[140] G. H. Lewes, Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science, London. 1864.

[141] Letters of Pliny the Younger, III, 5, ed. Keil, Leipzig, 1896.

[142] NH, VIII, 34.

[143] XXVIII, 1.

[144] Rück, Die Naturalis Historia des Plinius im Mittelalter, in Sitzb. Bayer. Akad. Philos-Philol. Classe (1908) pp. 203-318. For citations of Pliny by writers of the late Roman empire and early middle ages, see Panckoucke, Bibliothèque Latine-Française, vol. CVI.

[145] Concerning the MSS see Detlefsen’s prefaces in each of his first five volumes and his fuller dissertations in Jahn’s Neue Jahrb., 77, 653ff, Rhein. Mus., XV, 265ff; XVIII, 227ff, 327.

Detlefsen seems to have made no use of English MSS, but a folio of the close of the 12th century at New College, Oxford, contains the first nineteen books of the Natural History and is described by Coxe as “very well written and preserved.”

Nor does Detlefsen mention Le Mans 263, 12th century, containing all 37 books except that the last book is incomplete, and with a full page miniature (fol. 10v) showing Pliny in the act of presenting his work to Vespasian. Escorial Q-I-4 and R-I-5 are two other practically complete texts of the fourteenth century which Detlefsen failed to use.

[146] See M. R. James, Eton Manuscripts, p. 63, MS 134, Bl. 4. 7., Roberti Crikeladensis Prioris Oxoniensis excerpta ex Plinii Historia Naturali, 12-13th century, in a large English hand, giving extracts extending from Book II to Book IX.

Of Balliol 124, fols. 1-138, Cosmographia mundi, by John Free, born at Bristol or London, fellow at Balliol College, Oxford, later professor of medicine at Padua and a doctor at Rome, also well instructed in civil law and Greek, Coxe writes, “This work is nothing but a series of excerpts from Pliny’s Natural History, beginning with the second and leaving off with the twentieth.” I wonder if John Free may not have used the very MS of the first nineteen books mentioned in the foregoing note, since the second book of the Natural History is often reckoned as the first.

In Balliol 146A, 15th century, fol. 3-, the Natural History appears in epitome, with a prologue opening, “I, Reginald (Retinaldus), servant of Christ, perusing the books of Pliny....”

[147] Bologna, 952, 15th century, fols. 157-60, “Tractatus optimus in quo exposuit et aperte declaravit plinius philosophus quid sit lapis philosophicus et ex qua materia debet fieri et quomodo.”

[148] Fossi, Catalogus codicum saeculo XV impressorum qui in publica Bibliotheca Magliabechiana Florentiae adservantur, 1793-1795, II, 374-81.

[149] De erroribus Plinii et aliorum in medicina, Ferrara, 1492.

[150] Pliniana defensio, 1494.

[151] Escorial Q-I-4, and R-I-5, both of the 14th century.

[152] NH, V, 1, 12.

[153] XXVI, 6, “usu efficacissimo rerum omnium magistro”; XVII, 2, 12, “quare experimentis optime creditur.”

[154] II, 66.

[155] XXIX, 23.

[156] XXIX, 11.

[157] XXV, 54, “coramque nobis”; XXV, 106, “nos eam Romanis experimentis per usus digeremus.”

[158] Sometimes another term, as usus in note 2 above, is employed.

[159] See II, 41, 1-2; II, 108; VII, 41; VII, 56; VIII, 7; XIV, 8; XVI, 1; XVI, 64; XVII, 2; XVII, 35; XXII, 1; XXII, 43; XXII, 49; XXII, 51; XXV, 7; XXXIV, 39 and 51. Experience is also the idea in the two following passages, although the word experimentum could not smoothly be rendered as “experience” in a literal translation: VII, 50, “Accedunt experimenta et exempla recentissimi census ...”; XXVIII, 45, “Nec uros aut bisontes habuerunt Graeci in experimentis.”

[160] XVI, 24; XXII, 57; XXVI, 60.

[161] X, 75.

[162] XXXV, 30.

[163] VII, 35

[164] XIII, 3.

[165] XIV, 25.

[166] XVII, 4; XX, 3 and 76; XXII, 23; XXIX, 12; XXXIII, 19 and 43 and 44 and 57; XXXIV, 26 and 48; XXXVI, 38 and 55; XXXVII, 22 and 76; such phrases as sinceri experimentum and veri experimentum are used for “test of genuineness.”

[167] XXIII, 31; XXXI, 28.

[168] XXXI, 27.

[169] XVII, 26.

[170] II, 75.

[171] IX, 7.

[172] XXVIII, 6.

[173] XXVIII, 14.

[174] XXIX, 8. “Discunt periculis nostris et experimenta per mortes agunt.” Bostock and Riley translate the last clause, “And they experimentalize by putting us to death.” Another possible translation is, “And their experiments cost lives.“

[175] XXV, 17. ” ... adeo nullo omnia experiendi fine ut cogerentur etiam venena prodesse.“

[176] XXIX, 4 ” ... ab experimentis se cognominans empiricen.“

[177] IX, 86.

[178] XXXVII, 15.

[179] According to Galen, as we shall hear later, the Empirics relied a good deal upon chance experience and dreams.

[180] XXV, 6.

[181] XX, 52.

[182] XXV, 20.

[183] XXIII, 27.

[184] Among other virtues of vinegar, besides its supposed property of breaking rocks, Pliny mentions that if one holds some in the mouth, it will prevent one from feeling the heat in the baths.

[185] XXV, 6 and 21 and 50; XXVII, 2.

[186] XVI, 24; XXVI, 60.

[187] XXIII, 59.

[188] XXVIII, 7.

[189] In the opening chapters of Book XXX, unless otherwise indicated by specific citation.

[190] Aulus Gellius, X, 12, and Columella, VII, 5, dispute this (Bouché-Leclercq, L’Astrologie grecque, p. 519). Berthelot (Origines de l’alchimie, p. 145) believes in a Democritan school at the beginning of the Christian era which wrote the works of alchemy attributed to Democritus as well as the books of medical and magical recipes which are quoted in the Geoponica and the Natural History.

[191] XVI, 95.

[192] XXX, 2. ” ... quamquam animadverto summam litterarum claritatem gloriamque ex ea scientia antiquitus et paene semper petitam.”

[193] Examples are: XXV, 59, “Sed magi utique circa hanc insaniunt”; XXIX, 20, “magorum mendacia”; XXXVII, 60, “magorum inpudentiae vel manifestissimum ... exemplum”; XXXVII, 73, “dira mendacia magorum.”

[194] See XXII, 9; XXVI, 9; XXVII, 65; XXVIII, 23 and 27; XXIX, 26; XXX, 7; XXXVII, 14.

[195] XXXVII, 40.

[196] XXX, 5-6.

[197] XXX, 6. “Proinde ita persuasum sit, intestabilem, inritam, inanem esse, habentem tamen quasdam veritatis umbras, sed in his veneficas artis pollere, non magicas.”

[198] XXV, 7.

[199] XXVIII, 23.

[200] XXVIII, 2.

[201] XXX, 4.

[202] XXVIII, 19; XXX, 6.

[203] XXVIII, 29.

[204] XXX, 7.

[205] XXIX, 26.

[206] For instance, XXX, 27, he mentions the magi, but not in XXX, 28. Nor are they mentioned in XXX, 29, but in XXX, 30 “plura eorum remedia ponemus” seems to refer to them, although we must look back three chapters for the antecedent of eorum.

[207] XXXVII, 14, he says that he is going to confute “the unspeakable nonsense of the magicians” concerning gems, but makes no specific citation from them until the thirty-seventh chapter on jasper.

[208] XXX, 47.

[209] XXXVII, 11.

[210] XX, 30; XXI, 38, 94, 104; XXII, 24, 29.

[211] XXI, 36; XXIV, 99.

[212] XXV, 5.

[213] XXIV, 99-102.

[214] See XX, 30; XXI, 36, 38, 94, 104; XXII, 9, 24, 29; XXIV, 99, 102; XXV, 59, 65, 80-81; XXVI, 9.

[215] XXI, 38.

[216] XXI, 104; XXII, 24.

[217] XXI, 94.

[218] XXII, 29.

[219] XX, 30.

[220] XXI, 38.

[221] XXIV, 99 and 102.

[222] XXV, 5.

[223] XXV, 59.

[224] XXVI, 9.

[225] XXX, 6.

[226] XXX, 7.

[227] XXVIII, 27.

[228] XXVIII, 25.

[229] XXX, 24.

[230] XXIX, 39.

[231] XXIX, 12.

[232] XXX, 6.

[233] XXVIII, 57; XXX, 17.

[234] Use of goat, XXVIII, 56, 63, 78-79; cat, XXVIII, 66; puppy, XXIX, 38; dog, XXX, 24.

[235] XXVIII, 60, 66, 77; XXIX, 26.

[236] XXVIII, 66; XXIX, 15; XXX, 7; XXX, 27; XXXII, 38.

[237] XXX, 8 and 36; see also XXVIII, 60; XXXII, 19 and 24.

[238] XXIX, 23; XXX, 18, 20, 30, 49; XXXII, 14, 18, 24.

[239] XXX, 27.

[240] XXX, 24.

[241] XXX, 24.

[242] XXVIII, 27.

[243] XXVIII, 66; and see XXIX, 12.

[244] XXVIII, 60.

[245] XXVIII, 68.

[246] XXVIII, 78.

[247] XXX, 17.

[248] XXX, 18.

[249] XXXII, 38.

[250] XXIX, 26.

[251] XXVIII, 63.

[252] XXVIII, 56; XXIX, 15.

[253] XXIX, 19.

[254] XXIX, 20.

[255] XXIX, 26; XXX, 7.

[256] Pliny ascribes statements concerning stones to the magi in the following chapters: XXXVI, 34; XXXVII, 37, 40, 49, 51, 54, 56, 60, 70, 73.

[257] XXXVII, 54 and 40.

[258] XXXVII, 40, 60, 56, 73.

[259] XXVIII, 12, “Magorum haec commenta sunt....“

[260] XXVIII, 23.

[261] Some works upon animals in antiquity and Greece are:

Aubert und Wimmer, Aristoteles Thierkunde, 2 vols., Leipzig, 1868.

Baethgen, De vi et significatione galli in religione et artibus Graecorum et Romanorum, Diss. Inaug., Göttingen, 1887.

Bernays, Theophrasts Schrift über Frömmigkeit.

Bikélas, O., La nomenclature de la Faune grecque, Paris, 1879.

Billerbeck, De locis nonnullis Arist. Hist. Animal. difficilioribus, Hildesheim, 1806.

Dryoff, A., Die Tierpsychologie des Plutarchs, Progr. Würzburg, 1897. Über die stoische Tierpsychologie, in Bl. f. bayr. Gymn., 33 (1897) 399ff.; 34 (1898) 416.

Erhard, Fauna der Cykladen, Leipzig, 1858.

Fowler, W. W., A Year with the Birds, 1895.

Hopf, L., Thierorakel und Orakelthiere in alter und neuer Zeit, Stuttgart, 1888.

Hopfner, T., Der Tierkult der alten Ægypter nach den griechisch-römischen Berichten und den wichtigen Denkmälern, in Denkschr. d. Akad. Wien, 1913, ii Abh.

Imhoof-Blumer, F., und Keller, O., Tier-und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums. illustrated, 1889.

Keller, O., Thiere des class. Altertums.

Krüper, Zeiten des Gehens und Kommens und des Brütens der Vögel in Griechenland und Ionien, in Mommsen’s Griech. Jahreszeiten, 1875.

Küster, E., Die Schlange in der griechischen Kunst und Religion, Giessen, 1913.

Lebour, Zoologist, 1866.

Lewysohn, Zoologie des Talmuds.

Lindermayer, A., Die Vögel Griechenlands, Passau, 1860.

Locard, Histoire des mollusques dans l’antiquité, Lyon, 1884.

Lorenz, Die Taube im Alterthume, 1886.

Marx, A., Griech. Märchen von dankbaren Tieren, Stuttgart, 1889.

Mühle, H. v. d., Beiträge zur Ornithologie Griechenlands, Leipzig, 1844.

Sundevall, Thierarten des Aristoteles, Stockholm, 1863.

Thompson, D’Arcy W., A Glossary of Greek Birds, 1895. Aristotle as a Biologist, 1913. Also the notes to his translation of the Historia animalium.

Westermarck, E., The Origin and Development of Moral Ideas, I (1906) 251-60, gives further bibliography on the subjects of animals as witnesses and the punishment of animal culprits.

[262] VIII, 1-12.

[263] VIII, 17-21.

[264] XXXII, 5.

[265] VIII, 37.

[266] VIII, 11-12.

[267] XXVII, 2; XVIII, 1.

[268] XXVII, 2; VIII, 41.

[269] XX, 51 and 61; XXII, 37 and 45.

[270] XX, 26.

[271] VIII, 41; XX, 95.

[272] XXIX, 39.

[273] XXV, 50.

[274] XXV, 5.

[275] VIII, 40; XXVIII, 31.

[276] For further remedies used by animals see VIII, 41; XXIX, 14, 38; XXV, 52-53; XXVIII, 81.

[277] XXVII, 2. “ ... quod certe casu repertum quis dubitet et quotiens fiat etiam nunc ut novom nasci quoniam feris ratio et usus inter se tradi non possit?” Perhaps Pliny would have denied the inheritance of acquired characteristics.

[278] XXV, 51.

[279] XXXVII, 57.

[280] VIII, 4.

[281] VIII, 33.

[282] XXIX, 34; XXX, 10, 19; XXVIII, 46; XXIX, 11; XXX, 16.

[283] XXX, 46.

[284] XXXII, 14.

[285] XXVIII, 37.

[286] A recent work on the general theme is Joret, Les plantes dans l’antiquité, Paris, 1904; see also F. Mentz, De plantis quas ad rem magicam facere crediderunt veteres, Leipzig, 1705, 28 pp.; F. Unger, Die Pflanze als Zaubermittel, Vienna, 1859.

[287] XXII, 3; XXV, 59; XXVII, 28.

[288] XXI, 105. “Halicacabi radicem bibunt qui vaticinari gallantesque vere ad confirmandas superstitiones aspici se volunt.”

[289] XXV, 43-44.

[290] XXI, 21, 84.

[291] XXV, 5.

[292] XXIII, 64.

[293] XXV, 35.

[294] XXII, 36.

[295] XXIV, 94.

[296] XXV, 46.

[297] XXV, 54.

[298] XXV, 78.

[299] XXIII, 75.

[300] XXIV, 56-57.

[301] XXV, 18; XXVII, 100.

[302] XX, 14; XXIV, 82; XXV, 92.

[303] XXV, 10; XXVII, 60.

[304] XXIV, 6, 93.

[305] XXV, 6.

[306] XX, 49; XXI, 83; XXIII, 54; XXIV, 63; XXV, 59; XXVI, 12.

[307] XXIII, 59.

[308] XXIV, 62.

[309] XXV, 21, 94.

[310] XXIV, 63 and 118.

[311] XXI, 19.

[312] XXIV, 62; XXIII, 59.

[313] XXIII, 81; XXIV, 6, 62, 116.

[314] XXVI, 12.

[315] XXI, 19; XXV, 21, 94.

[316] XXIII, 71, 81; XXIV, 6; XXVII, 62.

[317] XXI, 83; XXV, 109; XXVI, 12.

[318] XXII, 16; XXIII, 54; XXIV, 82; XXVII, 113.

[319] XXIV, 116.