1185. Suid. v. κωλιάδος κεραμῆες, t. i. p. 1511. b. Paus. vi. 26. 11. Herodot. iv. 191. 194. vii. 68, who says, it was also used by certain people in painting their bodies.
1186. Dioscor. v. 122. 121. On the earths and ochres of the ancients, see Sir Humphrey Davy, in the Philosophical Transactions, 1815, pt. i. p. 97, seq.
1187. Theoph. de Lapid. § 53.
1188. Dioscor. v. 113. Plin. xxviii. 24. xxix. 33. xxxv. 14.
1189. Luc. Alexand. § 21.
1190. Dioscor. v. 183. i. 93. Plin. xxxv. 25.
1191. Dioscor. iii. 26.
1192. Luc. adv. Indoct. § 16. By the odour of this oil the books of Numa were said, by tradition, to have been preserved for many generations. “Mirabantur alii, quomodo illi libri durare potuissent: ille (Hemina) ita rationem reddebat: lapidem fuisse quadratum circiter in mediâ arcâ vinctum candelis quoquo versus. In eo lapide insuper libros impositos fuisse,fuisse, propterea arbitrari eos non computruisse. Et libros cedratos fuisse: propterea arbitrarier tineas non tetigisse.” Plin. Nat. Hist. xiii. 27. To the virtues of this oil Vitruvius also bears testimony. “Quæ unguntur cedrio, ut libri à tineis et carie non læduntur.” ii. 9. In the above passage of Pliny, Hardouin reads “libros citratos,” and supposes the naturalist to mean that citron-leaves were folded in the manuscript: “quorum hæc propria dos, ut arceant animalium noxia, hoc est, tineas.” Cf. Plin. Nat. Hist. xii. 7. But as the citron was not introduced into Greece or Italy until several centuries after the age of Numa, it is very clear that “cedratos” must remain in the text of Pliny.
1193. Diog. Laert. ii. 31. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 192. 643. Athen. ii. 75, seq. Dioscor. v. 21. Plat. De Rep. vi. p. 404.
1194. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 629.
1195. Ἀνώδυνον τε ἐστὶ καὶ ὑγιείνον· καὶ ὄρεξιν κίνει. Dioscor. ii. 189.
1196. Δράβη. Dioscor. ii. 187.
1197. Id. ii. 191.
1198. Λιγυστικὸν. Dioscor. iii. 58.
1199. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 680.
1200. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 737. Athen. ii. 45.
1201. Dioscor. ii. 205.
1202. Id. iii. 53.
1203. Id. ii. 167.
1204. Poll. vi. 61.
1205. Athen. ii. 76. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 891.
1206. Dioscor. iii. 34.
1207. Id. ii. 190.
1208. Beckmann, History of Inventions, ii. 122, sqq.
1209. See, on this subject, Dissen. ad Pind. Pyth. iii. 47. 51. I may here, however, by the way, remark, that while the free citizens were attended by physicians of their own rank, there were likewise servile practitioners who prescribed for the diseases of slaves. Plat. De Leg. iv. t. vii. p. 362, seq. Cf. Poll. iv. 177, sqq.
1210. Aristot. Poet. c. 22, Rhet. iii. 2.
1211. Luc. adv. Indoct. § 29.
1212. Dioscor. proœm. p. 4.
1213. On the primitive instruments of surgery see Goguet, Origine des Loix. t. ii. p. 17.
1214. Beckmann, History of Inventions, iii. 160.
1215. Poll. iv. 181.
1216. Dioscorides, however, who mentions this work, is far from speaking of the plan with praise: ἥμαρτον δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν τάξιν· οἱ μὲν ἀσυμφύλους δυνάμεις συγκρούσαντεσ· οἱ δὲ κατὰ στοιχεῖα ἀναγράψαντες. διέζευξαν τῆς ὁμογενείας τὰ τε γένη καὶ τὰς ἐνεργείας αὐτῶν, ὡς διὰ τοῦτο ἀσυμμνημόνευτα γίνεσθαι. Proœm. p. 2.
1217. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 15. 3, sqq.
1218. Dioscor. iv. 157. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 8. 5.
1219. Κυνόσβατον. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 8. 5.
1220. Dioscor. iii. 53.
1221. King Attalus, desirous not to have far to reach in the matter of poisons, cultivated a great variety of them with his own hands in the royal gardens, such as hyoscyamus, hellebore, hemlock, aconite, and dorycnion, of whose virtue and qualities he obtained a thorough knowledge by experiments. Plut. Demet. § 20.
1222. Παιωνία. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 8. 6.
1223. Μανδράγορας. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 8. 8.
1224. Dioscor. iv. 151.
1225. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 8. 5, sqq. The spleen-wort, (ἀσπλήνον) when designed to produce sterility was collected on a dark night: ἀσελήνου δὲ νύκτος φασι δεῖν αὐτὴν ὀρύσσειν εἰς ἀτόκιον. Dioscor. iii. 151.
1226. Cf. Poll. iv. 177.
1227. See a witty disquisition on charms in Luc. Philopseud. § 7, and a list of medicinal plants introduced into remedies for the gout. Tragopodag. 138, seq.
1228. Dioscor. iii. 105. Another mode of repelling contagious disorders was to cause verses to be written by soothsayers on the door. Luc. Alexand. § 36. Fevers were also cured in some places by touching miraculous statues, as that of the wrestler Polydamas at Olympia, or that of Theagenes, at Thasos. Deor. Concil. § 12. A sea-onion was planted before dwelling houses as a charm. Theoph. Hist. Plant. vii. 13. 4.
1229. Dioscor. iii. 71.
1230. Δύναμιν δὲ ἔχει (κρόκινον) θερμαντικὴν, ὑπνωτικὴν, ὅθεν πολλάκις ἐπὶ φρενετικῶν ἁρμόζει καταβρεχόμενον, ἢ ἀποσφραινόμενον, ἦ καὶ κατα μυζωτηρων διαχριόμενον. Dioscor. i. 64.
1231. Dioscor. iv. 151. Apollod. ii. 2. 2.
1232. Luc. Alexan. § 47. Dioscor. ii. 202.
1233. Dioscor. i. 119.
1234. Λιβανωτις. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 11. 10. Dioscor. iii. 87. “In insulis Græcis rariùs in Melo legit.” Sibth. Flor. Græc. tab. 14. “In Zacintho, nec non in Bœotia.” D. Hawkins.
1235. Dioscor. ii. 207.
1236. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 16. 1.
1237. Dioscor. i. 81. Cf. Cels. ii. 33. Pills of wax were given to nurses to prevent the thickening of the milk. Dioscor. ii. 105. We have already remarked on the exuberance of milk in Greek women. Nevertheless the opinion prevailed that one nurse could not suckle two children: οὐδὲ δύο βρέφη ὑπὸ τροφοῦ μιᾶς ἐκτρεφόμενα Geopon. v. 13. 4. The stone Galactites was worn round the neck by superstitious nurses in order to increase their milk. Plin. viii. 16. xxxvii. 10. Vigenère, Imagen. de Philostrate, p. 576.
1238. Ἡμιόνιον. Theoph. Hist. | Plant. ix. 18. 7.
1239. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 18. 10.
1240. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 15. 4. The belief was prevalent, however, that milk at all times was a species of medicine. Thus when Timagoras accepted, among other things, eighty cows from the king of Persia, with herdsmen to take care of them, he pretended that he had need of their milk on account of the delicacy of his health: ὧς δὴ πρὸς ἀῤῥωστίαν τινὰ γάλακτος βοείου δεόμενος. Plut. Pelopid. § 30.
1241. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 14. 1.
1242. Dioscor. in proœm. p. 4.
1243. Dioscor. i. 23.
1244. Id. i. 141.
1245. Id. ii. 205.
1246. Id. i. 122.
1247. Ξυρὶς, Iris fœtidissima. Dioscor. iv. 22.
1248. Πτέρις. Dioscor. iv. 186.
1249. Dioscor. iii. 163. A plaster of fresh laurel leaves was thought to produce the same effect. i. 106.
1250. As a protection against musquitos the Greeks we find were accustomed to anoint their bodies with oil which had been flavoured with wormwood. Dioscor. iii. 26.
1251. Dioscor. i. 13.
1252. Id. i. 91. 155.
1253. Id. i. 177.
1254. Id. ii. 13.
1255. Id. ii. 12.
1256. Id. ii. 18.
1257. Hazelquist, Travels, p. 221.
1258. Πταρμικὴ. Dioscor. ii. 192.
1259. Τὰ δὲ ἀπο τῶν καττυμάτων παλαιὰ δέρματα, κεκαυμένα καὶ λεία καταπλασσόμενα, πυρίκαυστα καὶ παρατρίμματα καὶ τὰ ἐξ ὑποδημάτων θλίμματα θεραπεύει. Dioscor. ii. 51.
1260. Dioscor. v. 130.
1261. Id. iii. 53.
1262. Dioscor. iv. 150.
1263. Χαμαιλέων λευκὸς ... ἀποκτείνει καὶ κύνας καὶ ὗας καὶ μύας, σὺν ἀλφίτῳ πεφυραμένη, καὶ ὑδρελαίῳ διεθεῖσα. Dioscor. iii. 10.
1264. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 8. 4.
1265. Theophrast. Hist. Plant. ix. 16. 7, seq. Cf. Sext. Empir. Pyrrh. Hypot. l. i. p. 17. b.
1266. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 17. 1.
1267. See on Scythian slow poison, Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 15. 2. Among the Romans the lepus marinus (the aplysia depilens of Linnæus) was sometimes used as a secret poison, as we find from the example of Domitian, who employed it in removing his brother Titus. Δυοὶν δὲ ἐτοῖν μετὰ τὸν πατέρα τὴν ἀρχὴν κατασχόντα, ὑπὸ τοῦ θαλαττίου λαγὼ ἀποθανεῖν. τὸν δὲ ἰχθὺν τοῦτον, παρέχεσθαι χυμοὺς ἀποῤῥήτους, ὑπὲρ πάντα τὰ ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ καὶ γῇ ἀνδροφόνα. καὶ Νέρωνα μὲν ἐμποιῆσαι τοῖς ἐαυτου ὄψοις τὸν λαγὼν τοῦτον ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμιωτάτους, Δομετιανὸν δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν Τῖτον, οὐ τὸ ξὺν ἀδελφῷ ἄρχειν δεινὸν ἡγούμενον, ἀλλὰ τὸ ξὺν πράῳ τε καὶ χρηστῷ. Philost. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. vi. 32, p. 271. The baneful qualities of this fish are noticed, likewise, by Dioscorides, Alexipharm. 30; by Ælian. de Nat. Animal. ii. 45. xvi. 19, and by Pliny, Nat. Hist. ix. 72. xxxii. 3.
1268. Cf. Beckmann, i. 82.
1269. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 16. 7.
1270. Dioscor. iii. 175.
1271. Theoph. Hist. Plant. ix. 16. 6.
1272. Dioscor. iv. 144.
1273. Id. iii. 43.
1274. Athen. iii. 56. There appears to be no other authority for this custom. Cf. Meurs. Græc. Feriat. iv. p. 183. The poison of a mad dog’s bite was exhausted by the cupping-glass. Celsus, v. 27. 2.
1275. Δύναμιν δὲ ἔχει σηπτικὴν μὲν τῶν ἐμψύχων, φυλακτικὴν δὲ τῶν νεκρῶν σωμάτων. ὄθεν καὶ νεκροῦ ζωήν τινες αὐτὴν ἐκάλεσαν. Dioscor. i. 105.
1276. Dioscor. i. 157.
1277. Συρμαία, Poll. i. 247.
1278. Odyss. δ. 221. Plin. Nat. Hist. xxi. 21. Dutens, p. 183. From a passage in Herodotus there seems reason to suspect, that certain Asiatic nations were already in his time acquainted with the inebriating effects of opium smoke. For, describing the inhabitants of the larger islands found in the Araxes, he relates that they were accustomed to gather together round a fire, and casting the fruit of some unknown tree into the flames to inhale with delight the smoke and effluvia emitted by it, until they experienced all the delight and madness of intoxication, which impelled them to leap about, and dance and sing. i. 202. Among the Scythians, moreover, we find in the same author distinct traces of the use of beng, or hemp-seed. iv. 75.
1279. Thucyd. iv. 26. Celsus, ii. 32. Dioscor. iv. 65.
1280. Dioscor. ii. 129. 179.
1281. Σμίλαξ λεία. Dioscor. iv. 145.
1282. Poll. ii. 46. 214. 216. Plat. Tim. t. vii p. 19, seq. 89, seq. 98.
In spinning and weaving the ancients evidently rivalled us, though without the aid of machinery. As far, indeed, as the former process is concerned, no machinery can rival the human hand, which, from its slight oily exudation[1283] is enabled to communicate superior strength and evenness to the finest threads. Thus in Hindustân muslins were formerly produced, which, laid on the grass and wetted by dew, became invisible.[1284] And there is no reason for doubting that the produce of ancient Greek looms rivalled those of Dakka. The fabrics of Cos[1285] and Tarentum appear, in fact, from the testimony of the ancients, to have floated like a snowy mist around the female form, disclosing its whole contour like a gauze veil.[1286] In flowered and variegated tissues,[1287] too, they attained extraordinary excellence. The finest and most brilliant shot stuffs imitating the breast of the dove, flowered cloth of gold, and the weaving of gold wire itself, were known to the ancients. Silk, before that of China[1288] was common in the west, they obtained from the beard of a sea shell; and lawn and cambric and open work, like Brussels or Valenciennes lace, were familiar to them.
Being ignorant of who was the inventor of the art of weaving, they attributed the honour to Athena, who imparted a knowledge of it to Arachnè,[1289] a virgin of Mæonia, afterwards changed into a spider. But spiders were not long the only weavers among the Hellenes, who speedily invented the upright and horizontal looms, which, in after times at least, were constructed from the wood of the andrachnè.[1290]
Among the finest and most elegant fabrics of Greece were those manufactured in the Achæan city of Patræ,[1291] where the women being twice as numerous as the men, would alone appear to have worked in the factories, from which the greater number of the inhabitants, doubtless, derived their livelihood. The flax, from which the fine linen and head-nets[1292] of this town were made, was not grown in the neighbourhood, but in the plains of Elis,[1293] where alone, in Greece, the plant attained the highest degree of perfection, not yielding in fineness to the best produced in India, while it was possessed of superior whiteness.[1294] The fine cloths manufactured from it sold for their weight in gold.[1295] Another species of very fine flax was cultivated in the island of Amorgos,[1296] where were likewise manufactured linens of the most beautiful texture, frequently dyed purple, on which account the word Amorgis[1297] has sometimes been supposed to denote a purple stuff, though the fabrics of the island were as often white as of any other colour. In imitation of the Egyptians, they wove a sort of fine napkins, which were evidently used in the same manner as our pocket-handkerchiefs.[1298]
Even from hemp, very superior cloths were produced[1299] in antiquity, especially amongst the Thracians, in whose country this plant was found both in a cultivated and a wild state. It differed very little from flax, except in its superior height and thickness; and the fabrics manufactured from it were not to be distinguished from linen, save by the most experienced judges. From hair, too, they both wove and plaited a variety of garments, among which would seem to have been a sort of mantle for ladies.[1300] Sacks, too, were manufactured from the same materials, together with socks, whips, and fishing-lines. The Egyptians, we may observe by the way, wove fine cloths and sails, and made ropes, from the fibre of the papyrus plant,[1301] as the Indians did from a sort of grass or fine rush.[1302]
In the island of Cos existed, from a very early age, the art of rearing silkworms and weaving silk. As these insects, however, fed on the leaves of the pine, the ash, and the oak, the white mulberry not having been yet introduced into Greece, the silk they produced was very different in quality from that of China. The art of unwinding the cocoons and spinning the threads was invented by Pamphila, daughter of Plates,[1303] who thus became the benefactress of her country, whose fabrics were universally admired for their delicacy, fineness, and transparency, since they allowed the whole form and colour of the body to be distinguished through them, like the gauze chemises worn by the Turkish ladies in the recesses of the harem.[1304] Another kind of silk was manufactured by the ancients from the floss-like beard of the pinna marina, or silk-worm of the sea,[1305] found on the coasts of Asia Minor, Sicily, and the Balearic isles. This kind of silk was evidently, at one period, held in the highest estimation, since we find the emperors of Rome bestowing robes of it as a mark of their imperial favour on the satraps of Armenia. In modern times, however, this branch of industry has been almost totally neglected, though very warm and beautiful winter gloves and stockings are still manufactured from it at Tarento. A pair of these gloves was considered of sufficient importance to be presented as a gift to Pope Benedict the Fourteenth.[1306]
But not for lightness and fineness only were the silks and other delicate fabrics of the ancients valued. They were variegated[1307] with stripes, lozenges, the figures of birds and other animals, sprigs, flowers,[1308] and stars,[1309] inwoven into their texture, and of the most brilliant and beautiful colours.
Occasionally, moreover, when the ground of the whole tissue was white, a border of fanciful scrolls, leaves, and flowers, intermingling their several tints, extended round the whole robe or mantle, which was sometimes also bedropped with asterisks of gold. Their flowered silks, and cloths of various colours, were worn, not only by ladies in their dresses, but occasionally, also, by vain young men, who thus exposed themselves to the derision of the multitude. Bed-curtains, too, and the hangings of apartments[1310] were of variegated stuffs. In the manufacturing of tapestry[1311] and drapery for the statues and temples of the gods, the greatest possible magnificence and beauty were displayed. Whole years were devoted to the production of a single piece, which exhibited views of landscapes and cities, together with figures of gods, and heroes, and groups of warriors, sometimes arranged in religious processions, at other times engaged in battle, where the scene, the combatants, their armour, their weapons, and the flowing gore were represented by various colours to the life.[1312] In the manufacture of carpets, the Greeks displayed great taste and elegance, whether we regard the figures of animals, trees, or flowers, with which they were inwrought, or their pile, softness, and texture.[1313] Many times when they had not been flowered by the hand of the weaver, they were adorned by the ladies themselves with sprigs, and leaves, and figures, in embroidery; sometimes of various bright colours, at others with threads of gold.[1314] Even napkins in Egypt were embroidered with golden flowers,[1315] as both these and all kinds of handkerchiefs still are throughout the East. In Greece, the fine soft vests which warriors[1316] wore beneath their shirts of mail were usually figured with rich embroidery by the females of their family.
It appears to be generally supposed,[1317] that silver threads were not employed until a very recent period, either in weaving or embroidery;[1318] we find mention, however, in Philo Judæus,[1319] of purple coverlets inwrought with silver and gold. But at length the love of show and magnificence rose to so high a pitch, that robes were woven entirely of threads of gold.[1320] Ribbons also were manufactured of the same materials, and several fragments of these fabrics have more than once been discovered in cinerary urns at Rome, though the greediness of the finder has almost invariably led to their being melted down.[1321] At a later period stuffs were woven partly of silk or woollen and partly of gold.[1322]
Of gloves[1323] the Greeks made little use, though they must have observed very early, that they were worn by the Persians, and probably by other nations of Asia.[1324] Nay even among their own rustics they would appear to have been in fashion as far back as the heroic ages.[1325] The principal customers, therefore, of the Hellenic glovers were the hedgers and ditchers, woodmen, and actors; for on the stage it was frequently necessary to appear in gloves,[1326] either in order to disguise the colour or augment the size of the hands, or, as in the case of the Furies, to give them the appearance of being furnished with talons like those of the hippogriff.[1327]
Stockings properly so called, were perhaps little known to the Greeks, though we find mention made of certain socks woven from the cotonaceous filaments of a species of river truffle,[1328] which must have resembled them very closely both in form and texture. Besides, we see in works of art representations of this kind of sock reaching nearly to the knees, and somewhat loose, which may probably therefore have been woven. But the common sock, like the hat, was of felt,[1329] and usually white,[1330] fitting close to the foot and leg, and chiefly worn by women, with shoes or sandals,[1331] and sometimes in lieu of them,[1332] though in some cases it occupied the same place in the costume of the Greeks as it does in modern times.
The Hellenic cordwainers[1333] appear in every age to have carried on a thriving trade, since all the world, with the exception of a few philosophers, went well shod. Their workshops seem to have been neatly furnished. The shoes already made, whether plain or gilded,[1334] used to be ranged on shelves fixed up against the wall with fanciful brackets, while their lasts, pastepots, pincers, awls,[1335] and other implements, were kept in armories, sometimes furnished with double folding-doors, four or five deep shelves, and extremely elegant in form. Their cutting-boards[1336] were made from the wood of the wild pear-tree which being of a close hard grain kept their knives constantly in edge. Among the Israelites we find mention made of shoes of badger-skins.[1337]
Of the various processes resorted to for tanning, dressing, and dyeing leather,[1338] whether to be worked up into clothing, armour, shoes, or parchment, too little by far is known. We are merely informed that, in removing the hair from hides and skins, they made use of the berries of the white briony;[1339] that, in preparing them for receiving any dye or colour, the seeds of the sumach[1340] were employed; and that the bark of the fir-tree and the wood of the alder,[1341] reduced to chips, entered into various preparations for dressing and dyeing.[1342] Fawn-skins among the Thracians were prepared probably with the hair on,[1343] for a sort of buskins,[1344] and the skins of sheep,[1345] and dogs,[1346] beavers,[1347] otters, and badgers, tanned in a variety of ways, sometimes with and sometimes without the hair, were appropriated to the manufacture of various articles of dress. Leather, moreover, was dyed of every bright colour,[1348] purple, scarlet, and crimson, and occasionally gilded or flowered with gold,[1349] for sandals, thongs, and other purposes.
The manufacture of hats and caps,[1350] though a less important branch of industry than among the northern nations of modern times, afforded nevertheless employment to a pretty numerous class of persons. At Athens it was not fashionable in fine weather to wear a hat at all, chiefly, perhaps, because the practice was supposed to hasten the approach of grey hairs;[1351] but in those seasons of the year when sudden showers were looked for, cautious persons seldom went abroad without their broad-brim, which being furnished with a long skin thong was suffered to fall back and hang over the shoulders. If they happened to be caught by the rain when not thus provided, they threw, like Strepsiades in the Clouds, a corner of their mantle over the head. These hats were of various shapes,[1352] and manufactured of very different materials; sometimes square or lozenge-formed, like our college-caps: sometimes round with broad leaf[1353] and low basinet crown; sometimes peaked atop with rim curling all round like the bell of the Egyptian lotos. There was another modification of the hat,[1354] fashioned like a limpet-shell, and without a brim, chiefly worn by fishermen and poor operatives, and sometimes also by travellers.[1355]
The cynic, Menippos, however, when making his round through Thebes, in the costume of a Fury, wore a broad-brimmed Arcadian hat, on which were represented the twelve signs of the zodiac.[1356] Among the Macedonians, who in all things affected magnificence, the hats of the courtiers and nobles were purple,[1357] like the tiara of the Persians,[1358] which, however, was furnished with side-flaps, resembling a peacock’s wings. The most common material was felt, though they were likewise made of leather. Caps were ordinarily manufactured of dog, or sheep, or lamb skin.[1359]
But if in some of these branches of the useful arts the Greeks approached, and, perhaps, equalled, the moderns, in another they probably excelled them; I mean in dyeing,[1360] more particularly, that deep crimson, or purple, of which Greek and Roman authors so often speak with an admiration bordering on rapture. Winkelmann[1361] is not far wrong in supposing there were two kinds of purple, the one containing a tinge of violet, or sea-blue, produced at Tarentum,[1362] the other resembling our lake, known in antiquity as Tyrian dye. On the origin of this colour the ancients had many legends (for they loved to build a mythos on what they could not explain), from among which we shall select the most poetical. The Tyrian Heracles loved, they say, a nymph, who dwelt somewhere about the sea-coast, and her name, it is added, was Tyros. In visiting this young lady, Heracles, according to the custom of the heroic age, was accompanied by his dog, as we find Telemachos, in the Odyssey. This same dog, not having love to support him, grew hungry by the way, and espying a purple fish upon a rock, with its head protruding from the shell, he seized, and devoured it. On Heracles reaching the residence of the nymph, she observed the muzzle of the animal dyed of a bright purple, and, in the style of a froward beauty, declared she would never again see her lover until he brought her a dress of that colour. Now this hero, as all the world knows, or may learn from the comic poets, was always more remarkable for courage and gluttony than for invention. Love, however, on the present occasion, sharpened his wits. He discovered the fish, turned dyer, and, having produced such an article as the lady required, had the honour of being esteemed the inventor of the Tyrian purple.[1363]
The writer to whom we are indebted for this fable, which he related for the amusement of Commodus, has preserved a valuable account of the purple fishery as carried on by the Phœnicians. They fastened, he observes,[1364] a number of small bell-formed baskets, at regular distances, to a long, stout, and tough cable, capable of resisting the action of the sea. These baskets, like the eel-traps of modern times, were surrounded at the mouth with a circle of slender twigs[1365] projecting inward, and almost meeting at the centre, resembling the bottom of a claret bottle, but with an opening through which the fish could easily force its way in, though the twigs closing with a spring behind it prevented its egress. To entice the prey, there was a bait in the basket, which, according to some, was a cockle, according to others, a frog, upon a hook,[1366] so that assurance was made doubly sure. All things thus prepared, the fisherman conveyed the apparatus to a rocky part of the shore, where they let it down, having previously fastened to it a strong cord with a piece of cork at the end, that they might be able to discover and pull it up. Leaving their traps there all night and all the ensuing day, they generally took up the basket full. Then, pounding both shell and flesh together, to prepare it for dyeing they cleansed away all impurities with water, and boiled the whole in a cauldron. The blood, being of an oily nature, melted on coming in contact with the heat and acquired its rich colour. Not always did it assume the same tint, but was sometimes yellow, sometimes a deep violet, and, occasionally, some other shade. Into this whatever was dipped immediately took the tincture of it. Nor did it all fade in the sun; but, on the contrary, rejoiced in the rays of light, as it were, its brightness imparting additional brilliance, and heightening the bloom and splendour of its tints.[1367]
Wherever, and by whomsoever, discovered, the purple was known in the time of Moses, who introduced it into the costume of the high priest, and among the ornaments of the tabernacle.[1368] Homer,[1369] too, speaks of purple among the colours worn by his heroes, for example, a large purple pelisse. Iris is denominated “purple;” we have mention, also, of a “purple cloak, of a purple ball wherewith to play;” “purple coverings,” of great beauty, for beds, or seats; “purple carpets;” “purple threads,” where the “sea-purple” is distinctly spoken of.[1370] Again, in another part of the Odyssey, we find it said, that women wove the “purple cloaks.”[1371] The President Goguet has entered into many useful investigations respecting the manner in which the Tyrian dye was used; but at the outset confounds the conchyliatæ vestes with the purple garments, though Pliny, on whom he chiefly relies, constantly distinguishes them. The dye was obtained from several kinds of shell-fish[1372] found in the Mediterranean, the best on the island on which New Tyre was built.[1373] Aristotle, who of all the ancients has best described the purple fish, observes, that there were several species, of which some were of considerable size, such as those caught near Sigeion and Lecton; while those found on the coast of Caria and in the Euripos were small. Generally, he says, such as inhabited bays or arms of the sea were large and rough, and contained a liquid of blackish hue, though sometimes it was reddish, and small in quantity. Some of these were a mina, or about seventeen ounces, in weight. Those caught close along shores, or about headlands were usually of small size, but the dye they yielded was of a ruddier tinge. In general, too, it was thought that those found on northern coasts produced a darker, those on southern coasts a ruddier dye.[1374] Purple fisheries were carried on on the coast of Africa, near the island of Menninx, and on the shores of Getulia.[1375] So, likewise, in Europe,[1376] on the coast of Laconia,[1377] whose purple was greatly celebrated; in the Euripos, as we have seen above;[1378] and in the terrible southern bend of Eubœa, beneath the cliffs of Mount Caphareus.[1379] An inferior kind of purple was obtained from the buccinum,[1380] but the genuine dye was produced by the calchè alone. The colour was contained in a white vein about the neck, the remainder of the fish being of no value. To secure, this, however, it was necessary to take the fish alive, for at its death the colour fled. Having been carefully collected, and left to macerate in salt[1381] during three days, it was mixed with a certain quantity of water. The whole was then boiled for ten days in leaden boilers over a slow fire.[1382] After this the wool well washed, cleansed and properly prepared, was dipped into it. Here it was allowed to soak during five hours. It was then taken out, dried, carded, and thrown back, where it was suffered to remain till it imbibed the whole of the dye.[1383] To this double-dyed purple the poets often allude. Thus Horace: