36. Vol. ii., p. 60.
37. The following is John Wesley’s character of King James: “He appears to have been proud, haughty, vindictive, cruel, and unrelenting; and though he approved himself an obedient subject, he certainly became one of the most intolerable sovereigns that ever reigned over a free people. He could have no true religion, at least while in England, as he made no conscience at all of adultery. He is said afterwards to have been a new man. Probably the loss of his crown was the saving of his soul.”—Wesley’s History of England, vol. iii., p. 348.
38. About the year 1720, Samuel Annesley, strangely enough, employed his brother-in-law, Samuel Wesley, to act as his agent in England; and the result was a serious quarrel. Annesley charged him with having received sums of money for which he had never accounted, and for having laid out moneys contrary to explicit orders. Mrs Wesley took up the matter, and, in a long letter, defended her husband against the attacks of her brother. She says, Mr Wesley has orders for the money laid out; and that, though his expenses had been great, they were honest. Mr Wesley, in attending to Mr Annesley’s business, had been compelled to be much from home, and, therefore, had been compelled to hire a curate to supply his place. Besides, Annesley had promised him a commission for business done on his account during the three years Wesley sat in Convocation, but the commission had not been paid. Mrs Wesley proposed to refer all their disputes to arbitration; and says, that if Mr Wesley is found to be in Mr Annesley’s debt, both she and her husband are quite willing for him to sequester the Epworth living in payment. Annesley had alleged that the Epworth living was worth £300 a-year, and that, on account of the difference in the cost of maintenance, this was equal to a living of £ 1000 a-year in London and its immediate neighbourhood. Mrs Wesley says, “it may full as truly be said that the Epworth living is £10,000 as £300; and even were it £300, there is no such difference in the price of provision as to justify” Annesley’s computation. In fact, the living did not yield them, in clear money, more than £130 a-year; and, all things considered, it was quite as costly to live at Epworth as it was to live in London. Mrs Wesley then declares that her husband challenges the whole world to prove him a knave; that she conceals the wants of her family from him as much as possible, because, if he were made acquainted with each particular, he would hazard his health, perhaps his life, in riding to borrow money, rather than his wife and his children should be so distressed. She adds—“He hath not deceived you; and, to say the truth, among all his wants sincerity is none. I have not reason to complain of his being deceitful, but have often blamed him for speaking his mind too freely. You think him too zealous for the party he fancies in the right, and that he has unluckily to do with the opposite faction. Mr Wesley is not factious. He is zealous in a good cause, as every one ought to be; but the furthest from being a party man of any man in the world.” The whole of this very long and painfully-interesting letter may be read in the Wesleyan Times for January 15, 1866.
39. History of the County of Lincoln.
40. Mr Kirk says the living of South Ormsby now brings in more than five times that amount.
41. Athenian Oracle, vol. iv. p. 69.
42. Dryden’s Mis. Works, vol. i., notes, p. 67, 1760.
43. It has been said that Matthew Wesley was a member of the Athenian Society; but, after a careful examination of the evidence alleged in proof of this, I strongly doubt it.
44. Athenian Oracle, vol. iv. p. 26–7.
45. Athenian Oracle, vol. i. p. 260. 2d Edition.
46. Athenian Oracle, vol. i. p. 418.
47. In Notes to his Life of Christ, p. 221.
48. Athenian Oracle, vol. i. p. 178.
49. Ibid., vol. ii. p. 111.
50. Ibid., vol. i. p. 58.
51. Athenian Oracle, vol. ii. p. 101.
52. Ibid., vol. iii. p. 531.
53. Ibid., p. 260.
54. Ibid., p. 531.
55. Ibid., vol. iv. p. 140.
56. Ibid., vol. i. p. 455.
57. Athenian Oracle, vol. i. p. 455.
58. Ibid.
59. Ibid., p. 456.
60. Ibid., vol. iii. p. 531.
61. Ibid., p. 460.
62. Athenian Oracle, vol. i. p. 3.
63. Athenian Oracle, vol. i. p. 165.
64. Athenian Oracle, vol. iii. p. 382.
65. Ibid., p. 97.
66. Ibid., p. 76.
67. Ibid., vol. iv. p. 76.
68. Ibid., p. 67–73.
69. The titles of these works will be found in Appendix C.
70. Athenian Oracle, vol. iv. p. 56.
71. Clarke’s Wesley Family.
72. Athenian Oracle, vol. iv. p. 60, 61.
73. Dunton’s Life and Errors.
74. Athenian Oracle, vol. iv. p. 65.
75. The edition of the “Dunciad” in which Wesley appeared was a surreptitious one. The following were the lines printed:—
The author of “The Life and Times of Dr Isaac Watts” affirms that Watts remonstrated with Pope, and, in consequence, his name was deprived of the undesirable distinction. He also adds, that “the elder Wesley’s name was probably omitted owing to the interposition of his son Samuel, who corresponded with Pope, and was highly esteemed by him,” (Watts’ Life, p. 436.) There may be some truth in this. In an edition of the “Dunciad” now lying before us, and published in 1729, the last line is printed—
And to this is appended the following note:—“It was printed in the surreptitious editions, ‘W—ly, W—s,’ who were persons eminent for good life; the one writ the ‘Life of Christ’ in verse; the other some valuable pieces in the lyric kind on pious subjects. The line is here restored according to its original.”
76. Wesley’s Defence of his Letter on Education of Dissenters.
77. Clarke’s Wesley Family.
78. Ibid.
79. William tried to put down the practice, and yet, as late as Lent, in 1712, Dr Johnson was “touched” by Queen Anne.
80. Macaulay.
81. Knight’s History of England.
82. Knight’s History of England, and Macaulay’s History.
83. See Lathbury’s History of Convocation.
84. Lathbury’s History of Convocation, and Knight’s History of England.
85. Macaulay.
86. Wesley’s Works, vol. xiv., p. 342.
87. Gent. Mag., 1785, p. 247.
88. Wesley’s History of England, vol. iii. p. 221.
89. The reader will find another article, even more explicit, in the Athenian Oracle, vol. iii. p. 511.
90. Macaulay.
91. Knight’s History of England.
92. Macaulay.
93. In the fourth volume of the Athenian Oracle Wesley vindicates his charges against the Quakers by quotations from their writings, and sums up the matter thus:—“Quakerism is a compendium of all heresies, some of which we shall name—Pharisees, Sadducees, Ebionites, Gnostics, Eucratites, Marcionites, Cainites, Manichees, Jacobites, Acephalae, Tritheites, Adamites, Helcecaites, Marcocites, Colorbalites, Sabellians, Samosatenians, Macedonians, Arians, Donatists, Priscillians—cum multis aliis,” (p. 366.)
94. Macaulay.
95. Macaulay.
96. Knight’s History of England.
97. Wesley’s History of England, vol. iv., p. 41.—Dr Adam Clarke says that Samuel Wesley was one of King William’s chaplains, but on what authority I know not.
98. Wesley’s Answer to Palmer.
99. Wesley’s Life of Christ.
100. Thus the name is spelt in the letter; but there can be no doubt that Wesley is meant.
101. Birche’s Life of Tillotson.
102. Clarke’s Wesley Family.
103. Dryden’s Miscellaneous Works, vol. i. Notes, p. 60, 1760.
104. Wesley’s Works, vol. xii. p. 165.
105. Clarke’s Wesley Family.
106. Stonehouse’s History of Axholme.
107. See Clarke’s Wesley Family. Note, vol. ii. p. 136.
108. Moore’s Life of Wesley, vol. i., p. 75.
109. Arminian Magazine, 1778, p. 718.
110. See C. Wesley’s Journal.
111. Arminian Magazine, 1778, p. 235.
112. As a specimen of Mehetabel’s wit, we subjoin the following riddle respecting a pen, published in the Gentleman’s Magazine for 1734, and subscribed by her usual signature in that periodical, “Sylvius:”—
113. See Dunton’s Life and Errors.
114. Timothy Rogers was a Nonconformist preacher; a good man, to whom Samuel Wesley, in a subsequent letter, acknowledges himself greatly indebted. Besides his voluminous funeral sermon for Mrs Dunton, he published a book, entitled, “Fall not out by the Way; or, A Persuasion to a Friendly Correspondence between the Conformists and Nonconformists.” Judging from the funeral sermon now before us, he was a man of great vivacity, wit, and mental vigour. He was also imbued with a thoroughly catholic and Christian spirit. “The way to agreement of all parties,” he writes, “is not to bring men to be of one opinion, but to be of one mind; which we may be, not by thinking the same things, but by thinking well one of another, endeavouring to preserve charity as carefully as to preserve truth. Carnal zeal may put us on disputing, but true zeal will put us upon prayer. For my part, I had rather be a quiet ploughman than a fiery philosopher.”
115. This indicates that Samuel Wesley did not remove to Epworth until the spring, or early summer of 1697.
116. Dunton’s Life and Errors.
117. Written by Defoe.
118. Dunton’s Life and Errors.
119. Dunton’s Life and Errors.
120. Chadwick’s Life of Defoe, p. 214.
121. Wesley’s Works, vol. vi., p. 140.
122. Bishop Burnet states that there had formerly been societies of this description both among the Puritans and Dissenters; but the societies which now sprung up belonged to the Established Church. He adds, they were chiefly conducted by Dr Beveridge and Dr Horneck. Some disliked them, and were afraid they might give birth to new factions; but wiser and better men thought it was not fit to check a spirit of devotion at such a time. After the Revolution, these societies became more numerous; and, by means of their collections, maintained clergymen to read prayers at so many places, and at so many different hours, that devout persons might avail themselves of the privilege of joining in sacred worship at every hour of the day. There were constant sacraments in many churches every Sabbath; and there were greater numbers present at both prayers and sacraments than had been observed in the memory of man. The societies began to inform the magistrates of swearers, drunkards, Sabbath-breakers, and adulterers; and, because of this, they were called Societies of Reformation. Some of the magistrates encouraged them, but others treated them roughly. Some of the societies set themselves to raise charity schools; others printed books, and distributed them over the nation; and were, therefore, called societies for propagating Christian knowledge. In many places of the nation the clergy met together to confer about matters of religion and learning. And, last of all, a corporation was created by King William for propagating the Gospel among infidels, and for settling schools in our plantations.—Burnet’s History of his own Time, 1st edition, vol. ii. p. 318.
123. For most of these facts, and for many that follow, the writer is indebted to “An Account of the Rise and Progress of the Religious Societies in the City of London, &c., and of their endeavours for Reformation of Manners,” by Josiah Woodward, D.D. The sixth edition. London, 1744.
124. This article was written about 1691, and probably by Samuel Wesley.
125. We have before us a pamphlet with the following title:—“Proposals for a National Reformation of Manners, Humbly Offered to the Consideration of our Magistrates and Clergy. Published by the Society for Reformation. London: Printed for John Dunton, 1694.” In the preface it is stated, that “Atheism and profaneness never got such an ascendancy as at this day. A thick gloominess hath overspread our horizon, and our light looks like the evening of the world.” After dwelling on the sins of the nation, it is recommended—1. “That there be a solemn fast, without any appearance of ornament among us, from the highest to the lowest.” 2. “That care be taken to establish justice and judgment unto the poor and needy, the destitute, and the oppressed.” 3. “That there be a yearly allowance for defraying the necessary expenses of carrying on this work of Reformation of Manners.” 4. “That the King and Queen be supplicated to suppress play-houses.” 5. “That great care be taken to put a difference between the clean and unclean in the visible Church, and not to admit all sorts of loose professors to the Holy Communion.”
126. Meth. Mag., 1814, p. 729.
127. Calamy says: “The foundation of the Society for Reformation of Manners was laid in 1692; and the Dissenters were, from the first, as ready to encourage and assist in it as any.”—Calamy’s Life and Times.
128. See Wesley’s Works, vol. vi. p. 145.
129. The person who was the principal means of resuscitating the Society for the Reformation of Manners was W. Welsh; but John Wesley was a personal friend of W. Welsh, and probably gave him counsel and encouragement.—See Wesley’s Journal, February 2, 1766.
130. Wesley’s Works, vol. vi. p. 140.
131. Wesley’s Journal, Nov. 4, 1764.
132. Wesley’s Works, vol. iii. p. 230, and vol. vi. p. 157.
133. Wesley’s Works, vol. viii. p. 334.
134. Wesley’s Works, vol. i. p. 40.
135. Ibid., Vol. i. p. 84.
136. Ibid., p. 149.
137. Ibid., p. 153.
138. Ibid., p. 174.
139. Ibid., p. 176.
140. Ibid., p. 192.
141. Ibid., p. 211.
142. Ibid., p. 214.
143. Ibid., p. 254.
144. Ibid., p. 351.
145. Wesley’s Works, vol. viii. p. 240.
146. Ibid., p. 299.
147. Ibid., p. 259.
148. Meaning his banker.
149. Newcombe’s Life of Sharpe.
150. Wesley’s Works, vol. vi. p. 69.
151. Clarke’s Wesley Family.
152. Methodist Mag., 1784, p. 606.
153. Kirk’s Mother of the Wesleys.
154. Three years previous to this, Thomas Firmin, a famous citizen of London, had died; a man held in high esteem for his charities of all sorts, private and public. Firmin, in early life, sat under the ministry of John Goodwin, but was afterwards converted to Socinianism by John Biddle, already mentioned in this history. Firmin was a man of great wealth, and promoted the printing of books against the Trinity, and distributed them freely over the nation, to all who would accept of them. The result was, the greatest mysteries in religion became the common topic of discourse, and were treated as the contrivances of priests to bring the world into blind submission to their authority. This raised a great outcry against Socinianism; and, as Tillotson and some of the bishops had lived in great friendship with Mr Firmin, (because of his charitable temper, which they thought it became them to encourage,) books like “Essays on the Balance of Power,” began to be put in circulation—(See Burnet’s History of His Own Time. 1st Edit., vol. ii. p. 212.)
155. Macaulay writes:—“Queen Anne had no will, no judgment, no conscience, but those of the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough. To them she had sacrificed affections, prejudices, habits, interests. In obedience to them, she had joined in the conspiracy against her father. She had fled from Whitehall in the depth of winter, through ice and mire, to a hackney coach. She had taken refuge in the rebel camp. She had consented to yield her place in the order of succession to the Prince of Orange. While a large party was disposed to make her an idol, the Duke and Duchess of Marlborough regarded her merely as their puppet, and no person, who had a natural interest in Anne, could observe, without uneasiness, the strange infatuation which made her the slave of an imperious and reckless termagant.”
156. Knight’s History of England.
157. Life of Queen Anne, London, 1721.
158. Life of Queen Anne.
159. Wesley’s History of England.
160. Clarke’s Wesley Family.
161. This is taken from Clarke’s Wesley Family; but it seems to be a mistake to say that the letter consisted of 15 pages. The third edition, published by Clavel, in 1706, is now before us, and consists of only 8 pages 4to.
162. James II.
163. Calamy’s Life and Times.
164. Burnet, in his History of His Own Time, (folio ed., vol. ii. p. 247,) mentions some other important facts belonging to this period. He says, the Dissenters had quarrels and disputes among themselves. The Independents were raising the old Antinomian tenets, and the Presbyterians were accusing the Baptists of giddiness. One Asgil, a member of Parliament, published a book to prove that since believers recovered in Christ all that they lost in Adam, they are now rendered immortal by Christ, and not liable to death. George Keith, who, for thirty-six years, had been the most learned man among the Quakers, now discovered that the Quakers were Deists, and treated the Christian religion as allegorical; upon which he opened a new meeting to convince the Quakers of their errors; and, having failed in doing so, he was reconciled to the Established Church, and entered into holy orders. The clergy also were much divided. Those who were now called the High-Church party, had all along expressed a coldness to the present settlement, and now began to complain about the grievances of the clergy, and the danger the Church was in. Atterbury, who by his great ability and eloquence, had become one of their leaders, attacked the supremacy of the crown in ecclesiastical affairs, and the hot men of the clergy readily entertained his notions.
165. Dunton’s Life and Errors.
166. History of Dissenting Churches in London, by Wilson.
167. Inquiry into Occasional Conformity, by Defoe.
168. Sacheverell’s Sermon, pp. 6, 7.
169. Defoe’s Dissenters’ Answer to the High Church Challenge.
170. Defoe’s Letter to John Howe.
171. Defoe’s Inquiry into Occasional Conformity.
172. Ibid.
173. Defoe’s Dissenter Misrepresented.
174. Defoe’s Challenge of Peace.
175. Chadwick’s Life of Defoe, p. 144.
176. Defoe’s Mock Mourners.
177. Inquiry into Occasional Conformity.
178. Defoe’s Challenge of Peace.
179. Defoe’s Dissenters’ Answer.