SONG OF THE CROW.
Good people, a handful of barley bestow
On the bearers about of the sable crow—
Apollo’s daughter she—
But if the barley heap wax low,
Still kindly let your bounty flow,
And of the yellow grains that grow
On the wheaten stalk be free.
Or a well-kneaded loaf or an obolos give,
Or what you will, for the crow must live.
If the gods have been bountiful to you to-day,
Oh say not to her for whom we sing,
Say not, we implore you, nay,
To the bird of the cloudy wing.
A grain of salt will please her well,
And whoso this day that bestows,
May next day give (for who can tell?)
A comb from which the honey flows.
But come, come, what need we say more?
Open the door, boy, open the door,
For Plutos has heard our prayers.
And see, through the porch a damsel, as sweet
As the winds that play round the flowery feet
Of Ida, comes the crow to meet,
And a basket of figs she bears.
Oh may this maiden happy be,
And from care and sorrow free;
Let her all good fortune find,
And a husband rich and kind.
And when her parents have grown old,
Let her in her father’s arms
Place a boy as fair as she,
With the ringlets all of gold,
And, upon her mother’s knee,
A maiden decked with all her charms.
But I from house to house must go,
And wherever my eyes by my feet are borne,
To the muse at night and morn
For those who do or don’t bestow,
The mellow words of song shall flow.
Come then, good folks, your plenty share,
O give, my prince! and maiden fair,
Be bountiful to-day.
Sooth, custom bids ye all to throw
Whole handfulls to the begging crow;
At least give something; say not, no,
And we will go our way.

In Rhodes another kind of begging, which usually took place in the month of March, was denominated Chelidonizein;[377] or, to sing the

SONG OF THE SWALLOW.
The swallow is come, and with her brings
A year with plenty overflowing;
Freely its rich gifts bestowing,
The loveliest of lovely springs.
She is come, she is come,
To her sunny home.
And white is her breast as a beam of light,
But her back and her wings are as black as night;
Then bring forth your store,
Bring it out to the door,
A mass of figs, or a stoop of wine,
Cheese, or meal, or what you will,
Whate’er it be we’ll not take it ill:
Even an egg will not come amiss,
For the swallow’s not nice
When she wishes to dine.
Come, what shall we have? Say, what shall it be?
For we will not go,
Though time doth flee,
Till thou answerest Yes, or answerest No.
But if thou art churlish we’ll break down the gate,
And thy pretty wife we’ll bear away;
She is small, and of no great weight.
Open, open, then we say.
Not old men but boys are we,
And the swallow says,—“Open to me.”

It was seldom, however, that the indigent in Greece could enjoy the luxuries here enumerated. Antiphanes[378] describes a poor man’s meal as consisting of a cake (μαζα),[379] bristling with bran for the sake of economy, with an onion, and, for a relish, a dish of sow-thistle, or of mushrooms, or some such wretched produce of the soil, a diet producing neither fever nor phlegm. However, where meat is to be got, no man, he thought, would be contented with thyme, though he might pretend to rival the Pythagoreans.[380] Mention, nevertheless, is made of two philosophers who voluntarily subsisted all their lives on water and figs, and grew very healthy and robust upon this fare, though their perspiration had so ill an odour, that every one avoided them when they entered the public baths. Pythagoras forbade his abstemious followers the use of the mallows, upon which the humbler classes in Greece were accustomed to feed, together with the roots of the day-lily, the nymphea nelumbo, the nettle,[381] and various other wild plants. The Kapparis,[382] plentiful in Athens, was very commonly eaten by the indigent, and hence “to gather kapparis” was at length considered synonymous with “to be in want.”[383] Alexis furnishes us with a curious account of a poor Athenian family’s provisions.[384]

Mean my husband is, and poor,
And my blooming days are o’er.
Children have we two,—a boy,
Papa’s pet and mamma’s joy;
And a girl, so tight and small,
With her nurse;—that’s five in all:
Yet, alas! alas! have we
Belly timber but for three!
Two must, therefore, often make
Scanty meal on barley-cake;
And sometimes, when nought appears
On the board, we sup on tears.
My good man, once so strong and hale,
On this fare grows very pale;
For our best and daintiest cheer,
Through the bright half of the year,
Is but acorns, onions, peas,[385]
Ochros, lupines,[386] radishes,
Vetches, wild pears nine or ten,[387]
With a locust[388] now and then.
As to figs, the Phrygian treat,
Fit for Jove’s own guests to eat,
They, when happier moments shine,—
They, the Attic figs, are mine.

275. Before the establishment, however, of the Athenian commonwealth, when Greece had not yet emerged from the period of barbarism, piratical expeditions were, by many of the smaller states, undertaken for the sake of providing for the poor. Thucyd. i. 5.

276. Τότε μὲν οὐδεὶς ἦν τῶν πολιτῶν ἐνδεὴς τῶν ἀναγκαίων οὐδὲ προσαιτῶν τοὺς ἐντυγχάνοντας τὴν πόλιν κατῄσχυνε, νῦν δὲ πλείους εἰσὶν οἱ σπανίζοντες τῶν ἐχόντων. Isocrat. Areop. § 38.

277. Καὶ νόμους αὐτὸς ἑτέρους ἔγραψεν, ᾧν ἐστι καὶ ὁ τοὺς πηρωθέντας ἐν πολέμῳ δημοσίᾳ τρέφεσθαι κελεύων. Plut. Solon. § 31. See the other authorities collected by Meursius. Them. Att. i. 10. p. 27. Cf. Petit, Legg. Att. viii. 3. p. 559. Aristotle, in a passage of his Politics, (ii. 5. 4,) has been supposed to attribute the honour of this idea to Hippodamos, who, he says, proposed public rewards for useful inventions, and maintenance and education for the children of slain warriors. But St. Hilaire, who translates him in this sense, seems to be mistaken. Aristotle says, that Hippodamos proposed such a law, as if it were new:—“Now such a law,” he says, “existed at Athens, and in other states.” Cf. Gœttling. ad loc. p. 327, sqq. St. Hil. i. 147.

278. Poll. viii. 91. Gœttlieb. ad Plat. Menex. p. 62, seq.

279. Aristid. Panath. i. 190. Jebb. Μόνοι δὲ ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων τρία ταῦτα ἐνομίσατε· τῶν μὲν ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως τελευτησάντων αὐτῶν μὲν ἐπαίνους ἐπὶ ταῖς ταφαῖς καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἔτος λέγειν· τούς δέ παῖδας δημοσίᾳ τρέφειν ἄχρις ἥβης, καὶ τηνικαῦτα ἀποπέμπειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πατρῴους οἴκους μετὰ τῶν πανοπλιῶν· τοὺς δὲ ἀδυνάτους τῶν πολιτῶν δημοσίᾳ τρέφειν.

280. Publ. Econ. of Athen. i. 324.

281. Schol. ined. ad Æschin. cont. Timarch. p. 14. 40. ap. Taylor, ad Lys. Orat. Att. t. ii. p. 537. Dobs.—Diog. Laert. i. 2. 8.

282. Harpocrat, v. ἀδύνατοι. Cf. not. Vales. et Suid. v. t. i. p. 89, b.

283. Bœckh. Pub. Econ. of Athens, vol. i. p. 325. It should here, perhaps, be remarked, that they who failed to be present on the day of examination, lost their allowance for a whole Prytaneia. Schol. ad Æschin. cont. Tim. § 21. At times it would appear a man required some skill and eloquence to plead his own cause; or a friend to speak in his behalf, perhaps, when the number of applicants was very great. We may gather thus much from the accusation of Æschines against Timarchos, who, though a rich man, suffered, we are told, his old blind uncle to inscribe his name on the list of the destitute. On one occasion, moreover, when the uncle had omitted to attend on the proper day, and had addressed a petition to the Senate to be allowed his pay notwithstanding, Timarchos, who happened to be then in court, refused to support his application, by which means he lost his allowance for that Prytaneia. Æschin. cont. Tim. § 21. The Scholiast on this passage adds, that they who petitioned the Senate appeared in person, bearing in their hand an olive branch wreathed with wool.

284. Andocid. de Myst. § 9. Plut. Timol. § 14.

285. That this allowance was not very scanty may be inferred from the fact, that when the people of Trœzen publicly received the wives and parents of the Athenians on their retreat from the city during the Persian invasion, they allowed each individual only two oboli a day. Plut. Themist. § 10.

286. Ap. Taylor ad Lys. Orat. Att. t. ii. p. 537. Dobs.

287. Bœckh’s over-acuteness has, probably, misled him on this point. i. 325.

288. Pro Impot. §§ 4. 8.

289. Philoch. Fragm. p. 44, seq. with the notes of Lenz and Siebelis. Conf. Harpocrat. v. ἀδύνατ. cum not. Gronov. et Vales. Petit, Legg. Att. 558, seq.

290. Cf. Clinton Fast. Hellen. ii. p. 175. Siebel. ad Philoch. Fragm. p. 3. Bœckh. Publ. Econ. of of Ath. i. 327, falls into an extraordinary error respecting the age of Philochoros, “who was a youth,” he says, “when Eratosthenes was an old man.” This he states on the authority of Suidas. But, as Siebelis has already remarked, in exposing the erroneous imputations of Vossius and Corsini, Suidas was himself mistaken, or his text is corrupt; for Philochoros, to have obtained the important office of Hieroscopos in 306, B.C., must have been then at least twenty years old. Now Eratosthenes was born B.C. 275, Clint. Fast. Hellen. iii. 5, so that it seems he was a youth when Philochoros was an old man.

291. Pub. Econ. of Athens, i. 327.

292. Lect. Att. vi. 5.

293. Isocrat. de Pac. § 29. To complete the humanity of the laws, the parents, also, of such as fell in war were placed under the special protection of the Archons. Petit, Legg. Att. p. 559.

294. Æschin. cont. Ctesiph. § 48, with the notes of the Scholiast, p. 395. Conf. Plat. Menex. § 21. p. 61. ed. Gœttlieb. The προεδρία which the Scholiast to Æschines supposes them to have enjoyed during the day on which they received the panoply, Lesbonax seems to have regarded as perpetual. They were honoured, moreover, with particular marks of public favour in the sacred choruses and in the gymnasia. Protrept. i. § 5. Conf. Menag. in D. Laert. t. ii. p. 20. c. d.

295. Legg. Att. p. 560.

296. Sch. Aristoph. Acharn. 1171. Poll. iii. 129. vi. 7. viii. 144. 157.

297. See Locke, Memoirs of Anthony, Earl of Shaftesbury, Works, folio. vol. iii.

298. Van Holst, de Eranis. c. ii. p. 35.

299. Casaub. ad Theoph. Charact. p. 284.

300. Gaius. lib. iv. ad leg. xii. Tabul. in f. 4. d. Petit, Legg. Att. v. 7. 427. Potter, i. 200.

301. The words ἤ ναῦται omitted by some, converted into something else by others, are judiciously retained by Van Holst, de Eranis, c. ii. p 36, since they are in exact conformity with what Aristotle remarks. Ethic. Nicom. viii. 11. p. 470, seq. Victor.

302. Vandale having cited a passage from Pollux, iii. 52, stating that the temple in which the phratriæ assembled was denominated φράτριον, adds:—“quas φρατρίας Athenis duodecim numero existentes, ibi tum ulterius describit atque inter alia notat, illorum ad illos introitu virum (procul dubio ab ipsorum parentibus) distributum cæteris φράτορσιν fuisse. Huic οἰνηστήριαοἰνηστήρια sicut et Themistius, Orat. xiii. notat, illos ante introitum, convocata concione probatos et publico annulo signatos fuisse.”fuisse.” Dissert. 9. p. 729.

303. Harpocrat. v. v. γεννῆται et τριττὺς. Herm. Polit. Antiq. § 98, seq. Schöm. Comit. p. 360.

304. A corresponding distribution of the humbler classes was effected at Rome by Numa: Ἠν δὲ ἡ διανομὴ κατὰ τὰς τέχνας, αὐλητῶν, χρυσοχόων, τεκτόνων, βαφέων, σκυτοτόμων, σκυτοδεψῶν, χαλκέων, κεραμέων. Τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς τέχνας εἰς ταὐτὸ συναγαγῶν, ἓν αὐτῶν ἐκ πασῶν ἀπέδειξε σύστημα Plut. Num. § 17. Cf. Schol. Nub. Aristoph. 179.

305. The Thebans of Bœotia, intoxicated by the military glory they gained at the battle of Leuctra, shortly afterwards gave themselves up almost entirely to the pleasures of the table, which they appear chiefly to have enjoyed at their clubs. To support these establishments, therefore, numerous individuals were found who, notwithstanding that they had children, bestowed the greater portion of their fortunes upon them, thus manifesting, perhaps, the greatest enthusiasm ever exhibited in the cause of good-eating. Athen. x. 11.

306. Sch. Æsch. Tim. p. 380. a.

307. Cf. Bergmann and Coray ad Isocrat. Areop. § 11. Van Holst, de Eranis. c. ii. p. 37.

308. Etym. Mag. 449. 53. Lucian introduces Pan calling himself the θιασώτης of Bacchos. Deor. Dial. xxii. Another name bestowed on these societies was Ὀργεῶνες which appellation however, according to Pollux, was synonymous with φράτορες· ἐκαλοῦντο δ᾽ οὗτοι καὶ ὀμογάλακτες καὶ ὀργεῶνες. iii. 52. Cf. viii. 107. Vandale, Dissert. ix. p. 734.

309. Aristot. Ethic. viii. 11.

310. Arist. Polit. v. 11.

311. Dion Cass. l. ii. p. 490. e.

312. Salmas. de Usur. c. iii. p. 50.

313. Cf. Plin. Epist. x. 93, seq. Van Holst, de Eran. p. 43.

314. The Thiasi, &c., among the Greeks, appear all to have had their patron divinities, of whom the most common were Heracles, Phœbos-Apollo, and Dionysos. This circumstance has been noticed by Vandale: Plerumque, (sicut ὀργεώνων collegia) cœtus ac fraternitates Baccho, Herculi, Apollini, aliisve Diis consecratæ: quibus Diis ab harum fratriarum membris, ut peculiaribus patronis sacrificabatur: atque hinc convivia inter φράτορας celebrabantur: ad quæ communes illi sumptus sive impensas pariter conferebant. Dissert. ix. p. 730.

315. Arrian de Venat. c. xxxiii. p. 383. Schneid.

316. Van Holst, c. ii. p. 46.

317. Harpocrat. p. 85. Bekk. It would, however, appear that payment might be avoided by pleading poverty: speaking of the hypocrite, πρὸς τοὺς δανειζομένους, says Theophrastus, καὶ ἐρανίζοντας, ὡς οὐ πωλείφήσεν. Charact. c. i. p. 5.

318. Poll. viii. 37, 101, 144.

319. Harpocrat. v. πληρωτὴς; where doubtless we must read with Salmasius (Miscell. Defens. C. ii. p. 27) ᾑρημένοις, for ἐωνημένοις, though Bekker retains the old lection, p. 155. Cf. Van Holst, p. 56.—Athenæus describes a festival called Phagesiposia in which every one who passed by was compelled to repeat a rhapsody in honour of Bacchos. (vii. 1.) There was also at Alexandria a curious festival called Lagenephoria, in which every person brought his own portion, and his own bottle, and reclined on a couch of grass or reeds. (2.)

320. Athen. vi. 35. Van Holst, de Eranis, pp. 30, 59.

321. Arist. Ethic. viii. 11.

322. Van Holst, de Eranis, p. 60.

323. Bœckh, Corp. Inscrip. pt. ii. p. 162.

324. De Eranis, c. iii. p. 73, sqq.

325. Ad Theoph. Char. p. 280, sqq.

326. Salmas. de Usur. c. iii. p. 38.

327. Corn. Nep. Vit. Epaminond. § 3.

328. It ought, moreover, to be remarked, that these eranistic loans were sometimes returned even to the children of those who advanced them. Isæus, De Hagn. Hered. § 10.

329. Cf. Cicer. pro Rosc. Amer. § 7.

330. Salmas. de Usur. p. 672.

331. Legg. Att. v. 7. 429.

332. De Eranis, t. iii. p. 75.

333. Theoph. Charact. xvii. Casaub. p. 308. Cf. Ter. Phorm. iv. 4. 22. Plaut. Asinar. i. 3. 92, sqq. Van Holst, p. 77.

334. Athen. v. 2.

335. Harpocrat. in v. ἑστιάτωρ. Dem. cont. Mid. § 44. adv. Lept. § 7. adv. Bœot. § 3. Cf. Herald. Anim. in Salm. Obs. ad Jus. Athen. et Rom. l. ii. c. i. § 12.

336. Ἑστιάτωρ, ὁ εἰς εὐφροσυνην καὶ εὐωχίαν καλων· δαιτυμόνες δὲ οἱ ἀριστηταὶ, οἱ εὐωχούμενοι. Suid. v. t. i. p. 1052. d.

337. There occurred, however, but few holydays on which artisans abstained altogether from labour. Lucian. Parasit. § 15.

338. Poll. vi. 27. iii. 67. Bœckh, therefore, appears to be wrong in supposing that delicacies were never used on these occasions. Pub. Econ. of Athens, vol. ii. p. 222. Cf. Wolf. Proleg. ad Lept. in Orat. Att. t. vi. p. 372.

339. Vid. Plat. De Leg. t. vii. p. 181. 201. seq. t. viii. p. 101. seq. De Rep. t. vi. p. 233. The institution of the Phiditia commenced in Italy. Arist. Pol. vii. 9. The members of these messes were balloted for. Plut. Lycurg. § 12. Even the relations of Agesilaos, by the mother’s side, were poor. Agesil. § 4.

340. Aristot. Polit. ii. 9.

341. Cf. Athen. iv. 9.

342. Aristot. Polit. ii. 9.

343. Id. Polit. ii. 10.

344. Theoph. Char. c. 17. Casaub. p. 259.

345. Meursius (in Panath. c. xv. p. 22) is very unsatisfactory.

346. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 385.

347. Demosth. cont. Phorm. § 13. Cf. Meurs. Rhod. p. 127.

348. Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 718.

349. Athen. i. 5.

350. Athen. xii. 43. Money itself was sometimes distributed. Dem. adv. Leochar. § 12.

351. Athen. i. 5.

352. Theopomp. ap. Athen. xii. 44.

353. Alluding to the necessity of labour to the poor, Plato says:—If an artisan happen to fall sick, he demands a rapid cure of his physician by emetics or aperients, or cautery, or surgical operation. But if he be recommended a long and careful attention to regimen, to tie up his head and such things, he speedily replies, that he has no leisure to play the valetudinarian, and that it is of no advantage to him to preserve his life by such continual nursings, while his affairs are going to ruin. Thus dismissing his physician, and returning to his ordinary diet, if he recover he pursues his calling, if not he is delivered from all his troubles at once. De Repub. t. vi. l. iii. p. 145.

354. Ἐπισίτιοι. Plat. Rep. iv. § 1. t. i. p. 263. Stallb. Athen. vi. 50. Cf. Bœckh. Pub. Econ. i. 156, on the lowness of wages. On the Pelatæ see the note of Rünkh. ad Tim. Lex. in v. Meris, p. 208. Bekk.—Plat. Euthyph. t.i. p. 356. Poll. iii. 82. Dionysius of Halicarnassus entertained a strange notion of the θῆτες and πελάται of the Athenians, whose condition he supposes to have been inferior to that of the Roman clients. He pretends, indeed, that clientship arose in Greece, and was only established by imitation at Rome: ἔθος Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ Ἀρχαῖον, he says, ὧ Θετταλοί τε μέχρι πολλοῦ χρώμενοι διετέλεσαν καὶ Ἀθηναῖοι καταρχὰς. ἐκεῖνοι μὲν γὰρ ἐπιτάττοντες οὐ προσήκοντα ἐλευθέροις, καὶ ὁπότε μὴ πράξειάν τι τῶν κελευρομένων, πληγὰς ἐντείνοντες, καὶ τἄλλα ὥσπερ ἀργυρωνήτοις χρώμενοι. ἐκάλουν δὲ Ἀθηναῖοι μὲν Θῆτας τοὺς Πελάτας, ἐπὶ τῆς λατρείας Θετταλοὶ δὲ, Πενέστας, ὀνειδίζοντες αὐτοῖς εὐθὺς ἐν τῇ κλήσει τὴν τύχην. Antiq. Rom. ii. 9. Reiske very justly remarks on this passage, that he does not see with what propriety the Thetes of Attica are classed with the Thessalian Penestæ, in comparing them with the Roman Clients. For it is most certain (as H. Stephens shows in his Schediasm. v. 15, seq.), that the condition of the Penestæ bore little resemblance to that of the Roman Clients. And as to the Attic Thetes and Pelatæ they were completely free, though inferior in rank to the artisans (οἱ βαναυσοὶ, Steph. Thes. v. θῆς); nor did they serve as slaves serve their masters (ut δοῦλοι δεσπόταις); but, as appears from the Scholiast on Odyss. δ. 644, as poor and debt-oppressed persons hire their services to the rich or to their creditors, who were denominated χρήστας, not προστάτας, or δεσπότας. The condition of the Thessalian Penestæ was different: for they were nearly slaves, μεταξὺ δούλων καὶ ἐλευθέρων, as the ancients called them. (Pollux, iii. 83.) Those among them who served in families were named θετταλοικέται. (Reiske, ad Dion. Hal. t. i. p. 255.)

355. Demosth. adv. Eubul.

356. Demosth. de Coron. § 16. Cf. Plat. Rep. ii. 12. Stallb.

357. Diphilos ap. Athen. ii. 45.

358. Luc. Dial. Meret. vi. § 1. Plut. Arat. § 54.

359. Beggars sometimes sat down on the ground to eat what was given them at the doors of the charitable. Thus in Antiphanes one says,—“What dost thou say? Bring me hither to the door something to eat; and then, like the beggars, I will despatch it, seated on the ground, and who will see?” Athen. ii. 87.

360. Etym. Mag. 18. 1, seq. 561. 11. Odyss. σ. 328, et Eustath. ad loc. Cf. Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 493, et 500, seq. with Bœckh. Inscript. i. p. 133. Horat. Serm. i. vii. 3.

361. Pausan. iii. 14. 2. 15. 8. x. 25. 1. Siebel. ad loc.

362. Harpocrat. in v. λέσχαι. Suid. in v. ii. 27, seq. Etymol. Mag. p. 18, v. ἀδολεσχία.

363. Ap. Meurs. Athen. Att. iii. vi. 158.

364. Πλὴν φώδων ἐκ βαλανέιου. Aristoph. Plut. 535: φλυκταινῶν· ἐκ βαλανείου δὲ διὰ τὸ τοὺς πένητας ἀποροῦντας ἐνδυμάτων διὰ τὸ ψύχος ἐν βαλανείοις καθεύδειν, καὶ ἐκ θέρμης ἢ ἀέρος αὐτοὺς ἐξιόντας παραχρῆμα προσβάλλοντος φλυκτόινας ποιεῖν· ΑπολλαδωροςΑπολλαδωρος τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς ἐρυθήματα, ἢ ἐκ ψύχους, ἢ τοὺς τύλους, καὶ τὰ ἐπικαύματα τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς, ὡς τῶν πενήτων διὰ τὸ αὐτουργεῖν τοῦτο πασχόντων. Schol. in loc.

365. Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 956.

366.

Οὐδ᾽ ἐθέλεις εὕδειν, χαλκήϊον ἐς δόμον ἐλθὼν,
Ἠὲ που ἐς λέσχην.
Odyss. σ. 327, seq.

Χαλκήϊος δὲ δόμος τὸ τῶν χαλκέων ἐργαστήριον, ἔνθα εἰσιόντες ἀκωλύτως οἱ πτωχοὶ, ἐκοιμῶντο παρὰ τῷ πυρί. Eustath. in loc. p. 672. 28. Basil.

Πὰρ δ᾽ ἴθι χάλκειον θῶκον καὶ ἔπ’ ἀλέα λέσχην
Ὥρῃ χειμερίῃ, ὁπότε κρύος ἀνέρας ἔργων
Ἰσχάνει, κ. τ. λ.
Hesiod. Opp. et Dies, 493, sqq.

367. De Repub. t. vi. p. 393. Among the nations of antiquity I remember none who looked upon poverty in so venerable a light as the inhabitants of Gadeira, now Cadiz. For these worthy people erected, we are told, an altar in its honour, probably supposing it to be near akin to death, whose praises they also sang in pæans. Philost. Vit. Apoll. Tyan. v. 4, p. 190. Phot. Biblioth. Cod. 241, p. 328, b.

368. Aristoph. Acharn. 440.

369. Lucian. Dial. Mort. i. § 2. Vict. Var. Lect. i. 24. Schol. Aristoph. Acharn. 410.

370. Ἀυτὸς δὲ Διονύσιος τέλος μητραγυρτῶν καὶ τύμπανο φορούμενος, οἰκτρῶς τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν. Clearch. ap. Athen xii. 58. Every just and upright man would probably rejoice to behold all tyrants in the same condition. Cf. Tim. Lex. Platon. v. ἀγείρουσαν, with the note of Rühnken. p. 16, who has collected several passages illustrating the life and manners of the begging priests of Cybelè.

371. Eustath. ap. Casaub. Char. p. 197. In the Acts of the Apostles the Epicureans and Stoics contemptuously denominate St. Paul a σπερμολόγος, xvii. 18.

372. The Alexandrians placed loaves in the temple of Chronos for the poor. Athen. iii. 74. Among the Ethiopians there was an institution called the Table of the Sun, which we may suppose to have been designed to supply the poor with food. In a meadow close to the suburbs of the capital a plentiful entertainment was laid out during the night, which as soon as day broke every person had permission to partake of. This feast the natives affected to regard as a gift bestowed upon them incessantly by the earth. Herod. iii. 18. Cf. Pausan. i. 33. 4. vi. 26. 2.