As yet, the American cruisers had taken no part in the struggle. They were unarmored, and their guns were of comparatively short range; and it would have been folly for them to have attacked their heavily armored and armed opponents. The three American turret ships, however, had at length come within range, and opened fire from their revolving turrets upon the Englishmen. The heavy balls from their smoothbore guns seemed to have but little effect on the thick armor coating of the English ships; and as they could only fire at each revolution of the turret, their fire was as slow, as it was ineffectual.
Moreover the turrets soon proved utterly inadequate to resist the tremendous penetrating power of the heavy English guns, and were either absolutely perforated by the shot and shells; or else were so bruised and battered and jarred and jammed, that they could no longer be revolved on their carriages, and became utterly useless.
The most complete and phenomenal success on the American side, however, was achieved by two insignificant looking little boats which involved an entirely new—albeit a very simple—principle of marine warfare as applicable to Harbor defense. These boats had been built by private subscription as experiments, at a cost of about $50,000 each. Their inventor had appealed in vain to Congress to authorize the construction of at least thirty or forty of them, which he claimed would be amply sufficient to protect all of our principal seaports, at an aggregate cost of about $2,000,000; or less than that of a single first class iron-clad war vessel. His idea was strongly backed up by the Secretary of the Navy, who urged Congress to make an appropriation for the purpose of testing it thoroughly. When, however, the inventor explained to the members of that intelligent and brilliant body, that the principle upon which he based his invention was that of self-destruction; and that to use his craft in actual warfare, was to destroy it, these back country gentleman, whose sole idea of statesmanship seemed to be limited to posing and shouting like howling dervishes before the shrine of what they called "economy," posed and shouted more violently than ever; and holding up both hands in holy horror, had exclaimed: "What! waste two millions of the people's money on things that are good for nothing without you destroy them? Never! never! Let us rather reduce the terrible taxes which now burden our struggling and poverty-stricken people; or if the surplus must be spent, let us put it in the rivers and harbors and public buildings of the country;" and straightway the appropriations for those admirable purposes were doubled, and the hare-brained inventor packed off from Washington with a very large sized economical flea in his ear.
He had, however, at length succeeded in impressing some wealthy New Yorkers with the value of his invention, and sufficient money had been raised to build two boats, according to his plans. These boats being intended for harbor defense only, did not need to be especially seaworthy; nor did they require large quarters for crew, or much space for fuel. Consequently, nearly their whole interior could be occupied by engines and boilers; thus ensuring them a speed which approximated thirty miles an hour. They were propelled by twin screws, and could therefore turn around in nearly their own length. They carried no arms or ammunition of any kind, except a gigantic tube or cartridge, containing two tons of dynamite, which was carried in a hollow place left for the purpose in the long steel ram, with which their bows were armed. A full crew for one of these boats consisted of eight men—two engineers, four firemen, and two pilots, one of whom acted as deck-hand when required.
These men had been carefully selected from the marine militia, and for several weeks had been drilling constantly in the upper and lower bays. The drill was a peculiar one, and consisted simply of running at high speed for a mile or so; then, at the stroke of a bell, the four firemen would rush on deck, and leap over-board; a few moments later, at the sound of a second bell, one engineer, and one pilot would follow them; and lastly, just as the headway of the boat began to slacken, the remaining engineer and pilot did likewise, striking out, and swimming away from the boat, as rapidly as they could. Being provided with cork jackets, they had no difficulty in sustaining themselves until they were picked up by a steam launch, which always accompanied them as a tender, and on which they would rejoin their abandoned boat, which by that time would be drifting lazily about with the tide, a mile or so away. The men had become thoroughly accustomed to this service, and enjoyed it vastly, although the summer was backward and the water was cold. These boats were also arranged with large water tanks, which when filled, brought them very low down in the water. Their roofs were a sort of combination of dome and turtle back, composed of four-inch steel plates.
Thus, when submerged to their "fighting depth," they offered but a small target as they approached the enemy, and if a shot or shell should strike them, it would in all probability glance off without injury, owing to the angle at which it would strike. An electric wire led from the pilot house to a clock-work arrangement, attached to a percussion cap, which communicated with the two tons of dynamite in the hollow bow of the boat. The problem was simply to rush at the broadside of the opposing vessel from a distance of a couple of miles or so, and as soon as possible, to give the engineers and firemen the signal to jump overboard. Then, the pilots having remained at their post until they were certain that the boat would strike the enemy, to fasten the wheel amidships, with lashings provided for that purpose, touch the button communicating with the clock-work, jump overboard and swim for their lives during the seventy or eighty seconds in which the clock arrangement was doing its deadly work; and then, after the tremendous explosion, which would blow both their own and the enemy's vessel into a thousand fragments, to float quietly about until picked up by their tender.
In was a perfectly simple and feasible thing to do, and in this, its first trial in actual warfare, it worked to a charm.
The "Victoria," the largest and most formidable of the turreted ships, and the "Camperdown," the largest of the armored ships, were the two vessels selected for the two experimental dynamite rams to operate against.
These rams bore the suggestive names of "Suicide" and "Samson."
The smoke having partially cleared away, the position of the two English ships could be accurately determined, and the two small rams at length received the expected signal to proceed to the attack. Making a circuit of about a mile, to get under good headway, they headed straight for their respective victims, and rushed towards them at a frightful rate of speed. They were followed at a considerable distance by their respective tenders. Their presence was soon discovered by the aid of the electric search lights, and a severe fire was opened on them from all the British vessels within range. Owing to their peculiar construction, this fire had little or no effect upon them; and they continued their headlong race towards the two giant ships, lying quietly at anchor in fancied security.
Suddenly several figures were seen to rush wildly astern and jump overboard. But still the rams kept up their tremendous speed, and were pointed directly at the amidship section of the two iron-clads. Nearer and nearer they came, in spite of the deadly and continuous firing from the enemy's guns, both great and small, which seemed utterly impotent to check their progress. At last, when they were within a couple of hundred yards or so of the iron-clads, each blew a short sharp single blast with its whistle, and two men were seen to run aft, and roll down the inclined surface of the turtle-backed roof of each ram, into the water. The rams themselves kept on, however, and a collision was seen to be inevitable. Orders were given to the English crews to hold themselves in readiness to repel boarders. But in vain! The tireless little rams rushed onward—madly, wildly, triumphantly, gladly—to their own destruction; but to the destruction also of their enemies. A jar, a sound—not so very loud—of snapping bolts and crushing iron plates; a sound of confused voices, saying: "She has struck us," "She has gone half way through us!" a few instants of comparative silence,—during which the officers consult hastily as to what had better be done. An order or two given in quick sharp tones; and then—with a mighty rumble and flash; with a frightful tossing and splashing of the water; with a thunderous roar, and a soul sickening shiver, which seemed to impart itself even to the sea, the two great ships, and their two little adversaries met a common fate—being both blown to atoms—and disappeared forever beneath the waves.
The loss of life was terrific on the two English ships; as most of their crews went down with them; but a few were rescued by boats, which were quickly lowered from the remaining vessels of the fleet; and quite a number were picked up by the launches, which were acting as tenders to the two rams, and gathering up their swimming crews. These latter had diminutive electric lights on their caps, and having turned these on, as soon as they jumped overboard, were easily discovered and picked up.
The effect of these tremendous explosions of dynamite was demoralizing in the extreme, to the English officers and crews: and although the attack was not pressed by the Americans, the order was given, to such of the fleet as remained, to hoist anchor, and proceed out to tea. It was now nearly daylight, and at six o'clock that morning (May 12th) the telegraph operator at Navesink Highlands telegraphed to the N.Y. Associated Press, as follows:
"British fleet all apparently lying at anchor just outside the bar. Three or four of the largest iron-clads missing. They are supposed to have been captured or sunk in the battle last night. The distance is too great to distinguish those which remain; but there seems to be considerable activity among the smaller vessels; and the launches are moving about from one ship to another, as if for consultation, or giving or receiving orders. The fleet is probably repairing damages, as far as possible, before proceeding to sea. It is supposed here that they will sail direct for Halifax for repairs and refitting."
This despatch was published in extra editions of all the newspapers in New York and Brooklyn; and, taken in connection with the accounts received from the officers and crews of the American fleet, which had returned to its anchorage in the upper Bay after the fight was over, and which united in describing the affair as a complete and glorious victory, it occasioned great rejoicing in those cities. Cannon were fired, flags were hoisted, thanksgiving services were held in many of the churches, and the citizens testified their delight and satisfaction in the wildest and most extravagant manner.
To add to the public excitement, and to intensify, if possible, the patriotic enthusiasm of the people, despatches arrived from General Schofield, to the effect that he had met a large body of the enemy, and had not only repulsed their attack, but had put them completely to rout and captured several thousand prisoners; and the flying remnants had been pursued by his cavalry to the St. Lawrence River, opposite Montreal.
So much simultaneous good news was decidedly exhilarating; and it is not to be wondered at, that pandemonium seemed to have broken loose in New York and Brooklyn that evening.
Bonfires were lighted; fireworks were set off; improvised torchlight processions made night hideous with their cheers, and drums and fifes, and cannon firings; and banners and transparencies, in which poor old John Bull was shot, and stabbed, and drawn and quartered, and in many other ingenious and hitherto unheard of ways, put an end to for ever and ever, were to be seen in every street.
In one of these, Ireland, represented as a broad shouldered, strapping young woman, with a suspiciously rubicund countenance (especially about the tip of her nose), dressed in green silk—decolleté—had thrown her brawny arms around the neck of Uncle Sam, who obligingly bent over, half way across the Atlantic, to permit this trans-oceanic caress. This transparency was wildly cheered, and was followed by a tremendous crowd of shouting and yelling men and boys, until the candles went out, and the bar-rooms closed for the night.
The newspapers of the 13th of May, in all parts of the country, indulged in the wildest jubilations, and the "croakers," who had theretofore called attention to the weakness of the American navy, and the defenseless condition of American seaports, were ridiculed and abused in the most unmeasured terms throughout the length and breadth of the land. American ingenuity was lauded to the skies, as being equal to every emergency, and able to bid defiance to all the antiquated Old World methods of war-making. The American Eagle—never a very modest bird—flapped its wings, and screamed in a manner which put to shame its most extravagant previous efforts in that line.
In England the situation was exactly reversed. The French cable had of course carried the news of the British defeat to Paris; and from them it had been wired to London, with such additions and exaggerations as French unfriendliness to England could suggest; and London was in an uproar. Lord Randolph Churchill was burned in effigy in various parts of the city and country, and a general chorus of "I told you so's," coupled with estimates of the cost in pounds, shillings and pence, of the destroyed fleet, went up like a National wail, from one end of Great Britain to the other. Bonfires were lighted on every hill-top in Ireland, and the streets of Dublin and Cork were fairly green with millions of Irish flags. The continental newspapers, especially the German and French ones, all contained labored articles, giving various accounts of the battle, and paying the highest tribute to the inventive genius of "those wonderful Americans," and condoling with England in rather a sarcastic vein upon her loss of prestige as a naval power. For a wonder, the French and German journals had at length a subject upon which they could agree, and they seemed to vie with each other in the publication of articles in which their intense hatred and jealousy of England, was but thinly disguised, under the most polite expressions of sympathy for her fall from a place among the highest, to a position among the third or fourth-rate powers of the world. The immediate dissolution of the "so called British Empire" was spoken of as a matter of course, and while it was generally conceded that Australia would be able to maintain itself as an independent power, the probable fate of British India was a subject upon which these writers displayed for three or four days, the customary combination of ignorance and ingenuity, for which the continental press of Europe is to justly renowned.
On the 13th and 14th of May, there was a thick fog, which rendered it impossible to see anything at a greater distance than a few yards. It did not extend more than a mile or two inland, but shrouded the whole coast in an impenetrable darkness.
The rejoicings and congratulations still continued in New York and Brooklyn; but in a diminished degree. Even patriotism requires breathing spells, and the citizens were fairly worn out with their celebration.
A quiet air of cheerful contentment, under which was plainly evident a feeling of serene self-satisfaction, had replaced the boisterous and exuberant manner of the previous two days; and when the sun rose clear and bright on the morning of the 15th of May, aside from the super-abundance of American flags, which gave the city a holiday look, there was nothing to indicate any unusual excitement.
Although the weather was perfectly clear in the city, the fog still continued very thick in the lower bay, and outside of Sandy Hook, so that until nearly noon, when it began to clear away, nothing could be seen from the Highlands.
About noon, however, despatches began to arrive from the operator there, describing the gradual lifting of the fog.
"11.45 A.M. Fog lifting slowly. Sandy Hook now plainly visible.
"11.55 A.M. Scotland Lightship now in sight. Several coasting vessels lying near her at anchor. Nothing else in sight.
"12.10 P.M. Sandy Hook Lightship now visible. Several vessels lying near her. Impossible to make out just what they are. Weather still hazy.
"12.30 P.M. British fleet evidently not all gone yet. Probably waited for disappearance of fog. Forty or fifty large and small vessels lying near the Lightship."
"1.15 P.M. Smoke now issuing from the funnels of several of the fleet. They are evidently about to get under way."
"1.30 P.M. A small vessel, evidently a gun boat, is now steaming rapidly in towards Sandy Hook. She probably desires to communicate with the shore; but shows no flag of truce as yet."
"2 P.M. British gunboat referred to in last despatch has just passed Sandy Hook, and is now heading up the Swash Channel at somewhat reduced speed."
"2.45 P.M. Gunboat, after stopping and apparently examining the battle ground of the 11th, now steaming slowly up towards the Narrows."
These despatches attracted considerable attention in the city, and when they appeared in the evening papers, there were numerous surmises as to the reasons for the return of the English gunboat. Not much attention was paid to the matter, however.
And now, in order to render this narrative as brief and explicit as possible, I will quote from the official report of the British Admiral, as the best and most reliable authority as to the occurrences of the next few days.
"After the severe action on the night of the 11th, which resulted in the loss of three of our most formidable ships, and the serious crippling and disabling of several others, as hereinbefore described, I deemed it advisable to withdraw from the outer harbor to an anchorage near the bar, to gain time for consultation with the officers of the fleet, as well as to ascertain exactly the amount of damage we had sustained, and our remaining effective force available for a renewal of hostilities.
"At daybreak on the 12th, the fleet, much scattered, was all outside the bar; some of the commanders having either from an excess of caution, or a misunderstanding of orders, proceeded so far out to sea, that recall signals could not reach them. By nine o'clock, however, they had all returned within call, and were anchored in the vicinity of the Sandy Hook Lightship. This vessel lies about eight miles E. by S. from Sandy Hook, and although in heavy Easterly or Southerly gales, the position is a very exposed one, yet in ordinarily fair weather, such as is usually had hero in May, it is a perfectly safe anchorage, especially for steam vessels with banked fires. A council of the flag officers of the fleet was called to meet on the flagship at 1 P.M.
"At this meeting, detailed reports of the condition of each vessel were made; and to my great satisfaction, I discovered that the 'Sansparei,' although two of her compartments were full of water, and her main engines were disabled, was entirely unhurt—so far as her armament was concerned; and that if she could reach a position where her guns would be effective, was as formidable as ever for offensive purposes. The 'Howe' had also had a hole knocked into her by a torpedo; but the damage was not such as to interfere with her effectiveness in the slightest degree. The damages to the other vessels were trifling, and interfered neither with their motive nor their fighting powers.
"The absolute destruction of the 'Victoria' and 'Camperdown' by the enemy, by means of self-destroying torpedo boats, and the complete inability of our other vessels to defend themselves against similar attacks, had been the cause of my withdrawing the fleet beyond their reach. And the first question to be discussed and decided, related to the probability of a similar attack being made upon us in case we returned to the harbor. If the enemy had a force of these self-destroying torpedo boats, equal in number to the vessels composing our fleet, it would be simple madness to undertake further hostilities.
"These boats were swifter than our swiftest ships; and were so large and heavy that they could go right through our torpedo nets and booms, and pierce the hulls of our ships far below the water line; and the thorough manner in which they had blown the 'Victoria' and 'Camperdown' to pieces, had convinced me that nothing afloat could withstand their destructive efforts. Indeed I have since learned that there were two tons of dynamite in each discharge—an amount sufficient, if properly directed, to lift the heaviest vessel ever built, bodily out of the water. It was, therefore, of vital importance to us, to find out, if possible, whether the enemy had any more of these boats, and if so, how many; and for that purpose I called a council of officers, in the hope that some of them might have more definite knowledge on the subject than I had.
"During this council, the opinion was expressed by the commanding officer of the converted merchant cruiser, 'City of New York,' that he had some men on board his ship who knew something about it, and at my request he went on board his vessel to make inquiries. He returned shortly, bringing with him an assistant engineer, who had been employed on the 'City of New York,' when she was engaged in the merchant service between New York and Liverpool; and after considerable objection on his part—although he was a Scotchman, and not an American—he admitted that on one of the last voyages of that vessel, he had visited Philadelphia, and had seen the two self-destroying torpedo vessels on the stocks, in the shipyard of the Messrs. Cramp, in that city. They were unfinished then, and regarded more in the light of curiosities than anything else. The Government did not even own them; but they were being built by private parties for experimental purposes; and were the subject of much ridicule among the workmen. He explained the principle upon which they were to operate. A hollow ram at the bow contained an enormous charge of dynamite, which was connected by an electric clock-work arrangement, with the pilot house, and was to be exploded by the pilot after he had run her into the hull of the hostile vessel; the pilot and the crew jumping overboard with life-preserving suits on, and taking their chances of being picked up after the explosion.
"This description tallied so exactly with the manner in which the 'Victoria' and the 'Camperdown' had been destroyed, that the conclusion was irresistible, that it was the work of these two experimental vessels; and that (there being no more of them; or, the enemy being out of ammunition, so to speak) there was really nothing to prevent us from renewing our attack at the earliest possible moment; towing the 'Sanspareil' and the other disabled vessels to a point where their guns would be effective for bombarding purposes.
"It was therefore decided to send a swift gunboat in to reconnoitre the lower bay early the following morning; and if her report was favorable, the whole fleet was to follow her in, and take a position as far up the harbor as was practicable. A dense fog prevented any action being taken until the second day afterwards—the 15th. On that day, about noon, the fog lifted, and I sent the 'Orlando' in to reconnoitre, and instructed her commander to push forward towards the Narrows, until stopped by torpedoes or other obstructions, or until the fire from the forts became too hot; when he was to return to the fleet and report.
"Meanwhile the remainder of the fleet got under way and with the 'Sanspareil' and 'Howe' in tow of the 'Umbria' and 'City of New York,' proceeded slowly towards Sandy Hook. By 3.30 P.M. we had reached the point where the battle of the 11th had been fought. There were no signs of the enemy in sight below the Narrows; but the reports of heavy guns, and the smoke over Staten Island and Long Island showed that the forts on both sides of the Narrows had opened fire on the 'Orlando.'
"I ordered the fleet to anchor, partly in the Swash, and partly in the main ship channel, and hoisted the recall signal for the 'Orlando.'
"Owing to the smoke or the distance, or both, her commander failed to obey the signal, and kept exchanging shots with the forts; so I sent a despatch boat up the bay with peremptory orders for her return. About 5 o'clock she came down, and anchored with the remainder of the fleet, and her commander came on board the flagship, and reported verbally that, he had proceeded up the main ship channel to the Narrows. That he had drawn the fire of the forts on both Long Island and Staten Island; and had developed the fact that the guns were old-fashioned smooth bores, which would have little or no effect upon our heavily armored vessels. That several of the large solid shot—apparently ten inch—had struck his armor belt, near the water line, without inflicting any damage beyond making a deep indentation; and that several torpedoes had exploded near his vessel, but none directly under her—therefore he could not report as to their efficacy. With a good stout ship, however, properly divided into water-tight compartments, he thought he could safely defy any obstructions or torpedoes that might be placed in the Narrows; and in response to the direct question, whether he thought it was feasible to take the fleet into the Upper Bay, answered unhesitatingly in the affirmative.
"In consequence of this information, but more especially as I was already in a position to shell the lower part of New York City, and nearly the whole of Brooklyn, I issued the following proclamation, which I sent up that evening by a despatch boat, under a flag of truce, to the City:
"'To the Mayors and Citizens of New York and Brooklyn:
"'As Admiral commanding Her Britannic Majesty's Expeditionary fleet, I hereby give notice that at 12 o'clock noon, on the 18th day of May, 1890, the bombardment which I am ordered to inflict upon the cities of New York and Brooklyn will be commenced. While I deeply regret the painful necessity which compels me to be the agent in such a terrible destruction of life and property as this bombardment will involve, yet my orders are peremptory; and I shall, to the best of my ability, obey them to the letter. I can, however, postpone the evil day; and instincts of humanity would impel me to do so, even if they were not re-inforced by my own personal wishes in the matter. In order, therefore, that non-combatants,—and especially women and children—may be removed to a place of safety, I give this public notice, more than two days in advance of the bombardment.
"'Signed,
"'ADMIRAL FREEMANTLE,
"'Commanding H. B. M.'s fleet.'"
The publication of the foregoing proclamation in the late editions of the evening newspapers of New York and Brooklyn, on the evening of its issue (May 15th), occasioned the wildest excitement and terror in those two cities. At first, many of the inhabitants regarded it as a cruel hoax, and utterly refused to believe it. They had been so thoroughly convinced that the British fleet had been practically annihilated on the night of the 11th, and had yielded themselves up so completely to the current feelings of joy and triumph at the supposed success of the American fleet, that they could not seem to realize that their rejoicings had been premature; and that, although partially destroyed, the British fleet was still formidable enough to carry out its instructions, and bombard New York and Brooklyn.
The transition from joy to terror was too sudden to be at once comprehended in all of its force. The streets and squares uptown were crowded all the evening, and late into the night; and wherever there was a newspaper bulletin, or a transparency, thousands of excited men and woman congregated in the hope of getting the latest news. It is safe to say that but few people slept any that night, in either city. Even the doubters and unbelievers tossed sleeplessly in their beds, anxiously watching for the coming of day; or else remained up all night, packing their clothing and valuables, so as to be ready to start on short notice, in case remarkable proclamation, should prove to be genuine. All doubt upon this point, however, was set at rest the next morning.
All of the newspapers contained the Proclamation of the British Admiral, and supplemental ones by the Mayors of the two cities, calling the attention of the inhabitants to the imminent peril; and advising all non-combatants to seek places of safety without delay. The news columns of the newspapers also contained full details of the movements of the hostile fleet, and the astounding fact was made manifest beyond question, that British guns were even then in positions from which they could shell the two cities.
After the first momentary paralysis which these announcements occasioned, the whole population was seized with a wild panic. An irresistible desire for immediate flight seemed to possess them in a moment, and a scene began which beggared description, and whose like has probably never been seen before or since.
"Anything to get uptown or out of town," seemed to be the cry.
Husbands who had gone to business as usual, early in the morning, telephoned to their wives and children to meet them at High Bridge, at the Grand Central Station, or at some of the landing places of the steamboats going up the Hudson River. The Sound boats were tabooed, by reason of a rumor that the attacking fleet had been divided into two sections, and that one division was coming through Long Island Sound to attack the city from the Hell Gate side.
By ten o'clock on the morning of the 16th of May, the flight had fairly commenced. Frantic crowds of men, women and children, thronged every possible avenue of departure from the doomed cities, and pushed and pulled and struggled and wrestled with each other, in their wild and headlong rush to reach their several points of escape. The streets leading to the Grand Central Station in Forty-second Street, were blocked for nearly half a mile in every direction, by carriages, cabs, and express wagons, as well as by hurrying and anxious pedestrians, all rushing pell mell to get beyond the reach of the terrible bombshells.
Many amusing tales were told as tending to illustrate the absolute and unreasoning terror of the fugitives.
"Where to?" inquired the railway ticket seller of an excited and pale faced man, whose hands trembled violently as he handed a roll of bills in through the ticket window.
"Oh! Anywhere! Albany; Buffalo; Chicago; Denver! Anywhere to get beyond the reach of those d—d shells," was the trembling response. The train service was doubled and quadrupled.
Passengers took no thought as to whether or not they could secure seats; but packed themselves in like sardines, filling the aisles and closets and platforms of the cars to suffocation. The entire passenger equipment of the road was called into requisition, and utterly failed to supply the demand; and milk, freight, and ordinary platform and gravel cars were pressed into the service; and the crazy fugitives absolutely fought each other for precedence in securing positions on them.
Similar scenes were enacted at all the railway stations and steamboat docks. The "Mary Powell," a passenger steamboat, which then ran every afternoon up the Hudson River to Rondout, was obliged to leave her slip more than an hour before her regular starting time, simply because the people could not be prevented from forcing themselves on board of her, even after she was dangerously overcrowded.
Numerous excursion steamboats were pressed into the service, and the most exorbitant prices were paid for tugs and launches, or craft of any kind, on which persons could reach places of comparative safety up the river. Similarly all sorts of wheeled vehicles were pressed into the traffic; and the east and west drives of Central Park were crowded with hurrying fugitives of both sexes, and of all ages and conditions, in public and private carriages, cabs, hansoms, omnibuses, butcher carts, dumping carts, and grocery and express wagons. Even hearses were utilized as a means of escape; and the mad prank of a lot of Columbia College students, shocked a great many people, and amused a great many more.
These young men, desiring to go out of town in style, went to a fashionable undertaker's establishment, and hired his handsomest hearse and four of his best horses, and having fitted up a lot of seats on top of the hearse, and supplied themselves with two or three coaching horns, drove wildly up through Central Park to Yonkers, waking the echoes from one end of the route to the other, with the shrill notes of their horns, and attracting universal attention to this novel style of a four-in-hand drag.
Anything that had wheels to run on, and horses to draw it, was eagerly snapped up at the most exorbitant price. The hegira was something unprecedented, and almost incredible. It was estimated at the time, that not less than 500,000 persons left the city between the hours of noon and midnight, on that memorable sixteenth of May. Of course there was a vast amount of inconvenience and suffering involved in such a hasty invasion by such a horde of people, of a country totally unprepared to receive them; and thousands of cases of illness and death resulted from the exposures and discomforts to which the fugitives were subjected. It was also the occasion of many ludicrous and embarrassing incidents, which were fully described in the newspapers in the racy and sensational style so prevalent at that time.
I have ample material in the shape of extracts and clippings from those journals, to make a chapter which would be both thrilling and amusing to the reader. But I forego the introduction of such matter here, lest it should be deemed too trivial in its nature, to be incorporated into a sober and truthful historical work like this.
The exodus continued, but in diminishing proportions, throughout the two following days; until by noon of the 18th (the time fixed upon for the commencement of the bombardment) there remained probably less than 100,000 people in the two cities of New York and Brooklyn. Those who remained, were either unable from illness or some similar cause, to get away; or else they had determined, through curiosity or indifference to consequences, to remain and "see the thing through." But their members were so few, that they merely emphasized the magnitude of the exodus which had taken place.
Immediately upon the announcement of the intended bombardment, the Sub-Treasurer had telegraphed to Washington for instructions. There were in the Sub-Treasury vaults gold and silver coin and bullion, amounting to nearly $300,000,000. In case of the capture of the city, this would be at the mercy of the British; and as they had practically announced money to be their chief object in coming across the Atlantic, it was not at all probable that they would fail to snatch such a rich booty as this. What, therefore, was to be done? A Cabinet meeting decided to order the removal of this vast amount of treasure to a place of safety; and instructions to that effect were telegraphed to the Sub-Treasurer, who was also authorized to demand a suitable Military escort from the force of regulars, which had been hurriedly summoned to New York as soon as war was declared.
Accordingly, the Sub-Treasurer at once set about securing transportation for the gold and silver. The proportions were about one-third gold and two-thirds silver; and the total weight of the two metals was found to exceed 5,000 tons. It was found almost impossible to secure men and teams enough to transport this enormous amount of metal. The flight of the inhabitants had taken so many horses and trucks from the lower part of the city, that it was found necessary to telegraph to all neighboring places; and Newark, and Elizabeth and Staten Island, and the nearby portions of Westchester County, were scoured for horses or ox teams, or any thing that could draw a load of money. There were heavy trucks and brewery wagons in abundance, which had been deserted for lighter vehicles by their owners and drivers, so that the only imperative need was animal power to drag the loaded vehicles.
The supply of horses, mules, and oxen having been exhausted, it was necessary to fall back on men, and the strange spectacle was seen of a procession of heavily loaded trucks and beer wagons being dragged up Broadway from Wall Street to the Thirtieth Street freight station of the N.Y.C. and H.R.R.R., by long lines of men, pulling drag ropes, in the same manner as had formerly been the method of dragging fire engines and hook and ladder trucks to fires. A large number of freight trains were accumulated here by the railroad company, into which the gold and silver were stowed; and then, with a strong military guard on each car, the cars were made up into trains, and taken up the river to Albany.
A very large proportion of those who remained in the city, belonged to the idle and criminal classes, and this fact soon made itself apparent in the sudden breaking out of what might be called an epidemic or carnival of crime. Numerous incendiary fires occurred, and hundreds of residences, which had been abandoned by their owners and tenants in their mad flight, were broken into and rifled of their valuable contents, by troops of thieves and tramps, who seemed to rise out of the ground, as it were, by magic; and were so numerous and so bold, that they bid utter defiance to the over-worked police. During the days of the bombardment, these outcasts of society, would lounge around Central Park, out of reach of the exploding shells, which were creating such havoc in the lower portions of the city, and then at night-fall, when the fire from the fleet slackened, they would organize themselves into little supper parties, and deliberately break into any private residence whose imposing exterior happened to strike their fancy, and proceed to make themselves at home.
As long as the bombardment and the armistice lasted, the aristocratic regions of Fifth Avenue and Murray Hill, resounded nightly with the songs and shouts of these rough and drunken revellers of both sexes, who seemed never to tire of their unaccustomed surroundings, and exhibited the most remarkable diligence and perseverance in searching for mansions (as yet undisturbed) whose larders and wine-cellars were liberally stocked. These little parties were sometimes broken up by the police; but probably less than half of them were interrupted in this way; as they were so numerous in all parts of the city, and the police were so thoroughly over-worked and exhausted, that it was impossible for them to afford anything like adequate protection to the property of the absentees.
During the interval between the return of the British fleet, on the 15th of May, and the time fixed by the Admiral for the commencement of the bombardment, an active interchange of messages had been going on by cable between the Governments of the United States and Great Britain. Inasmuch as the minister of each power had been recalled from the other's capital, this intercourse could only take place through the British and American ambassadors at Paris.
Protests against the inhumanity and barbarity of bombarding a defenseless city, were met by propositions for a settlement of the whole dispute. Great Britain offered to cede Canada to the United States, and conclude a definite treaty of peace, and withdraw her fleet from American waters at once, provided the United States would pay the sum of £300,000,000 sterling (about $1,500,000,000). This proposition was met with a howl of indignant rage, by the Senators and members of Congress from the Western and Central States; and the old and almost forgotten cry of "Millions for defense; not one cent for tribute!" was resuscitated by these back-country orators, and used with as much dramatic effect as though it had never been uttered before.
For the first time in the history of the country, parties seemed about to divide, on entirely new sectional lines. Heretofore it had always been the North against the South. Now it was the seaboard against the interior. The Pacific Coast States joined with the Atlantic and Gulf States in advocating a settlement, even on the harsh terms proposed by Great Britain.
They pictured the enormous destruction of property which the bombardment of all our principal coast cities would involve, and although they conceded the truth of the assertion of their opponents in the debate, that there could be but one ultimate result to the war, if fought to its natural termination, and that Canada was practically ours already, yet they claimed that as a mere matter of dollars and cents, it would be cheaper to pay even fifteen hundred millions of dollars, than to go on with the war; when the enormous amount of property involved, and the vast extent of Canadian territory to be overrun, were taken into consideration.
The orators from the west, however, took the high and lofty ground of "millions for defense, etc.," and numerous propositions were made to establish navy yards at various points in the interior, on navigable rivers a hundred miles or more from the coast, and also on the great Lakes; thus indicating that their authors had an eye to the "main chance," and were willing to vote for the "old flag and an appropriation," provided the appropriation was to be expended in their own states. The debate waxed hot, and it was with the greatest difficulty that several personal encounters among the members and senators were prevented.
A member from one of the so called "Granger States" even went so far as to intimate that he would rejoice to see these soulless monopolists and capitalists of the eastern cities brought down a peg or two. They had for years been sapping the foundations of the country's prosperity by vast combinations of capital; and had levied extravagant tolls on everything that the farmers of the Great West bought and sold, thus increasing the cost of their living, while diminishing the product of their labor. Of course he was not unpatriotic enough to rejoice at beholding a foreign foe upon American soil; nor did he anticipate any such result from the present war; which would certainly end by establishing the stars and stripes as the sole National Emblem of the North American Continent. "Nevertheless, while we of the Great West send our brawny sons and brothers to the battle-field to wrest a portion of its ill-gotten territory from the so-called British Empire, it is not too much to expect our friends In the East to bear their proper share of the burdens of the contest. Patriotism has its responsibilities and its duties, and these frequently involve the sacrifice of life and property; and I would be the last man to deprive my eastern friends of one iota of the patriotic satisfaction which they will experience, when some of their ill-gotten gains are sacrificed on their country's altar,"—and a lot more rubbish of the same sort.
To which a New York member replied, by making sarcastic allusions to the "honest Grangers," who he said had for years been going down on their knees and begging the capitalists of the great eastern cities, to send their money west and invest it, in railways, water-works, gas-works and other public improvements; or to lend money to western farmers on their farm mortgages; and then, as soon as they had fairly gotten the money out there, they had invariably tried to steal it—or to confiscate it through forms of law—which amounted to the same thing. They passed laws limiting the price of gas and water to such low figures that many of the gas and water companies were bankrupted; they organized state boards of Railway Commissioners who assumed to fix passenger and freight rates at figures which would scarcely pay operating expenses; and having discovered that several hundreds of millions of dollars of eastern capital had been advanced on what were known as "farm mortgages," at rates of interest varying from seven to twelve percent., passed usury laws fixing the rate at not to exceed six per cent., and also passed laws exempting a farmer's house and barns from sale under execution. It is true, this last law had been decided to be unconstitutional, but it only showed the lengths to which the "honest" agricultural toiler would go in his efforts to get something that did not belong to him. "Why sir!" continued this metropolitan statesman, "Who supports our confidence men? Visitors from the country, who want to play a 'skin game' where they think they have a 'sure thing.' How do our 'green goods' men find their customers?'
"By mailing their circulars, offering to sell well executed counterfeit money at ten cents on the dollar, to 'honest' tillers of the soil in all parts of the country. Show me a man who is constantly prating about the 'tyranny of capital,' and the 'grinding of honest toilers' by corporate greed and individual usury; and I will show you a man who is at heart a scoundrel and a knave; and who will never pay even a just debt, if he can sneak out of it."
Of course these speeches were entirely foreign to the subject under discussion, but I introduce these brief extracts merely to show to what extent sectional feelings and prejudices ran, as well as to explain to a certain extent, the almost incredible failure of Congress to act promptly, and prevent the vast destruction of property which the bombardment of our seaport cities would involve.
These discussions were continued day and night (for Congress sat in almost continuous session) from the 15th to the 18th, without any result being arrived at. The members and senators were flooded with letters and telegrams from all threatened points, begging them to act at once; to pay the indemnity demanded; take Canada, and bide our time for a final settlement with Great Britain. But owing to the objections of the Western and Central States, nothing could be accomplished, and when the sun rose on the morning of the 18th of May, it was a foregone conclusion that New York and Brooklyn were to suffer all the horrors of a bombardment, unless (as was highly improbable) the British Admiral should see fit to further extend the time of probation. This he utterly refused to do; and having on the two previous days silenced the forts on Long and Staten Islands, and easily repulsed a feeble attack by the unarmored cruisers "Atlanta," "Baltimore," "Boston" and "Philadelphia," and a score or so of torpedo boats, he prepared, on the morning of the 18th, to force his way through the Narrows into the Upper Bay, where he would be within easy range of the two cities. He had satisfied himself that the torpedoes, with which the Narrows were supposed to be thickly planted, would not be able to prevent his fleet from passing through. Many of these torpedoes had been cut loose and destroyed by his torpedo destroyers; and the officers of these little boats assured him that they had cleared a narrow channel, which they had marked with diminutive buoys; and that if he would take his fleet in, in single file—each vessel following as closely as possible in the wake of the one immediately preceding her—the whole fleet could unquestionably pass through without damage.
This suggestion was adopted, and before 10 o'clock on the morning of the 18th, the whole British fleet, with the exception of the "City of New York," was safely riding at anchor in the Upper Bay. The "City of New York" was one of the merchant steamships which had been metamorphosed into a cruiser. She had formerly been plying in the passenger trade between New York and Liverpool. Owing to the shortsighted policy which our Government had previously adopted in refusing to aid or encourage the establishment of American steamship lines; this ship, although her owners were Americans, had been built in England, and sailed under the English flag in order to secure the subsidy of £10,000 a year, which that Government agreed to pay for the privilege of turning her into a cruiser in time of war.
Thus, when war was declared, the American owners of this vessel and the "City of Paris," had the mortification of seeing their own property taken from them, to make war upon their own country. In attempting to enter the Narrows with the rest of the fleet, the "City of New York," owing to her superior speed, could only keep her place in the line with great difficulty, and in sheering off, to avoid a collision with the vessel just ahead of her, she ran out of the channel which had been buoyed by the torpedo destroyers, and getting directly over two large torpedoes, she was partially blown up, and sunk in the deepest part of the Narrows in about a hundred feet of water.
Her destruction caused great rejoicing among all classes of Americans, who had protested loudly but vainly against this unpatriotic use of the British flag. But after all, the owners of the vessel were not so much to blame for it as Congress was.
As the fleet proceeded up the Bay and came to anchor between Bedloe's and Governor's Islands, its movements were watched with intense interest by a large crowd, which had assembled on the seawall of the Battery. As the hour of noon approached, however, this crowd thinned out rapidly; and at twenty minutes of twelve o'clock—at which time it had been announced that the trains on the elevated railways would cease running,—there were not more than a dozen persons visible along the whole water front of the Battery. At ten minutes before twelve, a shudder of apprehension ran through the few remaining denizens of the two cities, as they heard the ominous boom of a heavy gun. It was, however, not immediately followed by any others; and as was subsequently ascertained, was only a blank cartridge, fired as a preliminary signal to the rest of the fleet, to hold themselves in readiness to commence firing, in ten minutes. It was like the preparatory gun before starting a regatta. Everything was apparently to be done in exact accordance with a programme previously agreed upon; and the bombardment was to commence with true "man of war" precision and ceremony.
To us of the present generation, who have never experienced any of the horrors of war, it seems almost incredible that civilized and Christian men, could thus coldly arrange the details of the destruction of life and property on such a vast scale, and calmly count the seconds on their watches as they ticked away the few remaining moments which separated the two great cities from destruction.
Promptly at noon, the guns on the portside of the flagship flashed the signal to the rest of the fleet, and the work of destruction commenced in earnest. The fire at first seemed to be directed against the tall buildings in the lower part of the city, which were in plain eight, and afforded excellent marks for the gunners. But as these became rapidly battered down into masses of ruin, the guns were elevated a little, so as to throw the shells further uptown, and the area of destruction was thus vastly widened.
During the first day's bombardment, there seemed to be a tacit understanding among the artillerists (probably the result of a general order on the subject) to spare the Brooklyn Bridge; and although many projectiles came very near to the towers and supporting cables, and some almost grazed the structure itself, yet it remained intact on the evening of the 18th.
On the morning of the 19th, however, when the bombardment was renewed, these orders (if any such had existed on the previous day) had evidently been countermanded, foe nearly the whole fire of the fleet seemed to be concentrated on the towers and the cables, and in less than half an hour after the opening of the second day's cannonade, the massive granite towers gave way, and the whole magnificent structure fell into the river beneath, where for many months it remained an absolute barrier to navigation through the East River and Long Island Sound.
The Brooklyn Navy-yard was also thoroughly riddled during the second day. The British gunners had evidently been studying their charts over night, and had gauged the distance and direction of the yard so exactly, that before noon of the 19th, they had thrown over five hundred shells into the yard itself, or its immediate vicinity.
Nearly everything inflammable took fire and was consumed, and all of the buildings in the neighborhood were more or less damaged.
One rather amusing feature of the bombardment occurred here. A Mr. Higgins had an immense soap manufacturing establishment almost adjoining the Navy-yard and (with the ingenuity and enterprise, which then, as now, seemed to characterize that particular industry in the invention of novel advertising devices) had erected on his premises a gigantic fac-simile of a soap box, the sides of which being transparent, were brilliantly illuminated at night with powerful electric lights. This box, being elevated on an iron frame-work more than 100 feet high, made a most striking and conspicuous display, plainly visible for a long distance up and down the East River, and was unquestionably very successful as an advertisement. One of the first shells which was intended for the Navy-yard, went crashing through this counterfeit soap box on the morning of the 19th, shivering it to atoms; and as a matter of course, putting an end to its career as an advertising device.
Meanwhile, affairs in the business and residence quarters of the two cities were in a deplorable condition. Fires were raging in every direction, caused by the exploding shells, and although the police and firemen stood their ground bravely, and were most efficiently aided by such troops of volunteers and militia as still remained in town, their efforts were entirely futile in staying the progress of the flames; and it seemed as though any further bombardment would be a mere waste of ammunition; as such portions of the cities as had not been already shattered by the shells, seemed doomed to certain destruction by fire.
The whole of the lower portion of New York was a confused heap of ruins. The palatial business structures, many of which rose to an enormous height, and which had been such a source of pride to the citizens, had all been demolished, and the streets in the lower portion of the city were rendered almost impassible, by the debris which lay scattered about in confused piles throughout their entire length. The numerous safe deposit vaults, which occupied the basements of many of these mammoth structures, were buried so deeply, that several week's excavation were required before they once more became accessible.
In short, the destruction was about as complete as it could well be, and the British Admiral could at least have the satisfaction of feeling that he had carried out his instructions to the very letter.
About 5 o'clock on the afternoon of the 19th of May, the torpedo boat "Stiletto" was sent down from Yonkers, where the American fleet was lying, with a flag of truce, requesting a cessation of hostilities, pending some fresh negotiations between the two governments. The exact nature of these negotiations was not known to the officers making the request; but their representations were such as to induce the British Admiral to accede to their wishes, (especially as he had already done about all the damage that he could) and an armistice for ten days was agreed upon.
It subsequently transpired that news had been received in Washington that the two other British fleets, which were intended to operate against the New England, and the Southern Atlantic and Gulf seaports, had sailed on the 15th of May for their respective destinations, and might be expected to arrive on our coast about the first week in June. This announcement, coming simultaneously with the demonstration of the utterly defenseless condition of our coast cities, which the bombardment of New York and Brooklyn had so conclusively shown, caused such a universal chorus of indignant protest throughout the whole country, that the senators and congressmen, who had previously opposed all propositions looking to a settlement of the controversy by the payment of a war indemnity, began to fear that a persistence in their course might cost them their official positions; and several announced their willingness to change their votes, in case the question could be again brought up. With these accessions, however, the measure still lacked a majority; and in all probability would have failed of passage, if it had not been for the shrewd and ingenious invention of a Boston journalist, who published a detailed description (said to have been received from a Canadian deserter) of four formidable iron-clad gunboats, which were said to have been conveyed in sections, by rail, from Montreal to a place called Collingwood, on Georgian Bay, with the utmost secrecy, during the preceding summer and autumn; and which were now nearly ready for action, and within two or three weeks, or a month, at the most, would bombard all of our lake cities, from Duluth to Buffalo.
This story subsequently proved to be a complete fabrication; but it served its purpose admirably; for the senators and congressmen from all the States bordering the Great Lakes, hastened to announce themselves as favorable to a compromise, on any reasonable basis. Now that the enemy was knocking at their own doors, and pressure was brought to bear on them by their own constituents, they seemed to view the situation from an entirely different standpoint from the one which they had formerly occupied; and unanimously "flopped" over to the "peace at any price" party, as the advocates of settlement, had been contemptuously christened by their opponents.
An act was rushed through both houses of Congress, authorizing and directing the President to appoint three commissioners to confer with a like number to be appointed by the government of Great Britain, to draft a treaty of peace between the two countries, in substantial accordance with the terms heretofore offered by the representatives of Her Britannic Majesty's government.
A further cessation of hostilities, pending the meeting of these commissioners in Paris, took place, and the two British fleets then on their way to the United States were instructed, by cable, to rendezvous at Halifax, and await further orders. The negotiations were concluded much more promptly than such negotiations usually are. The only serious question of difference grew out of the insistence by the British commissioners, that the United States should assume the indebtedness of the Dominion of Canada.
This was at length agreed to by the American representatives, and a treaty of peace, which was subsequently ratified by both governments, was agreed upon, by which Great Britain ceded to the United States all of its Canadian and West Indian possessions, except the island of Barbadoes, which was to be retained as a military and naval station; and in return for this cession of territory, the United States agreed to assume the indebtedness of Canada, amounting to about $300,000,000; and to pay to Great Britain, as "purchase money," $1,500,000,000. The phrase "purchase money," instead of "penalty" or "war indemnity," was inserted at the urgent request of the American commissioners, without serious objection by their British associates. The latter, doubtless, thought that as long as they got the money, it made no difference what name they gave it.
Thus ended one of the briefest, and at the same time one of the most momentous wars that ever was waged. Its brevity was obvious. Its importance grew out of the fact that it changed the Nationality of half a continent, and totally revolutionized existing methods of Naval warfare. England's triumph, it is true, was complete; and British jubilation was intense, but both were only temporary; and this apparent success was but the commencement of the downfall of the British Empire. That heterogeneous combination of different races and Nationalities, had hitherto "ruled the world" by virtue of its conceded superiority as a naval power; but this American invention of self-destroying torpedo boats, having fully demonstrated the fact that any properly defended harbor was invulnerable to attack even by the heaviest and most formidable iron-clads, British threats ceased to alarm anybody; and thenceforward England exerted only such influence in European councils, as her military strength entitled her to—which was very trifling.
In the great Continental war which made such radical changes in the maps of Europe and Asia, she took practically no part; and while Germany absorbed German Austria, and thus realized the dream of Bismark's life—German unity,—and Vienna became in name, as well as in fact, a German City; and while Russia seized the Danubian provinces and European Turkey and Greece, thus possessing herself of Constantinople, and of her long coveted outlet on the Mediterranean; England was compelled to look idly on, and play the rô1e of a disgusted spectator.
To the loss of prestige as a Naval power, which the Battle of the Swash occasioned, can also be directly attributed England's subsequent loss of India and Australia; the former by Russian conquest, and the latter by declaring itself an independent nation.
Thus do the most momentous historical events often-times hinge upon apparently trivial happenings; and the fate of Nations and peoples yet unborn, may be changed by a skirmish of outposts, or the bombardment of towns on the opposite side of the world.
The treaty of peace was greatly objected to by such of the Canadians as had favored a continuation of British rule, and the more bitter of these attempted to organize an "Independence party."
Their numbers, however, were comparatively insignificant, and although they made a show of organizing an army for the purpose of opposing the United States troops, and achieving the independence of Canada, they took good care not to risk a conflict with the vastly superior forces of the Americans, and in less than a month, such of them as had not deserted, surrendered; and all further traces of opposition to American occupation disappeared. On the 4th of July, 1890, which was the one hundred and fourteenth anniversary of American Independence, the United States took formal possession of Canada; and the prosperity of that vast section of the North American Continent may be said to date from that eventful day.
The war now being concluded, and the questions which had for more than a century proved so vexatious, being permanently settled, the people of the United States had plenty of leisure time to count up the cost of the "economy" which their rulers had been treating them to, ever since the end of the Civil War.
As has already been shown, these demagogues, while prating about the surplus, and the tariff, and the down-trodden laboring man, and the crime of spending the people's money for anything but river and harbor and public building jobs, and exorbitant premiums on immature bonds; had permitted the United States Navy to go to decay, from motives of "economy;" had utterly refused to offer even decent rates of compensation for the carrying of foreign mails in American ships, for the sake of "economy;" had declined to encourage the establishment of an auxiliary naval force, by the payment of an annual rental for the privilege of employing swift American built steamships as cruisers in time of war, because by not doing so, the treasury would save $5,000,000 or $10,000,000 a year, and these statesmen could continue to pose before the country as champions and apostles of "economy;" and had neglected year after year to fortify the seaboard cities, notwithstanding the constant and oft repeated warnings uttered by military and naval experts, intelligent and thoughtful writers, and farsighted statesmen of both political parties; because, forsooth, when year after year the River and Harbor Bill and the Public Buildings Bill had been inflated to the largest possible figures that would be likely to escape a presidential veto, they found that they could not spend any money on fortifications without exceeding the appropriations made by their predecessors, and would thus render themselves liable to be considered by their constituents as lacking in the great essential element of "economy."
Well, these economical statesmen had had their way—and their day—and their constituents and masters—the People of the United States—said to them, "Gentlemen, render an account of your stewardship. Let us see what your loud professions of 'economy' for the past twenty-five or thirty years amount to. Let us have an itemized account, debit and credit, and see how far your acts have been justified by results."
You are clearly entitled to credit for the following amounts:
CREDIT.
| Mail Subsidies saved annually | $5,000,000 |
| Rental of Steamships (assuming 100 swift ships at $100,000 each) as an auxiliary naval force | 10,000,000 |
| Adequate naval and fortification appropriations annually |
20,000,000 ——————— |
| Total annual saving |
$35,000,000 ——————— |
| Total for ten years | $350,000,000 |
A very handsome exhibit, gentlemen; now let us see the other side of the account.
DEBIT.
| Amount paid annually to foreign ships, carrying American products | $150,000,000 |
| Amount of wages lost to American ship-builders and their workmen, annually (figures previous to 1860) | 12,000,000 |
| Amount of domestic shipbuilding materials not used annually (figures previous to 1860) | 30,000,000 |
| Passage money paid by Americans to foreign shipowners annually (estimated) |
5,000,000 ——————— |
| Total annual cost |
$197,000,000 ——————— |
| Total for ten years | $1,970,000,000 |
To this must be added the following amounts:
| War indemnity, paid to Great Britain by reason of our not having a navy | $1,500,000,000 |
| Canadian debt assumed |
300,000,000 ——————— |
| Carried forward |
$3,770,000,000 |
| Brought forward | $3,770,000,000 |
| Amount expended by U. S. in War with Great Britain | 100,000,000 |
| Amount of damage done to New York and Brooklyn by British fleet |
300,000,000 ——————— |
| Total | $4,170,000,000 |
| Less credits as above |
350,000,000 ——————— |
| Total cost of ten years of Congressional "economy." | $3,820,000,000 |
"There are other items, gentlemen, which could easily be made to swell the above debit balance; but these are sufficient. You may step down and out. The people of the United States are the most wealthy and liberal people in the world, but ten years more of such "economy" as yours has been, would bankrupt us. We wish you no harm, gentlemen, but we have no further need of your services."
Of course this monologue is not to be taken literally, but it is what the people of the United States practically said, by their action, at the elections which succeeded the Battle of the Swash.
It is, perhaps, needless to remark, that for many years subsequent to 1890, American statesmen were not called upon to wrestle with the difficult problem of "how to dispose of the surplus revenue."
Their "economical" predecessors had effectually obviated all necessity for any such discussion; but the lesson which the people had learned, was a most valuable one, and instead of considering themselves the suffering victims of an excessive and burdensome system of taxation, they fully realized that they were the most favored people in the world in that respect, and cheerfully supported the new generation of Congressmen in authorizing the liberal expenditures, which in a few years made our coasts and harbors invulnerable; gave us a navy superior to that of any other nation, and placed us once more in the van among the maritime powers of the world.
At the first glance, the Battle of the Swash seemed to have been a most disastrous event for the United States.
England got all the glory and all the money, and the United States got Canada and—the experience. But the latter proved to be worth infinitely more than it cost, in that it exploded the absurd system of miscalled "economy," which only "saved at the spigot to waste at the bung."
Let us rejoice that in this year of grace 1930, we have so profited by the errors of our ancestors, that we now occupy unchallenged, the foremost position among the Nations of the earth; and that with our 200,000,000 of intelligent, prosperous and contented citizens—each one a sovereign in his own right—we can afford to look with indifference upon the wars and struggles of our less fortunate contemporaries on the other side of the Atlantic.
Too late, alas! had the truth and wisdom of these words—written by that great founder of the Government, Thomas Jefferson—become manifest.
"Our navigation involves still higher consideration; as a branch of industry it is valuable; but as a resource of defense, it is essential.
"The position and circumstances of the United States leaves them nothing to fear from their land board, and nothing to desire beyond their present rights.
"But on the seaboard they are open to injury, and they have then, too, a commerce which must be protected.
"This can only be done by possessing a respectable body of artists and citizen seamen, and establishments in readiness for shipbuilding.
"If particular Nations grasp at undue shares of our commerce, and more especially, if they seize on the means of the United States, to convert them into aliment for their own strength, and withdraw them entirely from the support of those to whom they belong, defensive and protective measures become necessary on the part of the Nation whose marine sources are thus invaded, or it will be disarmed of its defense, its productions will be at the mercy of the Nation which has possessed itself exclusively of the means of carrying them, and its politics may be influenced by those who command its commerce.
"The carriage of our own commodities, if once established in another channel, cannot be resumed at the moment we desire.
"If we lose the seamen and artists whom it now employs, we lose the present means of Marine defense, and time will be requisite to raise up others, when disgrace or losses shall bring home to our feelings the evils of having abandoned them."
The "disgrace and losses" incurred by our ancestors in this brief but disastrous campaign, had indeed brought "home to their feelings the evils of having abandoned" the great interest thus earnestly pleaded for by the greatest statesman of his day; and the absurd folly of the so-called "economy," which prompted its abandonment, was at length reluctantly conceded by the noisiest and bitterest advocates of free trade throughout the land.
THE END.