[483] Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 240.

[484] The confusion of the comitia with the army, which the ancient writers began, the moderns have intensified till the subject has become utterly incomprehensible. Chiefly to Genz, Servianische Centurienverfassung (1874) and Soltau, Alröm. Volksversammlungen (1880) belongs the credit of putting in a clear light the fact that the original Servian organization was an army. Both authors, however, have made the fundamental mistake of supposing that for a time during the early republic the army officiated as an assembly.

[485] Livy xxiv. 8. 19.

[486] After the inclusion of the Tribus Clustumina; Beloch, Ital. Bund, 74; Smith, Röm. Timokr. 58, n. 1.

[487] Delbrück, Gesch. d. Kriegsk. i. 223 f.; Smith, Röm. Timokr. 58.

[488] Beloch, Bevölk. d. griech.-röm. Welt, 53; Meyer, Forsch. z. alt. Gesch. ii. 162, n. 3; Delbrück, ibid. i. 14. Ferrero’s estimate (Greatness and Decline of Rome, i. 1) of a total population of 150,000 seems to be too large.

[489] P. 81.

[490] Cf. Liers, Kriegsw. d. Alten, 10.

[491] Ascribed to Camillus; Plut. Cam. 40; cf. Fröhlich, Gesch. d. Kriegsführung und Kriegskunst der Römer zur Zeit der Rep.; Schiller, Röm. Alt. 708.

[492] P. 80; cf. 63.

[493] Fröhlich, ibid. 21 f.; Schiller, ibid.

[494] P. 76.

[495] Fest. 189. 13; ep. 56, 225; Fabius Pictor, Annales, i, in Gell. x. 15. 3 f.

[496] Gell. i. 11. 3; Vergil, Aen. vii. 716: “Hortinae classes.”

[497] Gell. vi (vii). 13. 3: “In M. Catonis oratione, qua Voconiam legem suasit, quaeri solet, quid sit classicus, quid infra classem;” p. 90 below.

[498] CIL. i. 200 (Lex Agr.). 37: (“Recuperatores ex ci)vibus L quei classis primae sient, XI dato.”

[499] P. 66 f.; cf. Fest. 249. 1: “In descriptione classium quam fecit Ser. Tullius.” The attempt of Smith, Röm. Timokr., especially 140 ff., to prove that the five classes were introduced by the censors of 179 has nothing in its favor. It rests upon Livy xl. 51. 9: “Mutarunt suffragia, regionatimque generibus hominum causisque et quaestibus tribus descripserunt.” This passage makes no reference to the classes. In “generibus hominum” are included chiefly the “genus ingenuum” and the “genus libertinum.” “Causis” applies to those conditions of the libertini, such as the possession of children of a definite age, which might serve as a ground for enrolment in a rural tribe; and “quaestibus” refers to the distinction between landowners and the “opifices et sellularii” of the city. “They changed the arrangement for voting, and drew up the tribal lists on a local basis according to the social orders, the conditions, and the callings of men;” cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 265 f.; p. 354 f. below. Among the many objections to Smith’s theory these two may be mentioned: if the classes were introduced at this late historical time, (1) they would not have been ascribed to Servius Tullius; (2) they would have been adapted to the economic conditions of the second century B.C., whereas in 179 they were largely outgrown by the depreciation of the standard of value, the increase in the cost of living, and the growth of enormous estates. The Römische Timokratie is ably written, but its main thesis—the institution of the classes in the second century B.C.—remains unproved.

[500] P. 64.

[501] Verf. d. Serv. 643 f. et passim. He made a mistake however in supposing that from the beginning land was valued in terms of money.

[502] Mommsen, Röm. Trib. 111; Röm. Staatsr. iii. 247 ff.; Kübler, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 2631. When the change was made from a land to a money rating, the land of the fifth class was appraised relatively higher than that of the others. Neumann, Grundherrsch. d. röm. Rep. 9 f., prefers to assume 16 (= 2 + 14) iugera for the highest class in order to explain the often mentioned estates of seven and fourteen iugera. But it is difficult to work out a consistent scheme on this basis. Smith, Röm. Timokr. 78 ff. et passim, strongly objects to the view in any form, as he doubts the existence of the Servian classes. In general he has greatly exaggerated the difficulties of their administration.

[503] Sall. Iug. 86; Gell. xvi. 10. 14, 16; cf. Cass. Hem. 21 (Peter, Reliquiae, i. 102 f.).

[504] Haeberlin, in Riv. ital. numis. xix (1906). 614 f.

[505] Samwer-Bahrfeldt, Gesch. d. alt. röm. Münzw. 176 f.; Hill, Greek and Roman Coins, 47, 49, n. 1; Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 1509 ff.; Hultsch, ibid. v. 206; Regling, in Klio, vi (1906). 503. Babelon, Trait. d. mon. Grecq. et Rom. i. 595, still holds the view that the triental as was introduced in 269; cf. his Orig. d. la mon. 376; Mon. d. la rép. Rom. i. 37.

[506] P. 66 f.

[507] As silver is at present worth 51¼ cents an ounce (so quoted in New York, Sept. 5, 1908), a denarius (= ⅟₇₂ lb. Troy) of the coinage preceding 217 is worth by weight today 8½ cents. A more just comparison would be based on the present coined values. As a dollar contains 371¼ grains of silver, a denarius would be worth 21½ cents; or with a liberal allowance for the alloy, we might say about 20 cents. The sesterce, ¼ denarius, would therefore be equivalent to five cents. An estate of 100,000 asses of heavy weight (sesterces) would be worth about $5000, of the sextantarian standard $2000. It is hardly possible that so large a proportion of the population as was contained in the first class should average the former amount of wealth to the family. In fact the purchasing power of money was enormously higher than these equivalents indicate. In 430 the value of an ox or cow was legally set at 100 libral asses and of a sheep at ten. Reckoning a beef at the low modern value of $45, and a sheep at $4.50, we obtain a value of 45 cents for the libral as, or 22½ cents for one of 5 oz. weight (sesterce), which would give the denarius a purchasing power of 90 cents.

[508] Röm. Staatsr. iii. 249. In his History (Eng. ed. 1900), iii. 50, he expresses some doubt as to the numbers.

[509] I. 43; cf. p. 66.

[510] IV. 17. 2.

[511] Plut. Popl. 21.

[512] The view of Goguet, Centuries, 29 (following Niebuhr), that Livy has made a mistake, is not so likely.

[513] VI. 19. 2: (All must serve in war) πλὴν τῶν ὑπὸ τὰς τετρακοσίας δραχμὰς τετιμημένων· τούτους δὲ παριᾶσι πάντας εἰς τὴν ναυτικήν. That it was the minimal rating of the fifth class, and not a still lower rating for military use only, is proved by a statement of Sall. Iug. 86, that till the time of Marius the soldiers were drawn from the classes.

[514] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 251.

[515] Commercially the denarius was then, after 217, worth sixteen asses; Hultsch, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. v. 209.

[516] Cic. Rep. ii. 22. 40; Gell. xvi. 10. 10.

[517] XVI. 10. 10.

[518] Cf. Kübler, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1522.

[519] This interpretation differs slightly from that of Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 237.

[520] In like manner those possessing above 100,000 asses were at times divided into groups for the distribution of military burdens according to wealth; cf. Livy xxiv. II. 7-9. This too has no reference to the organization of the comitia.

[521] N. H. xxxiii. 3. 43: “Maximus census C̅X̅ assium fuit illo (Servio) rege, et ideo haec prima classis.”

[522] Fest. ep. 113.

[523] VI (VII). 13.

[524] Plut. Popl. 21; Huschke, Verf. d. Serv. 164.

[525] VI. 23. 15.

[526] I. 43. 2.

[527] IV. 16. 2.

[528] After the adoption of the as of an ounce weight in 217, sixteen asses of this standard were considered equivalent to a denarius or a drachma, which would give a rating of 160,000 asses for those who wore the cuirass. But the military pay was still reckoned at ten asses to the denarius (Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 3. 45); the censors seem to have used the same ratio (Livy xxxix. 44. 2 f. compared with Plut. Cat. Mai. 18); and it is therefore highly probable that in this statement Polybius intended to express in drachmas the value of 100,000 asses. Taken in its entirety, the passage sufficiently proves that reference is to the highest class; the majority (οἱ πολλοί) of soldiers, he says, have breastplates, but those rated above 10,000 drachmas wear cuirasses. If, as Belot, Rév. écon. et mon. 77 ff., imagines, the sum of 100,000 asses fell below the rating of the lowest class, there would hardly have been a soldier without the cuirass.

[529] Gaius ii. 274. That registration was necessary is proved by Cic. Verr. II. i. 41. 104 ff. By the word “censi” Cicero does not mean to designate any group or division of citizens; he simply refers to the fact of registration. P. Annius Asellus, of whom he speaks, had not been registered, or in any case at that sum, and hence was not technically liable to the law; but the value of his estate could be ascertained by authority of a court of justice, according to Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 95 f. Mommsen held the opinion, on the contrary (Abhdl. d. Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1863. 468 f.), that the incensi were absolutely free from the law.

[530] P. 85 above.

[531] VI (VII). 13. For his rating of 125,000 asses for the first class, see p. 89.

[532] N. 5 above.

[533] Dio Cass. lvi. 10. 2; Pseud. Ascon. 188.

[534] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 249, n. 4; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 95.

[535] The part containing this reference was not essentially later than the enactment of the Voconian law (p. 361).

[536] P. 403.

[537] XLV. 15. 2.

[538] Röm. Staatsr. iii. 249, n. 2.

[539] P. 90, n. 4.

[540] First offered in his Histoire des chevaliers, i (Paris, 1866), and afterward defended in his Révolution économique et monétaire ... à Rome (1885).

[541] Cf. Rév. écon. et mon. 82.

[542] Livy xxiv. 11. 7 f.

[543] Ibid. § 5.

[544] Marquardt, Röm. Staatsv. ii. 498 f.

[545] Rév. écon. et mon. 50. The Roman and Campanian (cives sine suffragio) knights together amounted to 23,000; Polyb. ii. 24. 14.

[546] About 270,000 in 220; Livy ep. xx.

[547] Even with this understanding we shall have to assume for the requisition of 214 a division between 100,000 and 300,000—those rated at 100,000-200,000 asses furnishing two and those at 200,000-300,000 asses three sailors. Otherwise the number of sailors will be greatly in excess of the need.

[548] Similar conditions exist at present in America. The monstrous luxury of the few and the heavy fines recently imposed on the Standard Oil Company do not prove all Americans to be wealthy.

[549] P. 61 f.

[550] Livy i. 43. 9; Cic. Rep. ii. 20. 36; Fest. ep. 81, 221; Gaius iv. 27.

[551] Gaius iv. 27.

[552] Rep. ii. 20. 36.

[553] I. 43. 9.

[554] Cam. 2. This statement is valuable notwithstanding Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. i. 683.

[555] Payment is mentioned by Livy v. 7. 12 (403) but triple pay is first spoken of in ch. 12. 12 (400); cf. Polyb. vi. 39. 12; Fest. 234. 26.

[556] Polyb. vi. 39. 15. The statement of Varro, L. L. viii. 71 (“Debet igitur dici ... non equum publicum mille assarium esse, sed mille assariorum”), seems to signify that in practice the cost of a public horse meant a payment to the eques of a thousand asses a year; cf. Gerathewohl, Die Reiter und die Rittercent. 49 ff., whose interpretation is preferable to that of Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 257, n. 5. The fact that the support of one knight was considered equal to that of three legionaries (Livy xxix. 15. 7) is further evidence that the triple pay covered the purchase and keep of the horse. Reference in Livy vii. 41. 8, may be to the sums (aera) for the purchase and keep of the horse; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 257, n. 3.

[557] Dionysius Hal. vi. 44. 2, assigns the first recruiting of the equites from the plebeians to the year 494, dating the event about a century too early; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 478, n. 1.

[558] Livy v. 7. 5.

[559] All this may be gathered from Livy v. 7. 4-13; cf. Gerathewohl, Die Reiter und die Rittercent. 16 ff.

[560] Polyb. vi. 19. 2; Livy xxvii. 11. 14.

[561] Livy xxvii. 11. 14, 16. This passage does not refer to those who avoided duty equo privato, as Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 478, n. 2, supposes. Those were punished who were qualified to serve equo publico but had avoided military duty altogether. Gerathewohl, ibid. 20 f., believes that Livy has made a mistake in assigning this judgment to the censors of 209, as it would much better suit the conditions of 214.

[562] The credit of establishing this fact beyond a doubt is due to Gerathewohl, Die Reiter und die Rittercent. 14-34.

[563] N. H. xxxiii. 1. 30: “Equitum nomen subsistebat in turmis equorum publicorum;” cf. Fest. ep. 81: “Equitare antiqui dicebant equum publicum merere.”

[564] P. 75.

[565] There were four legions each with 4000 infantry and 300 horse at the opening of the First Punic War; Polyb. i. 16. 2. Four legions fought against Pyrrhus at Asculum, 279; Dion. Hal. xx. 1. This was the normal number for the Samnite wars; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 477.

[566] Two legions of juniors was the maximal limit of Rome’s military strength during the period of twenty-one tribes; cf. p. 77, 84. The incorporation of the Veientan territory, 387, could not at once have doubled this force.

[567] Livy xxv. 3. 1-7; cf. Gerathewohl, Die Reiter und die Rittercent. 54. The sources do not suggest that the number after reaching eighteen hundred remained unalterable. In Cic. Rep. ii. 20. 36 (“Deinde equitum ad hunc morem constituit, qui usque adhuc est retentus”) reference is not to number but to character; Gerathewohl, ibid. 8 f. Mommsen’s interpretation (Röm. Staatsr. iii. 259, n. 5) is therefore wrong.

[568] In 200 the seven legions contained twenty-one hundred equites or fewer; Gerathewohl, Die Reiter und die Rittercent. 56.

[569] Orat. lxiv: “Nunc ego arbitror oportere restitui (Mommsen’s emendation ‘institui’ is unnecessary), quin minus duobus milibus ac ducentis sit aerum equestrium.” Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 259, wrongly holds the opinion that the measure failed to pass.

[570] See citations collected by Gerathewohl, ibid. 56, n. 1.

[571] Dion. Hal. vi. 13. 4: Ἔστιν ὅτε shows that the number varied; cf. Madvig, Röm. Staat. i. 171.

[572] Suet. Aug. 38.

[573] Cic. Rep. ii. 22. 39; Livy i. 43. 8 f.; Dion. Hal. iv. 18. 1. High birth and great wealth are emphasized, but no definite rating of the class is given. Their treatment of the subject is compatible with the view that the knights were then patrician—a view however which these writers did not have clearly in mind. Livy’s statement (iii. 27. 1) that a certain patrician served in the infantry because of his poverty harmonizes well with the same view; for as the aes equestre and hordearium were not yet introduced, a poor patrician would be unable to own and keep a horse. Those scholars therefore seem to be wrong who, like Grathewohl, ibid. 67, following Rubino, in Zeitschr. f. d. Altertumswiss. iv (1846). 219, refer the equestrian census to Servius Tullius.

[574] P. 94. It is for about this time (403) that Livy, v. 7. 5, first refers definitely to an equestrian census.

[575] This fact is most clearly stated by Dion. Hal. vii. 59. 3, and is confirmed by Cic. Rep. ii. 22. 39.; cf. Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 3. 43; for further evidence, see Belot, Rev. écon. et mon. 5 ff.

[576] P. 92.

[577] Hor. Ep. I. i. 57; Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 2. 32; Mart. iv. 67; v. 23, 25, 38; Pliny, Ep. 1. 19. 2; Juv. i. 105; v. 132; xiv. 326; Suet. Caes. 38.

[578] Serv. in Aen. iii. 89; vi. 190; xii. 259.

[579] Cic. Div. 16. 29 f.: “Dirae, sicut cetera auspicia, ut omina, ut signa, non causas adferunt, cur quid eveniat, sed nuntiant eventura, nisi provideris.” The last statement means only that a misfortune will happen, if an evil omen is unheeded. Cic. Div. ii. 33. 70: “Non enim sumus ii nos augures, qui ... futura dicamus;” cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 331; Aust, Relig. d. Römer, 198.

[580] Serv. in. Aen. iii. 20: “Auspicari enim cuivis ... licet.”

[581] Cic. Div. i. 16. 28: “Nihil fere quondam maioris rei nisi auspicato ne privatim quidem gerebatur, quod etiam nunc nuptiarum auspices declarant, qui re omissa nomen tantum tenent;” 46. 104; Val. Max. ii. 1. 1. On the nuptial auspices, see De Marchi, Cult. priv. di Rom. i. 152-5.

[582] Romulus consulted the rest of the gods along with Jupiter; Dion. Hal. ii. 5. 1.

[583] The public auspices were Jupiter’s alone; Cic. Leg. ii. 8. 20. So were the auspical chickens; Div. ii. 34. 72; 35. 73; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 77, n. 2. In historical time the sign called for was Jupiter’s lightning; Cic. Div. ii. 18. 42; Vatin. 8. 20; Phil. v. 3. 7. The epithet Elicius, notwithstanding Varro, L. L. vi. 95; Livy i. 20. 7; 31. 8, does not find its explanation in the auspices; Aust, in Roscher, Lex. Myth. ii. 656 ff.; Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Röm. 106.

[584] P. 100, n. 3.

[585] In Gell. xvi. 4. 4.

[586] Cato, De sacrilegio commisso, in Fest. 234. 30. No one could imagine Attus Navius, the swineherd, to have been a patrician, and yet he was the most famous of private augurs; Cic. Div. i. 17. It is significant, too, that the great authority on private auspices, P. Nigidius Figulus, author of Augurium privatum in several books (Gell. vii. 6. 10), was a plebeian.

[587] Livy iv. 2. 5 f.

[588] Livy iv. 6. 1 f.

[589] Livy vi. 41. 5 f.

[590] Cic. Div. ii. 36. 76: “Nos, nisi dum a populo auspicia accepta habemus, quam multum iis utimur?” i. 16. 28.

[591] Rubino, Röm. Verf. 46, n. 2, has pointed out that the phrase auspicia publica occurs only in Livy iv. 2. 5, where he believes it to be used in a special sense. In the time of Cicero no one but an antiquarian ever thought of any other kind of auspices.

[592] Livy x. 8. 9.

[593] The usual view, represented by Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 89, n. 1, is that the plebeians did not possess this right originally but acquired it later; cf. also Wissowa, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2581; Di Marchi, Cult. priv. di. Rom. i. 233. This hypothesis not only lacks support, but is also vitiated by the fact that at the time of the supposed equalization private auspices must have been declining, as Cicero found them extinct.

The treatment of private auspices here given is supplementary to the study of the social classes made in ch. ii.

[594] Messala, in Gell. xiii. 15. 4; Fest. 157. 21; Rubino, Röm. Verf. 71 ff.; Bouché-Leclerq, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. i. 580.

[595] Cic. Leg. iii. 3. 9; Livy vi. 41. 6; viii. 23. 15 f.

[596] Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 96 ff.

[597] Messala, De auspiciis, i, in Gell. xiii. 15. 4; Bouché-Leclerq, ibid. ii. 581.

[598] Messala, ibid.

[599] As when for instance the consul forbids the minor magistrate to “watch the sky” on an appointed comitial day; Gell. xiii. 15. 1: “In edicto consulum, quo edicunt, quis dies comitiis centuriatis futurus sit, scribitur ex vetere forma perpetua: ne quis magistratus minor de caelo servasse velit.”

[600] Commentarium Anquisitionis of a quaestor, in Varro, L. L. vi. 91: “Auspicio operam des et in templo auspices, dum aut ad praetorem aut ad consulem mittas auspicium petitum.” This passage shows that the quaestor, though asking permission, himself holds the auspices.

[601] The first alternative is held by Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 89, whereas Wissowa, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2584, is inclined to the latter.

[602] Gell. xiv. 7. 4, 8, quoting Varro.

[603] Leg. iii. 3. 10: “Omnes magistratus auspicium iudiciumque habento.” The previous paragraph is concerned with the tribunes, and in this citation the use of iudicium instead of imperium points to the tribunes. It is hardly possible that Cicero in his Laws would give the tribunes a right they did not possess.

[604] In Gell. xiii. 15. 4. Wissowa, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2583, seems therefore to be incorrect in excluding the tribunes from the right.

[605] In stating that the tribunes were given the right to take auspices for their assemblies, Zonaras, vii. 19, evidently confuses the oblativa with the impetrativa. It is an interesting fact that according to Cicero the first college of tribunes was elected under auspices in the comitia curiata; Frag. A. vii. 48: “Itaque auspiciato postero anno tr. pl. comitiis curiatis creati sunt.”

[606] Cic. Div. ii. 34. 71: “Hic apud maiores nostros adhibebatur peritus, nunc quilubet.” As in the time of Cicero auspices had come to be a mere pretence (p. 118), an attendant without skill or scruple would best serve the magistrate’s purpose. In Livy iv. 18. 6, the augurs see the omen for the dictator, but some other attendant might serve the purpose. Being a paid functionary, the bird-seer mentioned by Dion. Hal. ii. 6. 2 as assisting in an auspication could not have been a public augur; Valeton, in Mnemos. xviii. 406 ff.; Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Römer, 456, n. 8. The magistrate requested assistance in the following form: “Q. Fabi, te mihi in auspicio esse volo;” and the reply was “Audivi;” Cic. Div. ii. 34. 71; cf. § 72. From this formula it appears that the person summoned did not hold, but assisted in, the auspices; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 338. The auspices are always said to belong not to the augurs, but to the magistrates; Cic. Leg. iii. 3. 10; Messala, in Gell. xiii. 15. 4. Instead of remaining with the augurs in the city the auspices followed a duly elected consul into the field; Livy xxii. 1. 6. Auspicari is strictly a function of the magistrate (cf. Varro, Rer. hum. xx, in Non. Marc. 92) though the word is sometimes applied to the observation made by augurs (Fest. ep. 18), whose function is properly termed augurium, augurare; Aust, Relig. d. Römer, 200 f.; Wissowa, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2580 f.

[607] The derivation is unknown. Wissowa, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2313 f., summarizes the principal theories. Probability seems to favor the view that it is a combination of the root of avis with a verbal noun meaning “to see” or the like; Walde, Lat. etym. Wörterb. 55.

[608] Attus Navius from his boyhood was renowned for his augural skill; Cic. Div. i. 17; Livy i. 36; Dion. Hal. iii. 70 f.; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 333. Romulus, too, is said to have been an excellent augur; Remus possessed similar skill (Cic. Div. i. 2. 3; 17. 30; 40. 89; Ennius, in Cic. Div. i. 48. 107), and in the opinion of Livy, i. 18. 6; iv. 4. 2, there was no augural college before Numa.

[609] Varro, L. L. v. 33; Cic. Fam. vi. 6. 7; Senec. 18. 64; Fest. 161. 20; CIL. vi. 503, 504, 511, 1233, 1449; x. 211; Wissowa, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2314.

[610] Cic. Rep. ii. 9. 16; 14. 26; Livy x. 6. 7; ep. lxxxix; Marquardt, Röm. Staatsv. iii. 398; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 334 f.; Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Römer, 451; also his article in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 2316 f. In adding a supernumerary (Dio Cass. xlii. 51. 4) Caesar set an example extensively followed by the principes; cf. Dio Cass. li. 20. 3; Wissowa, ibid. ii. 2317.