to make any such oath either to Pope or King except at the time of his receiving the pallium; there may be some confusion with the promise mentioned in p. 531.
[1456] This coincidence is noticed by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.
[1457] Such is the pious belief of Florence; “Credi fas est, ipsum qui prius de hoc sæculo ad Deum migravit sollicitudinem egisse sui dilectissimi, quem in hoc sæculo reliquit, et ut quam citius simul ante Deum gauderent operam dedisse.”
[1458] Hugh of Flavigny, directly after the passage just quoted (Pertz, viii. 475), goes on to say, “Quæ res in tantum adoleverat, ut nullus ex parte papæ veniens honore debito exciperetur, nullus esset in Anglia archiepiscopus, episcopus, abbas, nedum monachus aut clericus, qui litteras apostolicas suscipere auderet, nedum obedire, nisi rex juberet.”
[1459] This is noticed by the Chronicler; “And se bisceop Waltear has on lande þæs geares syððan lange wunode, and man syððan þæt Romgesceot be him sende, swa man manegan gearan æror ne dyde.”
[1460] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 430.
[1461] Epp. iii. 35. “Vestra prudentia non ignorat quia nos duo nihil efficeremus, nisi regi suggestum esset, ut ejus assensu et auxilio ad effectum perduceretur quod disponeremus.” The military history which this letter casually opens to us, and of which we have no mention elsewhere, will come in the next chapter.
[1462] “Expecto reditum domini mei regis, et episcoporum et principum qui cum eo sunt, quatenus illi quæ agenda sunt, opportune et rationabiliter suggeramus.” So in the next letter (Epp. iii. 36) he says more distinctly that he would like to meet the Cardinal, “si congruo tempore factum esset, id est quando dominus meus rex, et episcopi, et principes hujus regni vobis præsentes aut propinqui erant.”
[1463] Epp. iii. 36. “Vos ab illis et ego a vobis discessimus, veluti non nos in hac terra amplius invicem visuri.”
[1464] Epp. iii. 35. See the next chapter.
[1465] Ib. “Rex ore suo mihi præcepit … et postquam Cantuarberiam reddi mihi mandavit per litteras proprio sigillo signatas.”
[1466] Ib. “Idcirco de Cantuaria exire non audeo, nisi in illam partem ex qua hostium expectamus adventum.”
[1467] Ib. 36. “Quod quæritis a me cur et qua justitia episcopi alii me abnegantes a me discesserunt, nec sunt reversi dignam agentes pœnitentiam, hoc potius ab illis quærendum erat quam a me.”
[1468] Ib. “Reversi hactenus sunt ut illam obedientiam quam Cantuariensi sedi promiserant se mihi servaturos faterentur.”
[1469] Epp. iii. 36. “Dicitis quosdam illorum vobis dixisse ideo non offendisse in me, quia permisi me a catholica ecclesia transferri ad schismaticos et ab illis consecrari, si fieri, sicut additis, potest; et a schismatico rege investituram accepisse, et illi fidelitatem et hominium fecisse, quos omnes sciebam esse schismaticos et divisos ab ecclesia Christi, et a capite meo Urbano pontifice, quem ipsi, me audiente, abnegabant.”
[1470] Epp. iii. 36. “Illi non abnegabant canonicum Romanum pontificem, quicunque esset, nec Urbanum negabant esse pontificem; sed dubitabant propter illam quæ modo nata est dissensionem, et propter dubitationem illum suscipere quasi certum differebant; nec ullum judicium illos ab ecclesia segregaverat, et omnino obedientiam Romanæ sedis tenere se fatebantur et sub professione obedientiæ Romani pontificis me consecrarunt.”
[1471] Ib. “Denique dominus papa sciebat me esse consecratum et a quibus, et cui regi feceram quod feci. Et tamen pallium quod archiepiscopus Cantuariæ solet habere, mihi per vestram caritatem, non ut schismatico, sed ut accepto, non ut reprobans, sed ut approbans misit, et sic quod de me factum erat confirmavit.”
[1472] Ib. “Si vobis hæc calumnia attendenda videtur, cur earn ante pallii concessionem mihi tacuistis? Si negligenda putatur, vos judicate quam diligenter sit a vobis inculcanda.”
[1473] Ib. “Rogatis me ut fratres nostros Cantuariensis ecclesiæ quiete ac pacifice possidere dimittam res suas.”
[1474] Ib. “Nullus magis desiderat quietem ac pacem illorum quam ego, nec magis sollicitus est pro utilitate ejusdem ecclesiæ; et idcirco voluntas mea est ut res ejus, Deo annuente, disponam ad utilitatem præsentem et futuram, prout melius sciam et potero.”
[1475] This question is argued by Eadmer in the Life, ii. 1. 9.
[1476] Ib. “Si Cantuariam assidue incoleret, homines sui ex advectione victualium oppido gravarentur; et insuper a præpositis, ut sæpe contingebat, multis ex causis oppressi, si quem interpellarent, nunquam præsentem haberent, magis ac magis oppressi in destructionem funditus irent.” Of the doings of reeves of all kinds we have often heard. See specially N. C. vol. iv. p. 616.
[1477] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.
[1478] This would seem to be the time when Anselm’s practice of various virtues is so fully described by Eadmer in the first and second chapters of the second book of the Life.
[1479] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 340. He appears in the Gesta Pontificum, 289, as “Samson, canonicus Baiocensis, non parvæ literaturæ vir nec contemnendæ facundiæ. Antiquorum homo morum, ipse liberaliter vesci, et aliis dapsiliter largiri.” But this last description is substituted for an amazing account of his appetite, specially in the way of fowls and swine’s flesh (cf. the account of King Æthelred in N. C. vol. i. p. 658), and how he died of fat. He fed however three hundred poor men daily.
[1480] His kindred to the elder and the younger Thomas appears in the suppressed passage of William of Malmesbury. Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 35) says of the two bishops-elect, “Qui cum in summum promovendi sacerdotium ad Anselmum pro more venissent, necdum omnes inferiores ordines habuissent, ordinavit eos pro instanti necessitate, ad diaconatum et presbyteratum unum, et alium ad presbyteratum.” The canon of Bayeux would be more likely than the King’s clerk to have the higher degree.
[1481] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 290. But the first and second versions are worth comparing. It has a curiously modern sound when we read, “Quotiens Lundonia rediret, aliquid pretiosum afferret, quod esset ornamento ecclesiæ.” But it is a witness to the growing importance of London.
[1482] William of Malmesbury has a first and a second edition (Gest. Pont. 259) in the case of Gerard also. According to rumour, “multorum criminum et maxime libidini obnoxius erat.” He was suspected of magic, from his constant study of Julius Firmicus. According to Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 496), he sacrificed a pig to the devil, while of his brother more wonderful things still were told. See Pertz, viii. 496, and Appendix G.
[1483] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35.
[1484] See above, p. 448, and Appendix X.
[1485] Eadmer gives the account of these Irish bishops (Hist. Nov. 34, 36). Samuel is described as being “a rege Hiberniæ Murierdach nomine, necne a clero et populo in episcopatum ipsius civitatis electus est, atque ad Anselmum, juxta morem antiquum, sacrandus cum communi decreto directus.” Of King Muirchertach, whose name is written endless ways, and whom it is well perhaps to shorten into Murtagh, we shall hear again. He was King of Leinster, and Bretwalda, so to speak, of all Ireland, though it seems that he was not acknowledged always and everywhere. He signs the letter to Anselm which appears in Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 36) on behalf of Malchus, which professes to come from the “clerus et populus oppidi Wataferdiæ, cum rege Murchertacho, et episcopo Dofnaldo.” There are also two letters of Anselm to him (Ep. iii. 142, 147), chiefly about ecclesiastical reforms in Ireland. Anselm also speaks of a brother Cornelius, whom the Irish king had asked for, but who could not go, because he was taking care of his aged father. This is one of those little personal touches which make us wish to know more.
[1486] Orderic and William of Malmesbury stand conspicuous.
[1487] See the Chronicle, 1096. I quoted the passage in N. C. vol. iv. p. 93.
[1488] Ib.
[1489] See N. C. vol. v. p. 356.
[1490] Ib. p. 93.
[1492] Urban came from Rheims, but it is important to remember how little entitled Auvergne was in that day to the French name. This comes out oddly enough in an entry in the Chronicle, 1102, when thieves of all parts seem to have conspired to rob the minster of Peterborough; “Þa coman þeofas sum of Aluearnie, sum of France, and sum of Flanders, and breokan þæt mynstre of Burh.”
[1493] William of Malmesbury (iv. 344) draws a grievous picture of the state of things among the “Cisalpini,” who “ad hæc calamitatis omnes devenerant, ut nullis vel minimis causis extantibus quisque alium caperet, nec nisi magno redemptum abire sineret.” He then speaks at some length of simony, and adds; “Tunc legitimis uxoribus exclusis, multi contrahebant divortium, alienum expugnantes matrimonium; quare, quia in his et illis erat confusa criminum silva, ad pœnam quorundam potentiorum designata sunt nomina.”
[1494] The great provision of all is (Will. Malms. iv. 345), “Quod ecclesia catholica sit in fide, casta, libera ab omni servitute; ut episcopi, vel abbates, vel aliquis de clero, aliquam ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu principum vel quorumlibet laicorum non accipiant.” This decree does not appear among the acts of Piacenza in Bernold, 1095 (Pertz, v. 462).
Among so many more stirring affairs, one decree of this council, which has a good deal of interest, might easily be forgotten. This is one which was meant to reform the abuses of the privileges of sanctuary; “Qui ad ecclesiam vel ad crucem confugerint, data membrorum impunitate, justitiæ tradantur, vel innocentes liberentur.” Are we to see here the first beginning of a feeling against mutilation, which came in bit by bit in the next century? The guilty man is to be punished, but in some other way than by loss of limb.
[1495] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 429.
[1496] Philip had professed all intention of coming to Piacenza; he had even set out; “Se ad illam itiner incepisse, sed legitimis soniis se impeditum fuisse mandavit.” (Bernold, u. s.) He was allowed, like Anselm, “indutiæ” till Whitsuntide; but now the decree went forth (Will. Malms. iv. 345) against Philip himself; “Et omnes qui eum vel regem vel dominum suum vocaverint, et ei obedierint, et ei locuti fuerint nisi quod pertinet ad eum corrigendum. Similiter et illam maledictam conjugem ejus, et omnes qui eam reginam vel dominam nominaverint, quousque ad emendationem venerint, ita ut alter ab altero discedat.”
[1497] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 696.
[1498] Ib. vol. iv. p. 648.
[1499] The marriage is recorded by Orderic (vii. 23 D). There is a letter of Bishop Ivo of Chartres addressed to the clergy of Meulan and to all persons within the archdeaconry of Poissy. He denounces the intended marriage on the ground of kindred, and bids them send the letter to the Count of Meulan. The kindred is said to be “nec ignota, nec remota;” but it consisted in this, that Robert and Isabel had a common forefather removed by four degrees from Robert and five from Isabel. Robert was thus, as we should have expected, a generation older than his wife.
[1500] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 130, 166, 744.
[1501] See above, p. 269.
[1502] See above, p. 473.
[1503] Her second marriage with Drogo of Moncey is recorded in Will. Gem. viii. 8. Drogo was a fellow crusader (Ord. Vit. 723 D).
[1504] See Ord. Vit. 535 C, 724 C, 729 D, where we hear of him before Nikaia.
[1505] This comes from Hugh of Flavigny, Pertz, viii. 474; “Tunc temporis pro componenda inter fratres Willelmi regis filios concordia, Willelmum videlicet regem Anglorum et Robertum comitem Normannorum, abbas Divionensis ex præcepto papæ mare transierat, et ut præscriptum regem ammoneret de multis quæ illicite fiebant ab eo, de episcopatibus videlicet et abbatiis quas sibi retinebat, nec eis pastores providebat, et reditus proventusque omnium sibi assumebat, de symonia, de fornicatione clericorum.”
[1506] Ib. “Qui veniens tanta libertate usus est, ut rex, integritate ejus inspecta et inadulata mentis constantia, se consiliis et votis ejus adquieturum promitteret, ut omnes fideles gratularentur eum advenisse, ad cujus adventum quasi respiraret et resurgeret decus et vigor ecclesiæ Anglicæ et libertas Romanæ auctoritatis.”
[1507] Ib. “Sed quid imperturbatum relinquit inexplebilis gurges Romanæ avaritiæ? Rex suspectam habens viri auctoritatem, quem jam diu venturum audierat, legatum papæ præmiserat, et in manu ejus auri probati et purissimi 10 marchas.”
[1508] See Appendix AA.
[1509] The accounts do not exactly agree; but every version makes the terms such that the duchy was not ceded for ever, but could under some circumstances be recovered. The Chronicler puts it pithily, but without details; “Ðurh þas fare [that is the crusade] wearð se cyng and his broðor Rodbeard eorl sehte swa þæt se cyng ofer sæ fór, and eall Normandig æt him mid feo alisde, swa swa hi þa sehte wæron.” Florence calls the transaction “vadimonium,” and mentions the price, 10,000 marks, or 6,666l. With this William of Malmesbury agrees; Eadmer and Hugh of Flavigny make it a pledge for three years. Hugh’s words (Pertz, viii. 475) are; “Pro componenda inter fratres pacis concordia in Normannia substitit donec, pace facta, decem milium marcarum pensione accepta, terram suam comes Normanniæ regi Anglorum usque ad trium annorum spacium custodiendam traderet.” “Pensio” must here be taken in the sense of a single payment. Eadmer’s words are; “Normanniam spatio trium annorum pecuniæ gratis in dominium tradidit.” Orderic (723 A) makes the time five years; “Rex Anglorum … Normanniam usque ad quinque annos servaturus recepit, fratrique suo ad viam Domini peragendam decem milia marcos argenti erogavit.” Robert of Torigny (Will. Gem. viii. 7) mentions no number of years, but makes the bargain last as long as Robert shall be away; “Rex Willelmus in Normanniam transfretans, decies mille marcas argenti ea conditione Roberto duci commodavit, ut quamdiu idem Dux in prædicta peregrinatione moraretur, ipse ducatum Normanniæ pro eis vadem haberet, illum duci restituturus cum ipse sibi prætaxatam pecuniam rediens reconsignasset.”
[1510] See Appendix X.
[1512] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Quæ pecunia per Angliam, partim data, partim exacta, totum regnum in immensum vastavit.”
[1513] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtíme gear geond eall Angelcyn, ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda and eac þurh swiðe hefigtymne hunger, þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe gedrehte.”
[1514] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Comites, barones, vicecomites, suos milites et villanos spoliaverunt.”
[1515] Will. Malms. iv., iv. 318. “Super violentia querimoniam facientes, non se posse ad tantum vectigal sufficere, nisi si miseros agricolas omnino effugarent.”
[1516] Will. Malms. iv. 318. “Quibus curiales, turbido, ut solebant, vultu, ‘Non habetis,’ inquiunt, ‘scrinia auro et argento composita, ossibus mortuorum plena? nullo alio responso obsecrantes dignati.’”
[1517] Ib. “Ita illi, intelligentes quo responsio tenderet, capsas sanctorum nudaverunt, crucifixos despoliaverunt, calices conflarunt, non in usum pauperum, sed in fiscum regium: quicquid enim pene sancta servavit avorum parcitas, illorum grassatorum absumsit aviditas.” Cf. the account of the spoliation of Waltham in Appendix H.
[1518] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Conventus est et Anselmus per id temporis, et ut ipse quoque manum auxilii sui in tam rationabili causa regi extenderet, a quibusdam suis est amicis admonitus.”
[1519] Eadmer describes this transaction at length; and adds that Anselm gave the two hundred pounds to the King, “cum illis quæ de suis habere poterat pro instanti necessitate, ut rebus consuleret.”
[1520] This fact comes from a letter of Bishop Ivo of Chartres (Du Chesne, iv. 219) addressed to King Philip; “Excellentiæ vestræ litteras nuper accepi, quibus submonebar ut apud Pontesium vel Calvummontem cum manu militum vobis die quam statueratis occurrerem, iturus vobiscum ad placitum quod futurum est inter regem Anglorum, et comitem Normannorum, quod facere ad præsens magnæ et multæ causæ me prohibent.” One of these reasons is that he will not have anything to do with Bertrada, against whom he again strongly exhorts the King. He himself will not be safe in the King’s court, because of her devices; such at least seems to be the meaning of the general remark, “Postremo novit vestra serenitas, quia non est mihi in curia vestra plena securitas, in qua ille sexus mihi est suspectus et infestus, qui etiam amicis aliquando non satis est fidus.” Another reason is more curious, and seems to imply that some fighting was looked for; “Præterea casati ecclesiæ, et reliqui milites pene omnes vel absunt, vel pro pace violata excommunicati sunt: quos sine satisfactione reconciliare non valeo et excommunicatos in hostem mittere non debeo.”
[1521] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Odo Baiocensis episcopus cum Rodberto duce, nepote suo, peregrinatus est. Tantus enim erat rancor inter ipsum et regem pro transactis simultatibus, ut nullatenus pacificari possent ab ullis caduceatoribus. Rex siquidem magnanimus et iracundus et tenacis erat memoriæ, nec injuriam sibimet irrogatam facile obliviscebatur sine ultione.”
[1522] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 714.
[1523] We learn a great deal about Robert on the crusade from the Life of Lanfranc by Ralph of Caen, in the fifth volume of Muratori. One passage describing his character has been already quoted. We shall see some special cases as we go on. But it is worth while to compare the “regius sanguis Willelmides” of c. 22 with the picture in c. 58. In this last Robert makes up to the English at Laodikeia “spe dominationis.” Were they to help him in any attempt on the English crown?
[1524] I refer to Sir Francis Palgrave’s chapter “Robert the Crusader,” the eleventh in the fourth volume of his “Normandy and England.” He goes further off from the scene of our common story than I can undertake to follow him.
[1525] Will. Malms. iv. 350. But our best account just at this moment is that by Fulcher of Chartres in the “Gesta Dei per Francos,” which Orderic (718 B) witnesses to as a “certum et verax volumen.” Here we read (385), “Nos Franci occidentales, per Italiam excursa Gallia transeuntes cum usque Lucam pervenissemus, invenimus prope urbem illam Urbanum apostolicum, cum quo locuti sunt comes Robertus Normannus, et comes Stephanus, nos quoque cæteri qui voluimus.”
[1526] Fulcher (u. s.) graphically describes this scene; “Cum in basilica beati Petri introissemus, invenimus ante altare homines Guiberti, papæ stolidi, qui oblationes altari superpositas, gladios suos in manibus tenentes, inique arripiebant: alii vero super trabes ejusdem monasterii cursitabant; et inde deorsum ubi prostrati orabamus, lapides jaciebant.”
[1527] Ord. Vit. 724 D. “Rogerius dux, cognomento Bursa, ducem Normanniæ cum sociis suis, utpote naturalem dominum suum, honorifice suscepit.”
[1528] He is “Marcus Buamundus” in Orderic, who afterwards (817 A) tells the story of his two names. When he went through Gaul, he stood godfather to many children, “quibus etiam cognomen suum imponebat. Marcus quippe in baptismate nominatus est; sed a patre suo, audita in convivio joculari fabula de Buamundo gigante, puero jocunde impositum est. Quod nimirum postea per totum mundum personuit, et innumeris in tripertito climate orbis alacriter innotuit. Hoc exinde nomen celebre divulgatum est in Galliis, quod antea inusitatum erat pene omnibus occiduis.” Orderic is always careful about names, specially double names. See another account in Will. Malms. iv. 387.
[1529] Orderic (724 D) says merely “quoddam castrum,” but it appears from Geoffrey Malaterra (iv. 24) and Lupus Protospata, 1096 (Muratori, v. 47), that the place besieged was Amalfi. Count Roger of Sicily brought with him ten thousand Saracens.
[1530] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Sibi tandem optimum afferri pallium præcepit, quod per particulas concidit, et crucem unicuique suorum distribuit, suamque sibi retinuit.”
[1531] Fulcher, 585. “Tunc plurimi de pauperibus vel ignavis, inopiam futuram metuentes, arcubus suis venditis, et baculis peregrinationis resumptis, ad mansiones suas regressi sunt. Qua de re viles tam Deo quam hominibus facti sunt: et versum est eis in opprobrium.” So William of Malmesbury, iv. 353, who adds that “pars pro intemperie soli morbo defecit.”
[1532] See Historical Essays, Third Series, 473, 474.
[1533] Ord. Vit. 765 B, C.
[1534] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 625, 626.
[1535] Orderic (u. s.) says, “tranquillo remige in Bulgariæ partibus applicuit.” Fulcher is naturally more exact. They land at Dyrrhachion (386), and then “Bulgarorum regiones, per montium prærupta et loca satis deserta, transivimus.” He gives several curious details of the voyage and march.
[1536] Fulcher bursts into ecstasy at the sight of Constantinople, and William of Malmesbury takes the opportunity to tell its history. From iv. 356 and the note it appears that he knew his Emperors, and that his editor did not.
[1537] See Fulcher, 386; Orderic, 728 A; Will. Malms. iv. 357. They all record the homage, except in the case of Count Raymond of Toulouse, who would only swear, but not do homage. The Count of Flanders seems a little doubtful; but the words of William of Malmesbury are explicit as to Robert; “Normannus itaque et Blesensis comites hominium suum Græco prostraverunt; nam jam Flandrita transierat, et id facere fastidierat, quod se meminisset natum et educatum libere.” Orderic seems to take a real pleasure in speaking of Alexios as Augustus and Cæsar, the latter title being a little beneath him. His subjects however are not only “Græci,” but “Pelasgi,” “Achæi,” anything that would do for the grand style. Presently Nikaia appears (728 B) as “totius Romaniæ caput.” So William of Malmesbury speaks of “Minor Asia quam Romaniam dicunt.” Here “Romania” means specially the Turkish kingdom of Roum; in more accurate geography it takes in the European provinces of the Empire.
[1538] See above, p. 560, and Ord. Vit. 778 A, B, where he describes the coming of Eadgar, of which more in a later chapter, and his near friendship with Robert.
[1539] The words of Ralph of Caen (c. 58) on this head are very emphatic; “Normannus comes ingressus Laodiciam somno vacabat, et otio; nec inutilis tamen, dum opulentiam nactus aliis indigentibus large erogabat; quoniam conserva Cyprus Baccho, Cerere, et multo pecore abundans, Laodiciam repleverat, quippe indigentem vicinam Christicolam, et quasi collacteam; ipsa namque una in littore Syro et Christum colebat et Alexio serviebat. Sed nec sic excussato otio, prædictus comes frustra semel atque iterum ad castra revocatur. Tertio sub anathemate accitus, redit invitus; difficilem enim habebat transitum commeatio, quæ comiti ministrare Laodicia veniens debebat.”
[1540] Ord. Vit. 753 A. We have heard of Hugh before, N. C. vol. iv. p. 493. We now read that “Susceptus a Normannico duce, multum suis profuit et mores ethnicos ac tergiversationes subdolas et fraudes, quibus contra fideles callent, enucleavit.”
[1541] Ib. “Cosan etiam, nobilis heros et potens de Turcorum prosapia, Christianos ultro adiit, multisque modis ad capiendam urbem eos adjuvit. In Christum enim fideliter credebat, et sacro baptismate regenerari peroptabat. Ideoque nostratibus, ut amicis et fratribus, ad obtinendum decus Palæstinæ et metropoli Davitici regni summopere suffragari satagebat.”
[1542] “Furtivi funambuli” was the name given to Ivo and Alberic of Grantmesnil and certain others. See Orderic, 738 D. Stephen of Chartres too decamped for a while in a manner which did not please his wife.
[1543] The words of William of Malmesbury (iv. 389) are remarkable; “Robertus, Jerosolymam veniens, indelibili macula nobilitatem suam respersit, quod regnum, consensu omnium sibi utpote regis filio delatum, recusaret, non reverentiæ, ut fertur, contuitu, sed laborum inextricabilium metu.”
[1544] His exploits in the storm come out in all the accounts. In William of Malmesbury (iv. 369) he and his namesake of Flanders are as usual grouped together; “Hæc quidem victoria in parte Godefridi et duorum Robertorum evenit.”
[1545] Will. Malms. iv. 371. “Duces, et maxime Robertus Normannus, qui antesignanus erat, arte artem, vel potius virtute calliditatem eludentes, sagittariis et peditibus deductis, medias gentilium perruperunt acies.” This seems to prove more than the story in iv. 389, where Robert, with Philip of Montgomery and others, makes use of the worn-out stratagem of the feigned flight.
[1546] Robert of Torigny, 1096. “Comes Henricus contulit se ad regem Willermum, atque omnino cum eo remansit; cui idem rex comitatum Constantiensem et Baiocensem, præter civitatem Baiocas et oppidum Cadomi, ex integro concessit.”
[1547] Ord. Vit. 721 B. This decree heads the acts of the council; “Statuit synodus sancta, ut trevia Dei firmiter custodiatur,” &c.
[1548] Ib. C. All persons from twelve years of age are to swear that they will keep the Truce, and will help their several bishops and archdeacons, “ita ut, si me monuerint ad eundum super eos, nec diffugiam nec dissimulabo, sed cum armis meis cum ipso proficiscar, et omnibus, quibus potero, juvabo adversus illos per fidem sine malo ingenio, secundum meam conscientiam.”
[1549] Ib. D. “Hoc anathemate feriuntur falsarii et raptores et emptores prædarum, et qui in castris congregantur propter exercendas rapinas, et domini qui amodo eos retinuerint in castris suis. Et auctoritate apostolica et nostra prohibemus ut nulla Christianitas fiat in terris dominorum illorum.”
[1550] Ord. Vit. 721 D. “Et quod nullus laicus participationem habeat in tertia parte decimæ, vel in sepultura, vel in oblatione altaris.”
[1551] Ib. “Nec servitium, nec aliquam exactionem inde exigat, præter eam quæ tempore Guillelmi regis constituta fuit.”
[1552] Orderic draws a special picture (722 D, 723 C), winding up with “Sic Normannia suis in se filiis furentibus miserabiliter turbata est, et plebs inermis sine patrono desolata est.”
[1553] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Guillelmus itaque rex Normanniam possedit, et dominia patris sui, quæ frater suus insipienter distraxerat, sibi mancipavit.”
[1554] Ib. “Ecclesias pastoribus viduatas electis pro modulo suo rectoribus commisit.” Or do these words imply simony? They might merely imply lay nomination and investiture.
[1555] Ib.
[1556] Ib.
[1557] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Turoldo fratri Hugonis de Ebremou episcopatum dedit.” Hugh of Evermouth occurs in the false Ingulf, 77 (not so in Domesday), as lord of Bourne and Deeping.
[1558] Ib. “Pro quibusdam arcanis ultro reliquit.”
[1559] I shall speak of these Welsh wars in full in the next chapter.
[1560] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Se cyng Willelm … togeanes Eastron hider to lande for, forðam he þohte his hired on Winceastre to healdenne; ac he wearð þurh weder gelét oððet Eastre æfen, þæt he up com ærost æt Arundel, and forþi his hired æt Windlesoran heold.”
[1561] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 37) makes a great deal more than enough of this submission, when he says; “Super Walenses qui contra eum surrexerant exercitum duxit, eosque post modicum in deditionem suscipit, et pace undique potitus est.” But this would doubtless be the impression of the moment.
[1562] Ib. “Cum jam multi sperarent, quod hæc pax servitio Dei deberet militare, et attenti exspectarent aliquid magni pro emendatione Christianitatis ex regis assensu archiepiscopum promulgare.”
[1563] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Ecce spei hujus et exspectationis turbatorias literas rex, a Gualis reversus, archiepiscopo destinat, mandans in illis se pro militibus quos in expeditionem suam miserat nullas ei nisi malas gratias habere, eo quod nec convenienter, sicut aiebat, instructi, nec ad bella fuerant pro negotii qualitate idonei.”
[1564] See N. C. vol. v. p. 372.
[1565] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Præcepit ut paratus esset de his, juxta judicium curiæ suæ, sibimet rectitudinem facere, quandocumque sibi placeret inde eum appellare.”
[1566] Ib. “Licet jam olim sciverit se, eodem rege superstite, in Anglia Christo non adeo fructificaturum.”