[1597] For further information on igasurine, consult Gmelin, Chemistry, xvii. (1866) 589; Watts, Dictionary of Chemistry, iii. (1865) 243; Pharm. Journ. xviii. (1859) 432.

[1598] Jahresbericht der Chemie, 1875. 856.

[1599] We have seen 1136 packages offered in a single drug sale (30 March 1871).

[1600] Statement of the Trade and Navigation of Bombay for 1871-72, pt. ii. 62.

[1601] No later returns are accessible.

[1602] The plant and seeds are known in the Bisaya language by the names of pangaguason, aguason, canlara, mananaog, dancagay, catalonga or igasur; in the islands of Bohol and Çebu, where the seeds are produced, by that of coyacoy, and by the Spaniards of the Philippines as Pepita de Bisaya or Pepita de Catbalogan (Clain, Remedios Faciles, Manila, 1857. p. 610). The name St. Ignatius’ Bean applied to them in Europe, is employed in South America to designate the seeds of several medicinal Cucurbitaceæ, as those of Fenillea trilobata L., Hypanthera Guapeva Manso and Anisosperma Passiflora Manso.

[1603] Materia Medica, Stockholm, 1778. i. 146.—We omit citing the Linnean Ignatia amara, as it has been shown by Bentham that the plant so named by the younger Linnæus is Posoqueria longiflora Aubl. of the order Rubiaceæ, a native of Guiana.

[1604] Flora Cochinchinensis, ed. Willd. i. (1793) 155.

[1605] Flora de Filipinas, ed. 2. 1845. 61.

[1606] London Med. and Phys. Journ. January 1832.

[1607] The only specimen of the fruit I have seen was in the possession of my late friend Mr. Morson. It measured exactly 4 inches in diameter, and when opened (15 January 1872) was found to contain 17 mature, well-formed seeds, with remnants of dried pulp.—D. H. I have seen another one in the Jardin des Plantes, Paris.—F. A. F..

[1608] Reisen in den Philippinen, Berlin, 1873. 213.

[1609] Apparatus Medicaminum, vi. (1792) 26.

[1610] Phil. Trans., xxi. (1699) 44. 87; Ray, Hist. Plant. iii. lib. 31. 118.

[1611] The Philippines were unknown to the Europeans of the Middle Ages. They were discovered by Magellan in 1521, but their conquest by the Spaniards was not effectually commenced until 1565. Previous to the Spanish occupation, they were governed by petty chiefs, and were frequented for the purposes of commerce by Japanese, Chinese, and Malays.

[1612] Martiny, Encyklopädie der Rohwaarenkunde, i. (1843) 576.

[1613] Pink Root is sometimes erroneously latinized in price-lists, “Radix caryophylli.”

[1614] De la famille des Loganiacées, 1856. 130.

[1615] Therapeutics and Materia Medica, Philadelphia, ii. (1868) 651.

[1616] Th. Martius, Pharm. Journ. xii. (1853) 371.

[1617] Grisebach (Die Vegetation der Erde, i. 1872. 223) gives very interesting particulars relating to the area of growth of Gentiana purpurea, G. punctata and G. pannonica. He is decidedly of the opinion that they are distinct species.

[1618] In Norway it is, strange to say, called sweetroot, “Sötrot,” according to Schübeler, Pflanzenwelt Norwegens, 1873-1875, p. 259.

[1619] Ὀϕέλλειν, to bless, in allusion to the medical virtues of the herb.—Fig. in Bentley and Trimen, Med. Plants, part 7 (1876).

[1620] Cours d’Histoire nat. pharmaceutique, ii. (1828) 395.

[1621] The other kinda of chiretta to be named presently are usually much shorter.

[1622] For full details, see Archiv der Pharmacie, 189 (1869) 229.

[1623] Moodeen Sheriff, Suppl. to the Pharmacopœia of India, 1869. pp. 138. 189.—Consult also Pharmacopœia of India, 1868. pp. 148-9.

[1624] Mr. E. A. Webb has pointed out a case of false-packing in which the roots of Rubia cordifolia L. (Munjit) had been enclosed in the bundles of chiretta.

[1625] Such is the opinion expressed by the Rev. O. Cockayne. The letter of Helias to Alfred is imperfect, and mentions only balsam, petroleum, theriaka, and a white stone used as a charm. But from the reference to these four articles in another part of the MS., in connection with scammony, ammoniacum, tragacanth, and galbanum, there is ground for believing that the latter (Syrian and Persian) drugs were included in the lost part of the patriarch’s letter.—See Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early England, edited by Cockayne (Master of the Rolls Series), vol. ii. pages xxiv. 289. 175, also 273. 281.

[1626] Medical Observations and Inquiries, i. (1757) 12.

[1627] Named probably from Σκάυυα, a trench or pit, in allusion to the excavation made around the root.

[1628] The one was the late Mr. S. H. Maltass of Smyrna, whose interesting paper may be found in Pharm. Journ. xiii. (1854) 264; the other is Mr. Edward T. Rogers, formerly of Caiffa, now (1874) British Consul at Cairo.

[1629] Presented to Parliament, July 1873.

[1630] Dragendorff’s Jahresbericht, 1876. 158.

[1631] Scammony was quoted in a London price current, April 1874, at 8s. to 36s. per lb., Resin of Scammony at 14s. per lb.

[1632] Thus 100 bales were offered in a drug sale, 3 July 1873.

[1633] Such was the case at Aleppo, as we know by a private letter from Mr. Consul Skene.—D. H.

[1634] Thus at Ootacamund, Mr. Broughton, in a letter to one of us (15 January 1870), speaks of receiving “a cluster of tubers” weighing over 9 lb., and remarks that the plant grows as easily as yam.

[1635] Monardes, Hist. des Medicamens, trad. par Colin, ed. 2. 16.—The first edition of this work seems to be unknown.

[1636] Hill, History of the Mat. Med. Lond. 1751. 549.

[1637] American Journal of Med. Sciences, v. (1829) 300. pl. 1-2.

[1638] It is plain that such a proceeding is irrational. The roots should be dug up when the aerial stems have died down.

[1639] Linnæa, iii. (1830) 473; Pharm. Journ. viii. (1867) 652.—We are not aware of any more recent account.

[1640] Guibourt obtained of it 17 per cent., Umney 21·5, Squibb 11 to 16, T. and H. Smith “not more than 15,” D. Hanbury 11 to 15·8. Jalap grown in Bonn afforded to Marquart 12 per cent.; a root cultivated at Münich gave Widnmann 22 per cent.; from plants produced in Dublin W. G. Smith got 9 to 12 per cent.; and fine tubers from Ootacamund in India yielded to one of us 18 per cent. of resin. Broughton is of opinion that exposure of the sliced tuber to the air in the process of drying, favours the formation of resin, by the oxidation of a hydrocarbon.

[1641] Gmelin, Chemistry, xvi. (1864) 159.

[1642] As by Pereira, Elem. of Mat. Med. ii. (1850) 1463.

[1643] Gmelin, op. cit. xvi. 154.

[1644] For information about some of these, consult Guibourt, Histoire des Drogues, ii. (1869) 523.

[1645] Journ. de Chimie méd. x. (1834) 1-22. pl. 1. 2. (with unsatisfactory figures).

[1646] The name is ill-chosen and misleading, but having been adopted in standard works, it might occasion greater confusion to attempt to supersede it, and its several derivatives.

[1647] It is at least a fact, that of numerous samples of jalapin that we have examined (1871), every one is completely soluble in ether.

[1648] Hanbury, On a species of Ipomœa, affording Tampico Jalap, Journ. of Linn. Soc., Bot. xi. (1871) 279, tab. 2; Pharm. Journ. xi. (1870) 848; American Journ. of Pharm., xviii. (1870) 330; Science Papers, 1876. 349.

[1649] Pharm. Journ. ix. (1868) 282.

[1650] Ibid. ix. (1868) 330.

[1651] Etude sur les Convolvulacées purgatives (thèse) Paris, 1864. 31.

[1652] In Hindustani Nil signifies blue, and Kaladana, black seed.

[1653] Fig. in Bentley and Trimen, Med. Plants, part 22 (1877).

[1654] Pharm. Journ. vii. (1866) 496.

[1655] Pharmacopœia of India, 1868, 156.

[1656] Solanum nigrum L. which slightly resembles dulcamara, is a low-growing annual or biennial, with herbaceous stems, and berries usually black.

[1657] Meddygon Myddvai (see Appendix) 185. 293. 375.

[1658] Essentials of Materia Medica, 1855. 196.

[1659] Wight, Icones Plant. Indiæ Orient. iv. (1850) tab. 1617; Capsicum minimum Roxb. Flor. Ind. i. (1832) 574. Faire has ascertained that this is the Capsicum frutescens of the Species Plantarum of Linnæus, but not that of the Hortus Cliffortianus of the same botanist, to which latter the name C. frutescens is usually applied.

[1660] The chief distinction between C. annuum and C. longum is that the former has an erect, the latter a pendulous fruit.

[1661] Dunal in De Cand. Prodromus, xiii. i. 412.

[1662] Letters of Christopher Columbus, translated by Major (Hakluyt Society), 1870. 68.

[1663] Historia de las Indias, Madrid, i. (1851) 275.

[1664] Caroli Clusii Curæ posteriores, Antverp., 1611. 95.

[1665] Jahresbericht of Wiggers and Husemann, 1873. 567; also Yearbook of Pharm. 1876. 251.

[1666] Blue Book of the Colony of Sierra Leone for 1871.

[1667] Do. of Natal for 1871.

[1668] Do. of the Straits Settlements for 1871.

[1669] Statement of the Trade and Navigation of Bombay for 1872-73, pt. ii. 58. 91.

[1670] Compendium Aromatariorum, 1488.

[1671] Le Grant Herbier en francoys, contenāt les qualitez, vertus et proprietez des herbes etc., Paris (no date) 4°. cap. De Solastro rustico.

[1672] Das destillier Buch (sub voce Nachtschet Wasser). Strassburg, 1521, fol. 93 b. The figure probably refers to Atropa, but that given in the edition of the same work of the year 1500 shows Solanum nigrum.

[1673] Historia Stirpium, Basil. 1542. 689.

[1674] De Stirpium ... historia, Argentorati, 1552. 301.

[1675] Comment. in lib. vi. Dioscoridis, Venetiis, 1558. 533.

[1676] De hortis Germaniæ, Argentorat. 1561, fol. 282.

[1677] For Lefort’s process for estimating atropine, see p. 458.

[1678] Gmelin, Chemistry, xvii. (1866) 1.

[1679] Journ. de Pharm. xv. (1872) 269. 341.

[1680] Werthbestimmung stark wirkender Droguen, Petersburg, 1876. 28.

[1681] The fresh juice kept for a few days has been known to evolve red vapours (nitrous acid?) when the vessel containing it was opened.—H. S. Evans in Pharm. Journ. ix. (1850) 260.

[1682] Datura from the Sanskrit name D’hustùra, applied to D. fastuosa L. The origin of the word Stramonium is not known to us.

[1683] Géographie Botanique, ii (1855) 731.

[1684] Libellus quo demonstratur Stramonium, Hyoscyamum, Aconitum ... esse remedia, Vindob. 1762.

[1685] Comptes Rendus, lv. (1862) 321.

[1686] We have not seen W. G. Mann, Onderzoek van het zaad van Datura Stramonium, Enschede, 1875.

[1687] Günther in Wiggers and Husemann’s Jahresbericht for 1869. 54.

[1688] Seeds of D. alba sent to us from Madras by Dr. Bidie, were sown by our friend M. Naudin of Collioure (Pyrénées Orientales), and produced the plant under three forms, viz.:—1. The true D. alba as figured in Wight’s Icones.—2. Plants with flowers, violet without and nearly white within (D. fastuosa).—3. Plants with double corollas of large size and of a yellow colour.

[1689] Sontheimer’s translation, i. 269.

[1690] Aromatum historia, 1574, lib. 2. c. 24.

[1691] Tractado de las Drogas ... de las Indias Orientales, Burgos, 1578. 85.

[1692] Catalogue of Bombay Plants, 1839. 141.

[1693] It had become naturalized in North America prior to 1672, as we find it mentioned by Josselyn in his New England’s Rarities discovered (Lond. 1672) among the plants “sprung up since the English planted and kept cattle in New England.”

[1694] Pharm. Journ. i. (1860) 414.

[1695] S. de Renzi, Collectio Salernitana, Napoli, i. (1852) 74. 84.

[1696] De Viribus Herbarum, edited by Choulant, Lips. 1832. 108.

[1697] Leechdoms etc. of Early England, iii. (1866) 313.

[1698] Lib. iv. c. 69. (ed. Sprengel).

[1699] Wright, Volume of Vocabularies, 1857. 141. 265.

[1700] See p. 148, note 3, also Brunet, Manuel du Libraire, i. (1860) 377.

[1701] See p. 459, note 5.

[1702] From the experiments of Schoonbroodt (1868), there is reason to believe that the active principle of henbane can be more easily extracted from the fresh than from the dried plant.

[1703] I have had the opportunity of examining the above substances as prepared by the said chemists.—F. A. F. July 1871.

[1704] Pharm. Journ. iii. (1862) 447.

[1705] Wiggers and Husemann, Jahresbericht, 1869. 56.

[1706] Pharm. Journ. xvii. (1858) 462; xviii. (1859) 174.

[1707] Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Sprachenkunde Americas, zumal Brasiliens, i. (1867) 719.

[1708] Mayers in Hong Kong Notes and Queries, May, 1867; F. P. Smith, Mat. Med. and Nat. Hist. of China, 1871. 219.

[1709] Lib. v. c. 2.

[1710] Nicot, Thrésor de la langue Françoyse, Paris, 1606. 429.

[1711] Segunda parte del libro de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias occidentales, que sirven al uso de medicina. Do se trata del Tabaco ..., Sevilla, 1571, 3.

[1712] Instruction sur l’herbe Petum ditte en France l’herbe de la Royne ou Médicée ... Paris, 1572.

[1713] 12 Car. II. c. 34; 15 Car. II. c. 7.—For further information on the history of tobacco, see Tiedemann, Geschichte des Tabaks, Frankfurt, 1854.—We have not consulted Fairholt, Tobacco, its History, Lond. 1859.

[1714] Microscopic structure of tobacco leaves. See Pocklington, Pharm. Journal, v. (1874) 301.

[1715] Dragendorff’s Jahresbericht, 1874. 98.

[1716] Poggiale and Marty (1870) stated hydrocyanic acid to be absent.

[1717] For further particulars on the chemistry of tobacco cultivation see Boussingault, Ann. de Chim. et de Phys. ix. (1866) 50.

[1718] Dr. R. Cunningham found (1868) Digitalis purpurea completely naturalized about San Carlos in the Island of Chiloe in Southern Chili.

[1719] Meddygon Myddfai (see Appendix) in many places.

[1720] De Hist. Stirpium, 1542. 892.

[1721] De Stirpium ... nomenclaturis, etc. 1552—“Campanula sylvestris seu Digitalis.”

[1722] Withering (William), Account of the Foxglove, Birmingham, 1785. 8°.

[1723] Prior, Popular Names of British Plants, ed. 2. 1870. 84.

[1724] This method of preparing the leaf was directed in the London Pharmacopœia of 1851, but it had long been in use. No particular directions are given in the British Pharmacopœia.

[1725] For further particulars on Schmiedeberg’s very elaborate researches, the reader may consult my abstract of them in Pharm. Journ. v. (1875) 741.—F. A. F..

[1726] A derivative of digitoxin as extracted by Schmiedeberg from the seeds of foxglove.

[1727] Andrographis from δνὴρ and γραϕὶς, in allusion to the brush-like anther and filament.—Fig. in Bentley and Trimen’s Med. Plants, part 23 (1877).

[1728] Paolino da San Bartolomeo, Voyage to the East Indies (1776-1789), translated from the German, Lond. 1800; pp. 14. 409.

[1729] Fig. in Bentley and Trimen’s Med. Plants, part 23 (1877).

[1730] Isaiah xxviii. 27.

[1731] The word Gingeli (or Gergelim), which Roxburgh remarks was (as it is now) in common use among Europeans, derives from the Arabic chulchulân, denoting sesame seed in its husks before being reaped (Dr. Rice). The word Benné is, we believe, of West African origin, and has no connection with Ben, the name of Moringa.

[1732] For further particulars see Buchanan, Journey from Madras through Mysore, etc. i. (1807) 95. and ii. 224.

[1733] This curious process is described in the Reports of Juries, Madras Exhibition, 1856, p. 31.—That the colouring matter of the seeds is actually soluble in water is confirmed by Lépine of Pondicherry as we have learnt from his manuscript notes presented to the Musée des Produits des Colonies de France at Paris. The seeds may even be used as a dye.

[1734] Documents Statistiques réunis par l’Administration des Douanes sur le commerce de la France, année 1872.

[1735] Statement of the Trade and Navigation of British India with Foreign Countries, Calcutta, 1872. 62.

[1736] Reports on Trade at the Treaty Ports in China for 1870, Shanghai, 1871. 81.

[1737] For pharmaceutical uses, the larger proportion of olein and consequent lesser tendency to solidify, should be remembered.

[1738] On Mont Ventoux near Avignon, the region of Lavandula vera is comprised, according to Martins, between 1500 and 4500 feet above the sea-level.—Ann. des Sc. Nat., Bot. x. (1838) 145. 149.

[1739] Pflanzenwelt Norwegens, Christiania (1873-1875) 26O.

[1740] F. de Gingins-Lassaraz, Hist. des Lavandes, Genève et Paris, 1826.