[365] Livy vi. 14. 12.

[366] Ibid. 32. 1.

[367] Dion. Hal. v. 20; cf. iv. 11. 2; xi. 63. 2; Plut. Popl. 12.

[368] Livy ii. 9. 6; xxiii. 48. 8; xxxiii. 42. 4; xxxix. 7. 5; Pliny, N. H. xxxiv. 6. 23; Marquardt, Röm. Staatsv. ii. 162, n. 4.

[369] Instances of public expenditure for the equipment or pay of troops before this date (Dion. Hal. v. 47. 1; viii. 68. 3; ix. 59. 4; Livy iv. 36. 2) are either exceptional or more probably historical anticipations of later usage. That before 406 the soldiers drew pay from their tribes (Mommsen, Röm. Trib. 32; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 540) is disproved by Soltau, Altröm Volksversamml. 407 f.

[370] Marquardt, ibid. 164-7.

[371] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 392.

[372] Varro, L. L. v. 181.

[373] The function of the tribuni aerarii was to pay the soldiers; Cato, Epist. Quaest. i, in Gell. vi (vii). 10. 2; Varro, v. 181; Fest. ep. 2; Pliny, N. H. xxxiv. 1. 1. Perhaps they also collected money into the treasury; Cic. Att. i. 16. 3. From Cato’s statement they appear to have been financially responsible; and we are informed that as early as 100 they constituted a rank (ordo) evidently next below the equites; Cic. Rab. Perd. 9. 27. Under the Aurelian law of 70 they made up a decury of jurors; Cic. Att. i. 16. 3; Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 1. 31. From these facts it is clear that the aerarian tribunes were officers of the aerarium, but no connection with the tribes can be discovered; Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 409-12.

[374] Diod. xx. 46; Livy ix. 46. 10 f.; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 403.

[375] Mommsen, ibid. This class came to an end in the Social War; Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1285.

[376] In Mommsen’s opinion (Röm. Staatsr. ii. 403) these censors transferred to the country tribes as many landholding members of the urban tribes as possible.

[377] Livy ix. 46. 13 f.

[378] Livy xlv. 15.

[379] The expression tribu movere or in aerarios referre was still used, but meant no more than the transfer from a rural to an urban tribe and to the aerarian class within the latter; p. 62, n. 7.

[380] Cf. Livy xxiv. 18. 8 f.

[381] Livy xxiv. 43. 2 f.; Cic. Cluent. 42. 120.

[382] P. 86.

[383] I. 43. The account given by Dionysius Hal. iv. 16 f.; vii. 59, is the same in principle, though slightly different in detail.

[384] P. 52.

[385] Fest. 246. 30; or “discriptio classium,” ibid. 249. 1.

[386] Livy i. 60. 4.

[387] Quoted by Cic. Orat. 46. 156, for the forms “centuria fabrum” and “procum.” Varro, L. L. vi. 86-8, is an extract from the Tabulae of later time; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 245, n. 1.

[388] P. 52. Proof of the date is the fact that the ratings are in the sextantarian as, legally adopted in 269 or 268 (page 86). The as of this standard was valued at one tenth of a denarius, so that 1000 asses = 100 denarii = 1 mina; Dion. Hal. iv. 16 f.; Polyb. vi. 23. 15: Οἱ ὑπὲρ τὰς μυρίας τιμώμενοι δραχμάς, descriptive of the highest rating—100,000 asses; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 249, n. 4; Hill, Greek and Roman Coins, 47. It could not have been later than 241, in which year the reform of the centuriate assembly must have been far advanced, if not completed; page 215.

[389] P. 84.

[390] It is wrong to suppose with Soltau, in Jahrb. f. cl. Philol. xli (1895). 412, n. 6, that all the details of the Servian system were known only in this way.

[391] Cf. Livy i. 44. 2; Dion. Hal. iv. 15. 1.

[392] Smith, Röm. Timokr. 9 ff., supposes Calpurnius Piso to have been the intermediary. But a problem in which so many of the quantities are unknown is incapable of solution.

[393] P. 205, n. 5, 215.

[394] Livy i. 43. 8; Dion. Hal. iv. 18. 2; p. 207.

[395] P. 80.

[396] P. 81.

[397] P. 81.

[398] P. 82 f.

[399] Livy viii. 8. 3; Dion. Hal. iv. 22. 1.

[400] It is unnecessary here to consider the question as to the historical personality of Servius Tullius. In this volume the name will be given to the king (or group of kings?) who instituted the so-called Servian tribes and the military centuries and made a beginning of the census.

[401] P. 201.

[402] Helbig, Sur les attributes des saliens, in Mémoires de l’acad. d. inscr. et belles-let. xxxvii (1906). 230 ff.; cf. Comptes rendus de l’acad. etc. 1904. ii. 206-12. Helbig finds that the Latino-Etruscan equipments of the time preceding Hellenic influence, as shown by archaeology, correspond closely with those of the Salii, whom he regards therefore as religious survivals from that early civilization. It is from archaeological data, combined with the well-known equipment of the Salii, that the close resemblance between the early Latino-Etruscan and the Mycenaean military system is established.

[403] Not merely the chief, as Helbig, Comptes rendus, 1900. 517, supposes. The ἠνίοχοι καὶ παραβάται who fought at Delium, and whom he rightly regards as a survival from the age of war-chariots, acted as a company not as individuals; Diod. xii. 70. 1.

[404] Helbig, Le Currus du roi Romain, in Mélanges Perrot, 167 f. It was like that chiseled on a gravestone found by Dr. Schliemann on the acropolis of Mycenae, in the main identical with the Homeric chariot, represented in later time on the famous sarcophagus at Clazomenae; Pellegrini, in Milani, Studi e materiali, i. 91-3, 98.

[405] That the army of Romulus—the primitive Roman army—was a single legion, and that the Servian reform consisted accordingly in doubling it, is an ancient hypothesis accepted by some moderns, as Smith, Röm. Timokr. 38 f. An organization in definite numbers, however, as 1000 from each tribe, cannot arise till the state has grown sufficiently populous to make up the army of a part only of its available strength, when folk and army have ceased to be identical (Schrader, Reallex. 350), and it is agreed that this condition was not reached till after the adoption of the Servian reform; Delbrück, Gesch d. Kriegsk. i. 225; Smith, ibid. 52 f., 56.

[406] Il. ii. 362.

[407] Schrader, ibid. For the Sueves, see Caesar, B. G. iv. 1; for the Lacedaemonian army, see p. 71. The assumption of Helbig, Comptes rendus, 1904. ii. 209, that the army was composed of patricians only is altogether unwarranted. Equally groundless is the notion of Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 250, that the Homeric army was composed chiefly of nobles with a few light-armed dependents.

[408] Cf. Liers, Kriegswesen der Alten, 78; Niese in Hist. Zeitschr. xcviii (1907). 264, 266, 289.

[409] Il. iv. 293 ff.

[410] Represented by the dances of the Salii; Helbig, ibid. 211 f.

[411] Paus. iv. 8. 11; Polyaen. i. 10; Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 30 f.; Niese, in Hist. Zeitschr. xcviii (1907). 274 ff.

[412] Cf. Thuc. v. 70; Polyaen. i. 10.

[413] Cf. Thuc. v. 69. For this and other depths, see Delbrück, ibid. i. 25; Liers, Kriegswesen der Alten, 45; Lammert, in N. Jahrb. f. kl. Philol. xiii (1904). 276 f.

[414] Tyrtaeus, Frag. xi (Bergk). For the shield which covered “hips, legs, breast, and shoulders,” v. 23 f. It was abolished by Cleomenes III; Plut. Cleom. 11; cf. Liers, ibid. 34; Lammert, ibid. 276 f.

[415] XII. 26; Xen. Anab. i. 2. 16. A public gift of a bronze cuirass is mentioned by Aristotle, Lac. Pol. 75, Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. ii. p. 127. Gilbert, Const. Antiq. 73; Delbrück, ibid. 25, maintain that the cuirass was a regular part of the equipment. This is true of soldiers who carried smaller shields.

[416] Beloch, Griech. Gesch. i. 200 f.; cf. Liers, Kriegswesen der Alten, 34 f.; Droysen, Griech. Kriegsalt. 3 ff.

[417] Cf. the name of one of these regiments Μεσσοάτης (Schol. Thuc. iv. 8) derived from the village or local tribe Messoa. Schol. Aristoph. Lysistr. 453, mentions five by name; cf. Aristotle, Frag. 541. Perhaps a sixth for guarding the kings was drawn from all the tribes; Busolt, Griech. Gesch. i. 535 ff. with notes. Lenschau, in Jahresb. ü. Altwiss. cxxxv. 83, holds that there were but four phylae.

[418] The name pentecosty indicates that it originally comprised fifty men, which suggests that the century may have been a higher group. Before the Peloponnesian War (Thuc. v. 68) the Lacedaemonian organization had departed far from its original form.

[419] Droysen, Griech. Kriegsalt. 70; Gilbert, Const. Antiq. 72. Compulsory service beyond the border ceased with the fortieth year; Xen. Hell. v. 4. 13.

[420] Cf. Liers, Kriegsw. der Alten, 14.

[421] Busolt, Griech. Gesch. ii. 180 ff.; Helbig, in Mém. de l’acad. des inscr. xxxvii¹ (1904). 164. But the Athenian army did not become efficient till long after Solon; cf. Niese, in Hist. Zeitschr. xcviii (1907). 278-82.

[422] The Romans believed that they got the phalanx from the Etruscans; Ined. Vat., in Hermes, xxvii (1892). 121 from an early historian, Fabius Pictor or Posidonius or Polybius (Pais, Anc. Italy, 323); Diod. xxiii. 2 (Müller); Athen. vi. 106. p. 273 f.; Wendling, in Hermes, xxviii (1893). 335 ff.; Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, i. 364 ff.; Smith, Röm. Timokr. 40. The circumstance does not prove that the Romans were then in subjection to the Etruscans.

[423] Some of the ancients derive classis from calare, “to call,” hence “summoning;” Dion. Hal. iv. 18. 2; Quint. Inst. i. 6. 33; accepted by Walde, Lat. Etym. Wörterb. 125; Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 242; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 464. Others connected it with κᾶλος “firewood,” hence “gathering;” Serv. in Aen. i. 39; Isid. Etym. xix. 1. 15; Schol. Luc. i. 306. Corssen, Ausspr. i. 494, proposes to derive it from a root “clat,” which appears in the Greek κλητεύειν (Lat. *clat-ē-re), Germ. laden, which would still give the meaning “summoning;” cf. Curtius, Griech. Etym. 139; Vaniček, Griech. Lat. etym. Wörterb. 143 (*cla-t, cla-t-ti-s). Mommsen accepted the meaning “summoning” in the early editions of his History, but rejects it in the Staatsrecht, iii. 262 f. (cf. his History, English ed. i. 1900. 115 f., 118) on the ground that however adapted it may have been to the later political classes, it could not well apply to the fleet and army, and hence could not belong to the earlier use of the word, which denoted the line in contrast with those who fought outside the line. But against his reasoning it could be urged that classis with the idea of “summoning” first applied to the line of heavy infantry—the only effective part of the army; and when once the connotation of “line” had been established, it could easily extend to the fleet.

[424] Gell. vi (vii). 13: “‘Classici’ dicebantur non omnes, qui in quinque classibus erant, sed primae tantum classis homines, qui centum et viginti quinque milia aeris ampliusve censi erant. ‘Infra classem’ autem appellabantur secundae classis ceterarumque omnium classium, qui minore summa aeris, quod supra dixi, censebantur. Hoc eo strictim notavi, quoniam in M. Catonis oratione, qua Voconiam legem suasit, quaeri solet, quid sit ‘classicus,’ quid ‘infra classem;’” Fest. ep. 113; cf. Cic. Verr. II. i. 41. 104; Pseud. Ascon. 188; Gaius ii. 274.

[425] The statement of Diod. xxiii. 2 (Müller), and of the Ined. Vat. (in Hermes, xxvii. 121) that the Romans derived their round shield from the Etruscans accords with archaeological evidence for the use of the round shield by the early Etruscans; Pellegrini, in Milani, Studi e materiali, i. 91 ff.; Helbig, in Comptes rendus de l’acad. des inscr. 1904. ii. 196.

[426] The notion of Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 227, that the army was not organized in centuries till after the beginning of the republic has no foundation whatever.

[427] P. 76. The original number cannot be determined.

[428] Tubero, in Gell. x. 28. 1; Non. Marc. 523. 24. From this fact it appears that military conditions made a far greater demand upon the early Romans than upon the Lacedaemonians.

[429] Helbig, in Comptes rendus de l’acad. des inscr. 1900. 516 ff.; Mém. de l’acad. etc. xxxvii¹ (1904). 157 ff.; Hermes xl (1905). 109. The objection of Smith, Röm. Timokr. 37, n. 3, is not well founded.

[430] Incertus Auctor (Huschke), p. 1.

[431] Ined. Vat., in Hermes xxvii (1892). 121; Helbig, ibid, xl (1905). 114. The transvectio equitum was instituted in 304; Livy ix. 46. 15. On the close connection of the Roman cavalry with that of the Greeks of southern Italy, see Pais, Storia di Roma, I. ii. 607, n. 1.

[432] The priores had each two horses; Granius Licinianus xxvi, p. 29: “Verum de equitibus non omittam, quos Tarquinius ita constituit, ut priores equites binos equos in proelium ducerent;” cf. Fest. ep. 221. On the Tarentine cavalry, see Livy xxxiii. 29, 5. The inference is that the posteriores had one horse each.

[433] Helbig, in Hermes xl (1905). 107. Notizie degli Scavi, 1899. 167, fig. 17 (cf. p. 157); 1900. 325, fig. 28; Pellegrini, in Milani, Studi e materiali, i. 106.

[434] Pellegrini, ibid. i. 97, fig. 5; 104, fig. 10.

[435] P. 75.

[436] P. 3, n. 8.

[437] VI. 13. 4.

[438] The principal sources are Cic. Rep. ii. 20. 36; 22. 39; Livy i. 13. 8; 15. 8; 36. 7; 43. 8 f.; Dion. Hal. ii. 13; vi. 13. 4; Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. (9.) 35; Fest. ep. 55; Plut. Rom. 13. On the basis of these sources we could reckon an increase to 1800, 3600, or 5400 according to our assumption as to the number of horsemen to the century; cf. Gerathewohl, Die Reiter und die Rittercenturien, 3-8.

[439] Helbig, in Hermes, xl (1905). 101, 105, 107.

[440] Livy i. 13. 8; Dion. Hal. ii. 13. 1 f.; Fest. ep. 55.

[441] Cic. Rep. ii. 20. 36: Livy i. 36. 2, 7; Fest. 344. 20; ep. 349. Writers differ slightly in the form of the names.

[442] P. 73, n. 7.

[443] This distinction of rank among the patrician centuries of the comitia centuriata is proved by the expression “proceres patricii” in the Censoriae Tabulae, quoted by Fest. 249. 1: “Procum patricium in descriptione classium, quam fecit Ser. Tullius, significat procerum. I enim sunt principes;” Cic. Orat. 46. 156: “Centuriam fabrum et procum, ut censoriae tabulae loquuntur, audeo dicere, non fabrorum aut procorum.” Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 109, n. 1, has rightly referred it to one of the sex suffragia, for no century outside this group could have been so designated; cf. Livy ii. 20. 11, who speaks of the cavalry as proceres iuventutis. The mention of a century of leading patricians implies the existence of one or more centuries of the less distinguished members of the same rank, which must have been the rest of the sex suffragia. The superior rank of the equites in early Rome is proved by Dion. Hal. ii. 13. 1; iv. 18. 1; Livy i. 43. 8 f.; ii. 20. 11. In ii. 24. 2 Livy implies that the patricians did not serve on foot (militare), and in iii. 27. 1 he speaks of a patrician who, as an exception among his rank, served on foot because of his poverty. In ii. 42 f. he distinguishes the cavalry from the infantry as patricians from plebeians. The fact that in the political conflict between the two social classes the patricians often threatened to carry on foreign wars with the aid merely of their clients (cf. Dion. Hal. x. 15, 27 f., 43) proves that the phalanx was essentially plebeian. On the honorable place of the equites in the camp, see Nitzsch, in Hist. Zeitschr. vii (1862). 145. That the sex suffragia remained patrician down to the reform of the comitia centuriata is probable; cf. Sallust, Hist. i. 11, who represents the struggle between the social classes as continuing to the opening of the war with Hannibal; see also Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 254.

[444] Dion. Hal. ii. 7. 4; cf. Polyb. vi. 25. 1; Varro, L. L. v. 91: “Turma terima (e in u abiit) quod ter deni equites ex tribus tribubus Titiensium Ramnium Lucerum fiebant: itaque primi singularum decuriones dicti, qui ab eo in singulis turmis sunt etiamnunc terni;” cf. Curiatius, in Fest. 355. 6.

[445] Cf. Polyb. vi. 25. 1.

[446] Three hundred is given as normal by Polyb. i. 16. 2; vi. 20. 9. In iii. 107. 10 f. he states it at 200, increased to 300 when to meet extraordinary cases the legion was strengthened to 5000; cf. ii. 24. 3. Livy, xxii. 36. 3, agrees with the latter statement. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 477, believes that the normal number was 300, decreased to 200 when a greater number of legions was levied.

[447] Niese, Hist. Zeitschr. xcviii (1907). 283, rightly assumes that the first and second classes at Athens were not cavalry; Helbig is right in understanding them to be mounted hoplites. Niese’s criticism (ibid. 287 and n. 1) of Helbig’s view is not convincing.

[448] Considerable time was required for the establishment of the earliest known meaning of classis before the second and third divisions were added.

[449] This is a conjecture of Bruncke, in Philol. xl (1881). 362, favored by Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 222.

[450] P. 79, 86.

[451] Usually scholars (cf. Domazewski, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1953 f.; Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 227; Smith, Röm. Timokr. 39) assume fifteen centuries for the fifth rating, on the authority of Livy i. 43. 7; Dion. Hal. iv. 17. 2; vii. 59. 5. But our knowledge of the phalanx is only inference, which to be acceptable must have at least the merit of possibility. The number fifteen is wrong because it could not have been divided evenly between the two legions; and on the other hand it will be shown later (p. 208) that in all probability the fifteenth century was not military but was added in the make up of the comitia centuriata.

[452] Müller, in Philol. xxxiv (1876). 129, is right in supposing that the legion was strengthened between the time of Servius and 387, but it was not in the way he assumes. The tradition of a legion (half phalanx) of 4000 men is preserved in Livy vi. 22. 8.

[453] Polyb. vi. 20.

[454] Cf. Smith, Röm. Timokr. 121 ff.

[455] Livy iv. 46. 1: “Dilectum haberi non ex toto passim populo placuit: decem tribus sorte ductae sunt. Ex his scriptos iuniores duo tribuni ad bellum duxere.” If this passage does not state a historical fact, at least it gives the idea of the writer as to the custom of earlier time.

[456] P. 72, 76.

[457] Cf. Smith, Röm. Timokr. 51 ff.

[458] In time of especial danger, however, the legion was increased to five thousand; Polyb. vi. 20. 8.

[459] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 268, n. 2.

[460] That the phalanx was a comparatively late institution at Rome, or that it was slow in becoming the only military system, is indicated by the survival in tradition of a more primitive mode of warfare. Sometimes in the early republic a single gens with its clients took the field; for the Fabian gens, see Livy ii. 48 ff. Often the patricians threatened to arm their clients, to carry on a war without the aid of the troublesome plebeians; cf. Dion. Hal. x. 15, 27 f., 43. As there was no motive in later time for the invention of such stories, they must contain a kernel of real tradition; hence they could not go back to the sixth century, and it is difficult to believe that they are so old as the fifth.

Collateral evidence that the second and third divisions were instituted relatively late may be found in the circumstance that the scutum, the distinctive piece of armor of these divisions, was introduced no earlier than the age of Camillus—the period of the war with Veii and the Gallic conflagration; Livy viii. 8. 3; Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, i. 366. It was Samnite (Athen. vi. 106, p. 273 f.; cf. Sall. Cat. 51), and was therefore probably adopted in the fourth century when Rome first came into contact with that people.

[461] It is evident to the reader that these proportions are those of the discriptio centuriarum of Livy and Dionysius (p. 66 above), and it will be made clear below (p. 86) that the ratings were originally in terms of iugera, the minima of the five ratings being in all probability 20, 15, 10, 5, and 2½ or 2 iugera respectively.

[462] For the date, see Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 334 f.; Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1902 f.; Pais, Storia di Roma, I. ii. 13, 33 f.

[463] There may be some truth in the etymology suggested by Varro, L. L. v. 89; cf. Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 256.

[464] Cf. Liers, Kriegsw. d. Alten, 46.

[465] Dionysius Hal. iv. 17. 1, includes the fourth rating in the phalanx of heavy infantry. For other possibilities of arrangement, see Smith, Röm. Timokr. 46 f.

[466] Thuc. v. 68; p. 86 above.

[467] Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 229; Smith, Röm. Timokr. 45 ff. That the second and third divisions of the phalanx were sometimes withdrawn to operate on the flanks (Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 249) is possible, though we have no proof of it.

[468] P. 76. From early times the Greek and Italian states kept arsenals with which to arm the poor in crises; Liers, Kriegsw. d. Alten, 36 f.

[469] P. 84.

[470] Fest. ep. 14, 18, 369; Varro, L. L. vii. 56-58. From them the centurions and decurions engaged their servants; Cato, in Varro, L. L. vii. 58; Varro, Vit. pop. rom. iii, in Non. Marc. 520; Veget. ii. 19. Hence they served the civil magistrates as attendants; cf. Censoriae Tabulae, in Varro, L. L. vi. 88; Livy iii. 33. 8; Suet. Caes. 20; Non. Marc. 59. They must have corresponded with the squires of the Greek and Roman cavalry; p. 73. They were sometimes called adscriptivi, or as carriers ferentarii. If, as has been suggested, the secretaries and other attendants of the higher officers were also drawn from them, this circumstance would help explain the honor attaching to the collegium accensorum velatorum of imperial time; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 289; Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 233.

[471] Notwithstanding Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. i. 135 f.

[472] Livy viii. 8. 8. Leinveber, in Philol. N. F. xv (1902). 36, estimates 558 accensi to the legion.

[473] The cornicines tubicinesque; Livy i. 43. 7.

[474] The cornicines marched in front of the banners; Joseph. Bell. Iud. v. 48; Fiebiger, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1602.

[475] The number is unknown. In the legio III Augusta there were thirty-six cornicines; CIL. vii. 2557; Fiebiger, ibid. 1603.

[476] Livy i. 43. 3.

[477] Varro, L. L. v. 88: “Centuria qui sub uno centurione sunt, quorum centenarius iustus numerus;” Fest. ep. 53: “Centuria ... significat ... in re militari centum homines;” Isid. Etym. ix. 3. 48; cf. Huschke, Verf. d. Serv. 107.

[478] Estimates have been made by Müller, in Philol. xxxiv (1876). 127; Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 224; Beloch, Bevölk. d. griech.-röm. Welt, 42 f.; Smith, Röm. Timokr. 67. In the United States the ratio is more than four to one; Special Reports: Suppl. Analysis and Derivative Tables, Twelfth Census of the United States, 1900, Washington, 1906. p. 170 f. The estimate given in the text is based upon the “Deutsche Sterbetafel” for men, in E. Czuber, Warscheinlichkeitsrechnung (Leipzig, 1903), p. 572, 574. The ratio is almost exactly three.

[479] Livy i. 43. 2. For the year 401, see Livy v. 10. 4: “Nec iuniores modo conscripti, sed seniores etiam coacti nomina dare, ut urbis custodiam agerent;” for 389, vi. 2. 6; for 386, vi. 6. 14; for 296, x. 21. 4: “Nec ingenui modo aut iuniores sacramento adacti, sed seniorum etiam cohortes factae libertinique centuriati. Et defendendae urbis consilia agitabantur;” cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 409, n. 5. The last of the definite instances here mentioned could alone be historical, and in this case not centuriae or legiones but cohortes seniorum are spoken of.

[480] Cf. Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 227 f.

[481] If the senior centuries were formed in the way assumed by Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 261 (“Nicht selbständig gebildet worden, sondern daraus hervorgegangen, dass wer aus einer Centurie des ersten Aufgebots Alters halber ausschied, damit in die entsprechende Centurie des zweiten Aufgebots eintrat”), about a half generation must have been required to evolve them. An objection to his idea is that the military centuries as well as the legions were formed anew at each year’s levy (Polyb. vi. 20, 24), whereas the political centuries were made up by the censors (cf. Cic. Rep. ii. 22. 40: “In una centuria censebantur”), doubtless modified annually by the consuls. A military century and a political century accordingly could not have been composed of the same men.

The Tabulae Iuniorum contained the names of all juniors in honorable service in the field; Livy xxiv. 18. 7. Tabulae Seniorum are not mentioned. Classis Iuniorum (Fest. 246. 30) may apply to all eighty-five (or eighty-four) centuries of juniors, as Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 474, supposes, or to the first class; Tubero, Historiae, i, in Gell. x. 28. 1: “Scripsit Servium Tullium regem, populi Romani cum illas quinque classes iuniorum census faciendi gratia institueret.” It is doubtful whether there was a separate list of seniors.

[482] Cic. Rep. ii. 22. 40: “Illarum autem sex et nonaginta centuriarum in una centuria tum quidem plures censebantur quam paene in prima classe tota.”