[858] Acclamation was retained as a regular form of voting by the army; p. 202; cf. Bernhöft, Röm. Königsz. 153.

[859] Philochorus, 79 b, in Müller, Frag. Hist. Graec. i. 396. The condemnation of the generals who fought at Arginusae was voted in the same way; Xen. Hell. i. 7. 9.

[860] Cf. Schröder, Deutsche Rechtsgesch. 16.

[861] It is interesting in this connection that in the Homeric assembly the heralds (κήρυκες), who were a sacerdotal class, kept order; cf. Il. ii. 97 f. In the German assembly the priests with coercive power maintained quiet; Tac. Germ. ii. 3; Schröder, Deutsche Rechtsgesch. 22 f. The Irish assemblies were of religious origin, and maintained some religious features till after the introduction of Christianity; Ginnell, Brehon Laws, 42, 44.

[862] They excluded on the one hand comitia for religious purposes presided over by a political magistrate—for instance, the comitia centuriata under the censor for the lustrum (p. 141)—and on the other the meetings of the people under pontifical presidency for secular business, such as an appeal to the comitia from the pontifical imposition of fines (cf. Livy, xl. 42. 9), the meeting of the plebs under the supreme pontiff for the election of plebeian tribunes after the fall of the decemvirate (Cic. Cornel. in Ascon. 77; Livy, iii. 54. 5, 11), and the meeting of seventeen tribes for the election of sacerdotes. In the three exceptional instances last mentioned the comitia are tributa, which are never calata.

[863] Kindred words are calendae, Calabra, calator. As late as Plautus (Pseud. 1009; Merc. 852; Rud. 335) a common use of calatores was to designate slave messengers; cf. Fest. ep. 38; Corp. Gloss. Lat. ii. 95. 42: δοῦλοι δημόσιοι. This use became obsolete, but the word continued to apply to certain assistants of the sacerdotes; Serv. in Georg. i. 268; Corp. Gloss. Lat. ii. 96. 3; iv. 214. 1; v. 275. 1; 595. 34, 63; 563. 66; CIL. vi. 712, 2053. 5; 2184-90, 3878; x. 1726; also the inscr. recently discovered in the Forum; cf. Holzapfel, in Jahresb. f. Altwiss. 1905. 263, 265 ff.; Warren, in Am. Journ. of Philol. xxviii (1907). 249-72. In all the known instances they were freemen, often freedmen; Saglio, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. i. 814. For other citations, see Samter, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1335 f. They correspond to the lictors of the magistrates.

[864] Varro, L. L. v. 13: “Nec curia Calabra sine calatione potest aperiri.”

[865] Saglio, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. i. 814; Humbert, ibid. i. 1375. But the comitia curiata were convoked by lictors according to Gell. xv. 27. 2: “Curiata (comitia) per lictorem curiatum calari, id est convocari”; Theophilus, Paraphr. Inst. ii. 10. 1. Possibly the lictor curiatius (or curiatus; CIL. iii. 6078) should in this case be identified with the calator.

[866] Labeo, in Gell. xv. 27. 1 f.: “Calata comitia esse, quae pro collegio pontificum habentur aut regis aut flaminum inaugurandorum causa; eorum autem alia esse curiata, alia centuriata.” From this statement we learn that the calate assemblies for inaugural purposes were organized either in curiae or in centuries. As “comitia” connotes organization (p. 135), we may be sure that in all calata comitia the people stood in their voting groups. On the centuriate comitia calata, see p. 156.

[867] Varro, L. L. v. 13; vi. 27; Fest. ep. 49; Macrob. Sat. i. 15. 9 f.; Fast. Praenest. Kal. Ian., in CIL. i.² p. 231; Jordan, Top. d. Stadt Rom, I. ii. 51; Rubino, Röm. Verf. 245, n. 1; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 398 f.; Hülsen, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1821.

[868] Humbert, in Daremberg et Saglio, Dict. i. 1376.

[869] He may have appointed a priestly substitute for such functions.

[870] Livy xxii. 57. 3: “Scriba pontificis, quos nunc minores pontifices adpellant.” That he acted in behalf of the college is proved by Varro, L. L. vi. 27 (note below).

[871] Varro, L. L. vi. 27: “Primi dies mensium nominati Kalendae, quod his diebus calantur eius mensis nonae a pontificibus, quintanae an septimanae sint futurae in Capitolio in curia Calabra”; Hemerol. Praenest. Ian. 1, in CIL. i.² p. 231: “Hae et (aliae pri) mae calendae appellantur, quia (eorum pri) mus is dies est quos pont(i)fex minor quo(vis anni) mense ad nonas sin(gulas currere edicit in capi)tolio in curia cala(bra)”; Macrob. Sat. i. 15. 9 f.: “Pontifici minori haec provincia delegabatur, ut novae lunae primum observaret aspectum visamque regi sacrificulo nuntiaret. Itaque sacrificio a rege et minore pontifice celebrato idem pontifex calata, id est vocata in Capitolium plebe iuxta curiam Calabram ... quot numero dies a Kalendis ad Nonas superessent pronuntiabat.” Serv. in Aen. viii. 654 and Plut. Q. R. 24 are inexact, and still more confused is Lyd. Mens. iii. 7; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 39, n. 1. In the opinion of Mommsen the announcement on the calends was not to an assembly, but was merely preparatory to the assembly on the nones; but the words of Macrobius (vocata ... plebe) clearly indicate a gathering of the people on that day.

[872] Varro, L. L. vi. 13, 28; Macrob. Sat. i. 15. 12; cf. Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 109 and n. 1. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 40, n. 2, warns us against confusing “this unorganized contio” with the comitia calata, which are always organized in curiae or in centuries. Labeo, in Gell. xv. 27. 1, states, however, that calata comitia were held for the inauguration of the king and priests. If for this occasion the purely passive assembly was organized in voting divisions, there can be no reason for doubting that it was organized also on the occasion in question, when it met in the assembly-place of the calata comitia—a place which could not be opened sine calatione—and its convocation was designated by “calare” not “vocare.” It is significant that the phrase “calata contio” is never used. Mommsen gives no authority or reason for his assumption; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 398; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 111; Marquardt, Röm. Staatsv. iii. 283, 323; Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Römer, 440, for the view here maintained that the assembly for hearing the calendar was calata.

[873] Macrob. Sat. i. 15. 9.

[874] For the inauguration of the flamen Dialis, see Gaius i. 130; iii. 114; Ulpian, Frag. 10. 5; Livy xxvii. 8. 4; xli. 28. 7; the flamen Martialis, Livy xxix. 38. 6; xlv. 15. 10; Macrob. Sat. iii. 13. 11; the flamen Quirinalis, Livy xxxvii. 47. 8; cf. Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Römer, 420, n. 3. The inauguration of augurs probably took place in their own college.

[875] For the inauguration of the rex sacrorum, see Livy xxvii. 36. 5; xl. 42. 8. Livy’s description of the inauguration of Numa (i. 18. 6-9) probably follows the historical usage in the case of the rex sacrorum.

[876] Serv. in Aen. vi. 859.

[877] Aust, Relig. d. Römer, 130.

[878] Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 307, n. 1. This is the only function discovered for the calata comitia centuriata, mentioned by Labeo, in Gell. xv. 27. 2. The origin of the inauguration must have preceded that of the centuriate assembly; it must therefore have taken place for a time in some other form of meeting. Kübler, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1331, objects to this interpretation but finds nothing better.

[879] Cic. Brut. 1 (of an augur); Phil. ii. 43. 110 (of a flamen); Leg. ii. 8. 21 (of sacerdotes); Macrob. Sat. iii. 13. 11 (of the flamen Martialis); Livy. i. 18. 6 (of the king).

[880] Fest. 343. 8; Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Römer, 420, n. 5, 421, n. 1.

[881] Gell. i. 12. 11, citing the lex Papia. Gellius calls this assembly a contio, which includes the calata comitia; cf. xv. 27. 3: “Calatiis comitiis in populi contione.”

[882] P. 161, 163, 165.

[883] P. 157 f.

[884] P. 170.

[885] Quint. Inst. viii. 3. 3: fragor here signifies “thunders of applause.”

[886] Cic. Fam. xi. 13. 3; Livy xxviii. 26. 12; xl. 36. 4; xlii. 53. 1.

[887] P. 135.

[888] P. 74 f., 96.

[889] P. 211.

[890] On the meaning of suffragium, see the excellent article by Rothstein, in Festschrift zu Otto Hirschfelds 60stem Geburtstage, 30-3.

[891] Gell. xv. 27. 3: “Isdem comitiis, quae calata appellari diximus, ... testamenta fieri solebant”; Gaius ii. 101: “Calatis comitiis testamentum faciebant, quae comitia bis in anno testamentis faciendis destinata erant”; Theophilus, Paraphr. Inst. ii. 10. 1.

[892] Röm. Verf. 242-5, with notes, following J. H. Dernburg, Beitr. zur Gesch. der röm. Testamente, i. 53-78.

[893] Paraphr. Inst. ii. 10. 1, p. 154 ed. Ferrini: Ὁ βουλόμενος ὑπὸ πάρτυρι διετίθετο τῷ δήμῳ.

[894] XV. 27. 3. This view is accepted by Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 398 f.; Schiller, Röm. Alt. 628; Soltau, Altröm. Volksversamml. 39; Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 126, 239, 270; Madvig, Röm. Staat. i. 221; Kübler, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1333; Mispoulet, Inst. polit. Rom. i. 202 f.

[895] P. 161.

[896] II. 101.

[897] P. 143.

[898] P. 139.

[899] Schrader, Reallex. 221, 864; Leist, Alt-arisch. Jus Gent. 419; Alt-arisch. Jus Civ. ii. 171; Fustel de Coulanges, Ancient City, 104.

[900] Tac. Germ. 20. 5. The oldest Frankish laws make no mention of testaments; Schrader, ibid. 865.

[901] Demosth. xx. 102; Plut. Sol. 21; Telfy, in CJA. 1399-1412, with comment, p. 613 ff.

[902] Plut. Agis, 5; cf. Thumser, Griech. Staatsalt. 259.

[903] Bücheler und Zitelmann, Recht von Gortyn, 134.

[904] Aristot. Polit. 1309, a 24; cf. Thalheim, Griech. Rechtsalt. 61.

[905] Fustel de Coulanges, Anc. City, 105; Leist, Alt-arisch. Jus Civ. ii. 171.

[906] Schrader, Sprachv. und Urgesch. ii.³ (1907). 374 f.

[907] This view is held by Schrader, ibid. 865; Ihering, Geist des röm. Rechts, i. 145 ff.; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 37 f.; iii. 318 ff.; Kappeyne van de Coppello, Comitien, 67; Poste, Gai Inst. 178; Hallays, Comices, 18; and with some hesitation by Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 110, 118, 1063.

[908] Röm. Chronol. 241 ff.; Röm. Staatsr. ii. 38, n. 2; iii. 319; CIL. i.² p. 289; accepted by Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 399; Kübler, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1331; Marquardt, Röm. Staatsv. iii. 323.

[909] Q(uando) R(ex) C(omitiavit); CIL. i. p. 291 f. after the two days mentioned; cf. Varro, L. L. vi. 31: “Dies, qui vocatur sic, ‘Quando Rex Comitiavit, Fas’ is dictus ab eo quod eo die rex sacrifiolus litat (or perhaps venit, MS. dicat) ad comitium, ad quod tempus est nefas, ab eo fas; itaque post id tempus lege actum saepe”; Fest. ep. 259: “Quando Rex Comitiavit Fas, in fastis notari solet, et hoc videtur significare, quando rex sacrificulus divinis rebus perfectis in comitium venit”; Ovid, Fast. v. 727; Plut. Q. R. 63; Fast. Praenest. Mart. 24; for other citations, see CIL. i². p. 289.

[910] Röm. Staatsr. ii. 38, n. 2.

[911] Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 110, n. 2.

[912] See note 8 above; cf. Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Römer, 440, n. 6.

[913] See p. 159, n. 8 above.

[914] Gaius ii. 101, 103.

[915] Cic. Dom. 13. 34; cf. Leonhard, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. i. 398 ff.

[916] Gell. v. 19. 4, 6 f.; Gaius i. 99; Cic. Att. ii. 12. 2; Dom. 15. 39.

[917] Gell. v. 19. 5.

[918] Cic. Dom. 13. 34.

[919] Gell. v. 19. 6.

[920] Gaius i. 99.

[921] Gell. v. 19. 6; cf. the leaden tessera showing on the face a man taking another by the hand and the word Adoptio beneath; on the back are three officials seated, doubtless pontiffs, with the word Collegium beneath; Helbig, in Compt. rend. d. l’acad. d. inscr. et bell.-let. xxi (1893). 350-3. It evidently illustrates the preliminary stage of an adrogatio; see also Tac. Hist. i. 15.

[922] Gell. v. 19. 5 f.: “Adrogationes non temere neque inexplorata committuntur; nam comitia arbitris pontificibus praebentur, quae curiata appellantur”; Tac. Hist. i. 15: “Si te privatus lege curiata apud pontifices, ut moris est, adoptarem.” Rubino, Röm. Verf. 253, supposes that these comitia were under a civil magistrate; but the expressions “arbitris pontificibus” and “apud pontifices” prove pontifical management. Caesar, who passed the curiate law for the arrogation of Clodius, was supreme pontiff as well as consul.

[923] Gell. v. 19. 9.

[924] Gell. v. 19. 8; Tac. Hist. i. 15; Cic. Dom. 15. 39; Att. ii. 12. 2; Dio Cass. xxxvii. 51. 1 f. Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 126, 270, supposed that the curiae simply witnessed the transaction, without giving their vote; but afterward (Röm. Staatsr. iii. 38) he changed his mind.

[925] Gell. xv. 27. 3.

[926] This seems to be the meaning of Serv. in Aen. ii. 156: “Consuetudo apud antiquos fuit, ut qui in familiam vel gentem transiret, prius se abdicaret ab ea in qua fuerat et sic ab alia acciperetur.”

[927] Gell. v. 19. 8, 10.

[928] Appian, B. C. iii. 14. 49.

[929] Ibid. iii. 94. 389; Dio Cass. xlv. 5. 3.

[930] On the testamentary adoption, see further Leonhard, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. i. 420 f.

[931] Zon. vii. 15. 9.

[932] Cic. Dom. 14. 37; Scaur. 33; Ascon. 25.

[933] Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 123 ff., has collected the cases.

[934] Suet. Aug. 2.

[935] Livy iv. 16. 3.

[936] Cic. Brut. 16. 62.

[937] Dio Cass. xxxvii. 51. 1: Τήν τε εὐγένειαν ἐξωμόσατο. The similarity of this oath to the detestatio sacrorum warrants the conclusion that it, too, was taken in the calata comitia. The abjuration of one’s rank, however, was not a detestatio sacrorum, for the reason given in n. 8 below.

[938] Dio Cass. xxxvii. 51. 1: Καὶ πρὸς τὰ τοῦ πλήθους δικαιώματα, ἐς αὐτόν σφων τὸν σύλλογον ἐσελθὼν, μετέστη; Cic. Att. i. 18. 4: “C. Herennius ... tribunus pl. ... ad plebem P. Clodium traducit.” Cicero’s following statement (“Idemque fert, ut universus populus in campo Martio suffragium de re Clodi ferat”) signifies that Herennius was proposing to bring the question not before the centuries, as Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, ii. 188, n. 3, imagines, for a tribune had no means of doing so, but before the thirty-five tribes, who were the universus populus (Cic. Leg. Agr. ii. 7. 16 f.) in contrast with the curiate comitia represented by thirty lictors; cf. p. 129 f.

[939] The falsification of pedigrees by plebeian families to prove descent from patrician ancestors of the same name is sufficient evidence that the name was retained through the transition; cf. Lange, Kleine Schriften, ii. 7 f. Were not the sacra retained, the transition of an entire gens would mean the destruction of its old religion and the creation of a new one—which is impossible. For this reason it appears that the detestatio sacrorum did not apply to such cases of transition.

[940] Lange, ibid. ii. 19.

[941] The fact that he promulgated a bill of the same tenor as that of Herennius, even if it was merely for the sake of appearance, as Cicero, Att. i. 18. 5, alleges, favors the latter view.

[942] Cic. Att. i. 19. 5.

[943] Dio Cass. xxxvii. 51. 2; xxxviii. 12. 1 f.; Cic. Dom. 13. 35; 29. 77.

[944] Cic. Dom. 14. 37: “Nam adoptatum emancipari statim, ne sit eius filius qui adoptarit”; 13. 35: “Tu (Clodi) neque Fonteius es, qui esse debebas, neque patris heres neque amissis sacris paternis in haec adoptiva venisti.” In Har. Resp. 27. 57 (“Iste parentum nomen, sacra, memoriam, gentem Fonteiano nomine obruit”) Cicero does not say that Clodius assumed the gentile name of Fonteius, but rather that he used this name as a means of destroying the name, sacra, etc. of his parents; and in fact he continued to be called Clodius; cf. Dio Cass. xxxix. 23. 2 (official use). He claimed still to belong to the Clodian gens rather than to the Fonteian (Cic. Dom. 44. 116), whereas Cicero, looking upon the emancipation as a sham, insists that he was a Fonteian.

[945] That he retained the Claudian imagines is implied in Cic. Mil. 13. 33; 32. 86. He must therefore have kept the rest of the sacra.

[946] Lange, Kleine Schriften, ii. 23 ff. Cicero aims to bring the greatest possible confusion into the case by representing Clodius as having given up his native religion without receiving that of Fonteius, as being a gentilis of the Claudii though he had left the Claudian gens, etc.; Dom. 13. 35; 49. 127.

[947] This double act is most clearly stated by Livy iv. 4. 7: “Nobilitatem istam vestram ... non genere nec sanguine sed per coöptationem in patres habetis ... post reges exactos iussu populi”; p. 17, n. 5; cf. Dion. Hal. v. 40. 5: Ἡ βουλὴ καὶ ὁ δῆμος εἴς τε τοὺς πατρικίους αὐτὸν (Appius Claudius) ἐνέγραψε. This passage shows that Dionysius regards the process as an act of the people and of the senate, though he does not speak of the latter as coöptation. In the case of Appius Claudius Livy, ii. 16. 5, says simply that he was enrolled among the patres (“inter patres lectus”), and in like manner Suetonius, Tib. i, states that the patrician gens Claudia was coöpted into the class of patrician gentes.

[948] V. 13. 2.

[949] Fest. 246. 23.

[950] This measure is called the lex Cassia; Tac. Ann. xi. 25; p. 456 below. There can be no doubt that the author was L. Cassius Longinus, a faithful friend of the dictator, who entered upon his tribunate Dec. 10, 45; Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, ii. 128 f.; iii. 602.

[951] Dio Cass. xliii. 47. 3; xlv. 2. 7; Suet. Caes. 41.

[952] The lex Saenia; Tac. Ann. xi. 25.

[953] Augustus, Mon. Ancyr. 8; Dio Cass. lii. 42. 5.

[954] Neither the pontifical examination nor the curiate law is noticed by the authorities, who refer briefly to the two acts. Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 472, and Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 1101, suppose that Caesar as supreme pontiff made the adlectio, although, as Mommsen notices, Octavianus had not yet attained to that office when he attended to the same function. Both writers (cf. Lange, ibid. i. 412) understand the curiate assembly to have been a factor in the process. On these late adlectiones, see also Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. ii. 38 f., 130; Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, iii. 602; Büdinger, in Denkschr. d. kaiserl. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil.-hist. Cl. xxxi (1881). 211-73; xxxvi (1888). 81-125.

[955] Röm. Staatsr. iii. 32.

[956] Ch. ii above; also p. 166, n. 3 below.

[957] Botsford, in Pol. Sci. Quart. xxii (1907). 689-92.

[958] IV. 3. 4.

[959] P. 17.

[960] IV. 4. 7; p. 24, n. 5, 200, n. 1; cf. Suet. Tib. 1: “Patricia gens Claudia ... in patricias cooptata.”

[961] Mommsen’s theory (Röm. Staatsr. iii. 29 and n. 2) that the patriciate was conferred through the coöperation of the king and the comitia appears accordingly to rest on a weak foundation. He gives no evidence, but bases his contention on the argument (1) that the community was sovereign, (2) that—the patriciate being in his opinion equivalent to the citizenship and the comitia curiata being a group of gentes—the downfall of the comitia made the reception of gentes impossible. Ground is taken against the theory of popular sovereignty in the following chapter. Against his second point it can be urged that the original comitia were neither patrician nor “gentile”; hence there is no occasion for speaking of the downfall of such comitia or of its sweeping consequences.

[962] Livy iv. 4. 7; p. 17, n. 5, 164, n. 6.

[963] Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 74 ff.

[964] Gell. v. 19. 1-3.

[965] Such an examination was the only means by which the patricians could protect their order from being flooded by plebeians; cf. Mommsen, ibid. i. 77, who notices that no known instance of this kind of adoption took place before the admission of plebeians to the pontifical college through the Ogulnian law, 300; p. 309 below.

[966] Schrader, Reallexikon, 924; Spencer, Principles of Sociology, ii. 407.

[967] Il. i. 54; ii. 50; xix. 40 ff.; Od. ii. 6 f.

[968] Kovalevsky, Modern Customs and Ancient Laws of Russia, 122, 124.

[969] We must except the purely sacerdotal meetings of the curiae described in the preceding chapter.

[970] Tac. Germ. 11. 2; cf. Schröder, Deutsche Rechtsgesch. 22 f.

[971] Rhetra of Lycurgus, in Plut. Lyc. 6; cf. Gilbert, Altspart. Gesch. 131 f.

[972] Arist. Ath. Pol. 43. 4; cf. Gilbert, Const. Antiq. of Sparta and Athens, 285.

[973] This is true of the religious-judicial assemblies of the continental Celts (Caesar, B. G. vi. 13), which may also have exercised political functions, and of the Irish assemblies; Ginnell, Brehon Laws, 44, 51, 54; cf. Schrader, Reallexikon, 924.

[974] The Celtic magistrates disclosed to the people those matters only which they determined to be expedient; and it was unlawful to speak on public affairs outside the assembly; Caesar, B. G. vi. 20. The German chiefs in council preconsidered every subject to be presented to the assembly; Tac. Germ. 11. 1; Schröder, ibid. 23. The prominence of the nobles in the Slavic assembly (Kovalevsky, ibid. 123 ff.) would lead to the same conclusion regarding them. For the Homeric age of Greece the meeting of the council previous to the assembly as described by Il. ii. 50 ff. is typical, although we could not expect the poet in every case to repeat the procedure with uniform minuteness. The preconsidering power of the Roman senate was of the same nature.

[975] Il. ii. 278 ff.

[976] Tac. Germ. 11. 4. As a rule the North American Indians enjoy the same freedom of speech in their councils; Farrand, Basis of American History, 160, 211.

[977] Il. ii. 211 ff.; xii. 212 f. Calchas the seer, a man of the people, gained the protection of Achilles before daring to speak against Agamemnon; Il. i. 76 ff.

[978] On the control of the Etruscan assembly by the nobles, see Müller-Deecke, Etrusker, i. 337; Hirt, Indogermanen, i. 55.

[979] Od. ii. 28 ff.

[980] P. 154 f.

[981] Od. ii. 35 ff.; cf. the public complaint made by a Slavic chief of an injury he had received; Kovalevsky, ibid. 121.

[982] Such as the reception of the youth into the warrior class among the Germans; Tac. Germ. 13. 2; for the witnessing assembly at Rome, see p. 155 f.

[983] Schrader, Reallexikon, 659, 662, 688. For the Celts; Caesar, B. G. vi. 13; cf. i. 4 (trial of Orgetorix). For the Germans; Tac. Germ. 12. 1 f. For the Slavs; Kovalevsky, Mod. Cust. and Anc. Laws, 126. The famous trial scene in the Homeric assembly; Il. xviii. 497 ff. For the Macedonians; Curt. vi. 8. 25. It is probably true of Vedic India; Schrader, ibid. 688.

[984] For the Germans; Brunner, Deutsche Rechtsgesch. i. 129. For the Slavs; Kovalevsky, ibid. 128, 130, 141 f. For the Celts; Polyb. iii. 44. 5 f.; Caes. B. G. v. 27, 36; Livy xxi. 20. 3; Tac. Hist. iv. 67. The Helvetian assembly probably decided the question of migration; Caesar, B. G. i. 2. As to the Greeks, Agamemnon proposed to the assembly to quit the war and return home, the people gladly accepted; Il. ii. 86 ff. A proposal of peace came from the Trojans to the Achaean assembly; the people rejected it on the advice of Diomede, and Agamemnon concurred in their opinion; Il. vii. 382 ff.