[1357] P. 181 f.

[1358] P. 177.

[1359] P. 177.

[1360] P. 202 f.; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 599 f.

[1361] Dion. Hal. viii. 15. 3.

[1362] VIII. 91. 4.

[1363] IX. 69. 2.

[1364] Livy iv. 30. 15.

[1365] Livy iv. 58. 8, 14; 60. 9 (406); vi. 21. 3 (383) 22. 4 (382); vii. 6. 7 (362); 12. 6 (358); 19. 10 (353); 32. 1 (343).

[1366] Livy vii. 20. 3.

[1367] Livy viii. 22. 8 (327); 25. 2 with Dion. Hal. xv. 14 (326); Livy viii. 29. 6 (325); 43. 2 (306); 45. 8 (304); x. 12. 3 (298); 45. 6 f. (293).

[1368] Polyb. i. 11.

[1369] Dio Cass. Frag. 49. 5; Zon. viii. 19. 4.

[1370] Livy xxi. 17. 4.

[1371] Livy xxxi. 5-8; especially 6. 1, 3; 7. 1.

[1372] Livy xxxvi. 1. 4 f.; 2. 2 f.

[1373] Livy xlii. 30. 10 f.; 36. 2.

[1374] Oros. v. 15. 1: “Consensu populi.”

[1375] Livy xxxi. 6. 3; 7. 1; xlii. 30. 10; cf. 36. 1.

[1376] Livy xlv. 21; Polyb. xxx. 4. 4 ff.

[1377] Livy xxxviii. 42. 11; 45. 4 ff.

[1378] Livy xxxviii. 50. 3.

[1379] Livy xli. 6; 7. 8; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 320, n. 3.

[1380] Appian, Iber. 51, 55. The condemnation of M. Aemilius Lepidus, proconsul in 136, to a fine by a judgment of the people seems to have been more for the failure of his war upon the same state than for beginning it without authorization; Appian, Iber. 80-82; Livy, ep. lvi; Oros. v. 5. 14.

[1381] Livy iv. 58. 14.

[1382] This is the Macedonian war beginning in 200; p. 231; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 602.

[1383] P. 176; Gell. xvi. 4. 1; Livy xxxvi. 2. 2.

[1384] Dio Cass. xxxviii. 41. 1 ff.; Cic. Pis. 21. 48 f.

[1385] E.g., the act which recalled Camillus from exile; Livy v. 46. 10; xxii. 14. 11; Cic. Dom. 32. 86.

[1386] P. 181 f.

[1387] P. 201, 240.

[1388] Livy iii. 55. 4; Cic. Rep. ii. 31. 54.

[1389] Livy x. 9. 5; cf. p. 242 below.

[1390] P. 250 f. 349.

[1391] P. 270 f.

[1392] P. 272.

[1393] P. 269.

[1394] Fest. 237. 17; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 622; ii. 603. The contents are unknown.

[1395] Livy iii. 34. 6. Doubt has been thrown on the early date of the Twelve Tables by Pais, Storia di Roma, I. i. 558-606, and on their official character as well by Lambert, La question de l’authenticité des XII Tables et les annales maximi; L’histoire traditionelle des XII Tables et les critères d’inauthenticité des traditions en usage dans l’école de Mommsen in Mélanges Ch. Appleton, 503-626; La fonction du droit civil comparé, 390-718; Le problème de l’origine des XII Tables, in Revue générale de droit, 1902. 385 ff., 481 ff. Their views are controverted by Greenidge, in Eng. Hist. Rev. xx (1905). 1-21. For other literature on the subject, see Jahresb. ü. Altwiss. cxxxiv (1907). 17 ff.

According to Diod. xii. 26. 1, the last two tables were drawn up by Valerius and Horatius, consuls in 449.

[1396] Livy ii. 18. 5; Dion. Hal. v. 70. 5; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 585; ii. 603. Dion. Hal. vi. 90. 2, assumes the enactment of a statute for the creation of the plebeian tribunate, 494.

[1397] Livy iii. 33. 4; Dion. Hal. x. 55. 3 (cf. p. 273).

[1398] Livy vii. 17. 12: “In Duodecim Tabulis legem esse, ut, quodcumque postremum populus iussisset, id ius ratumque esset; iussum populi et suffragia esse.” After the decemviral legislation an attempt was made to extend the principle to elections, as in the case here mentioned by Livy.

[1399] P. 274 ff.

[1400] P. 287.

[1401] Livy vii. 5. 9; Sall. Iug. 63; Cic. Cluent. 54. 148; Leg. iii. 3. 6; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 25, 604. It is only an inference that this important constitutional change was brought about by the centuries rather than by the tribes.

[1402] P. 299 f.

[1403] P. 233, 241 f.

[1404] P. 313.

[1405] Livy iv. 6. 8. A law is not mentioned but must be inferred; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 650; ii. 603.

[1406] Livy ix. 34. 7: “Illi antiquae (legi), qua primum censores creati sunt”; cf. Lange, ibid. i. 664. In 433 a law, doubtless centuriate, of the dictator Mam. Aemilius cut down the term of the censors to eighteen months; Livy iv. 24. 5 f.; ix. 33. 6; ch. 34.

[1407] Livy iv. 43; Tac. Ann. xi. 22; cf. Lange, ibid. i. 666.

[1408] Livy vi. 42. 11.

[1409] Ibid. § 13. The laws last named, relating to the quaestorship, praetorship, and aedileship, are not mentioned by the ancient authorities but are necessarily assumed; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 476, 479.

[1410] Livy vii. 41. 4.

[1411] Appian, Samn. i. 3; cf. p. 298.

[1412] P. 238.

[1413] Livy viii. 12. 15; cf. i. 17. 9. The auctoritas applied to comitia curiata as well as centuriata; Cic. Dom. 14. 38; Livy vi. 41. 10. On the comitia tributa, see p. 314.

[1414] The view maintained by Willems, Sén. Rom. ii. 33 ff., that the patres auctores were all the senators, not merely the patrician members, is disproved by Cic. Dom. 14. 38 (Should the patriciate become extinct, there would no longer be “auctores centuriatorum et curiatorum comitiorum”). In spite of some looseness of statement in the passage cited, there seems to be no good ground for considering either the whole oration spurious or the particular reference to the auctoritas inaccurate. The question, too complex for detailed treatment in this volume, is of practical importance for the period only from about 400 to 339.

[1415] Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 605 f.

[1416] P. 412.

[1417] Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 553; ii. 606.

[1418] Leg. Agr. iii. 2. 5; cf. Leg. i. 15. 42; Rosc. Am. 43. 125; Schol. Gron. 435; Appian, B. C. i. 98. 458 ff.; Plut. Sull. 33.

[1419] Cic. Dom. 30. 79; Caecin. 33. 95; 35. 102.

[1420] P. 416, n. 1.

[1421] Cic. Phil. i. 8. 19 obscurely suggests that these two laws were centuriate, though Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 606, doubts it; cf. p. 455.

[1422] Cf. Appian, B. C. iii. 30. 117.

[1423] Cic. Phil. x. 8. 17; xiii. 15. 31; cf. v. 19. 53.

[1424] Cic. Leg. Agr. ii. 11. 26: “Centuriata lex censoribus ferebatur.”

[1425] P. 185. Before the institution of the censorship the original motive of the sanctioning act—to leave the curiae a share in the elective function—must have given way to the purpose stated by Cicero and represented here in the text.

[1426] Livy iv. 24. 3 ff.; cf. ix. 33 f.

[1427] Livy viii. 12. 16; cf. p. 300. Livy’s words referring to the censorship are corrupt, but the passage seems to have the meaning here given; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 340, n. 2. It was not till 131 that advantage was taken of the provision; Livy, ep. lix. Herzog, Röm. Staatswerf. i. 257, refuses to believe that both censors might now be plebeian.

[1428] Livy vi. 35. 5. The provision that “at least” one should be plebeian is doubtless an anticipation of the Genucian law.

[1429] Livy vii. 42. 2; cf. p. 299.

[1430] The alleged centuriate resolution granting a place for a dwelling to P. Valerius Publicola, passed under his own presidency (Ascon. 13), is still earlier and less trustworthy.

[1431] Livy ii. 41; Dion Hal. viii. 71, 73 ff.

[1432] Livy iii. 31. 1. In 32. 7 he calls it the Icilian law with the idea that it was tribunician; but Dion. Hal. x. 32. 4, referring to the document kept in the temple of Diana, states that it was passed by the centuriate assembly; cf. Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 169, n. 1. Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 619; ii. 607 f., wrongly asserts that it was a plebiscite; cf. p. 272 below.

[1433] P. 234 f., 298.

[1434] Macrob. Sat. i. 13. 21.

[1435] Livy vii. 3. 5.

[1436] Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 608 f.

[1437] Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 541, and note on earlier literature; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 148 f., 160 f.; iii. 353.

[1438] Livy i. 26. 5-14; viii. 33. 8. For the theory that the popular assembly was sometimes a court of the first instance, see p. 260.

[1439] Lange’s idea (ibid. i. 457 f.; ii. 542) that Servius Tullius transferred appellate jurisdiction to the comitia centuriata rests upon his view that Servius was the author of the political centuriate organization.

[1440] Cf. Fest. 297. 11-24; Cic. Mil. 3. 7; Rep. ii. 31. 54; Livy i. 26.

[1441] Dion. Hal. iv. 25. 2; Livy i. 26. 5; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 11; Röm. Strafr. 474.

[1442] For the earlier literature on the ius provocationis, see Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 542, n.

[1443] Cic. Rep. i. 40. 62; ii. 31. 53: “Legem ad populum tulit eam, quae centuriatis comitiis prima lata est, ne quis magistratus civem Romanum adversus provocationem necaret neve verberaret”; 36. 61; Livy ii. 8. 2; 30. 5 f.; iii. 33. 9 f.; Val. Max. iv. 1. 1; Plut. Popl. 11; Pomponius, in Dig. i. 2. 2. 16; Dion. Hal. v. 19. 4; cf. Ihne, in Rhein. Mus. xxi (1866). 168.

[1444] Cic. Rep. ii. 31. 54; Livy iii. 55. 4; x. 9. 3-6; cf. Pais, Storia di Roma, I. i. 489.

[1445] Cic. Rep. ii. 31. 54: “Ab omni iudicio poenaque provocari indicant XII Tabulae compluribus legibus; et quod proditum memoriae est, X viros, qui leges scripserint, sine provocatione creatos, satis ostenderit reliquos sine provocatione magistratus non fuisse.”

[1446] Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 311. Varro, L. L. vi. 68: “Quiritare dicitur is qui quiritium fidem clamans implorat”; cf. Cic. Fam. 32. 3; Livy ii. 55. 5 f.; iv. 14 f.

[1447] Ihne, in Rhein. Mus. xxi (1886). 165 ff. Two cases of appeal, which indeed may be mythical, are mentioned by the annalists for the time before the decemviral legislation—that of Sp. Cassius, which is only one of several views as to his condemnation and death (Livy ii. 41; iv. 15. 4; Dion. Hal. viii. 77 f.; ix. 1. 1; 3. 2; 51. 2; x. 38. 3; Diod. xi. 37. 7; Cic. Rep. ii. 35. 60; Flor. i. 26. 7), and that of the plebeian M. Volscius Fictor for false testimony; Livy iii. 25. 2 f.

[1448] Cic. Rep. ii. 31. 54, quoted p. 240, n. 6. The statement of Cicero is too general; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 312.

[1449] Cic. Leg. iii. 4. 11: “De capite civis Romani nisi per maximum comitiatum ollosque, quos censores in partibus populi locassint, ne ferunto”; 19. 44; Sest. 30. 65; 34. 73: “De capite non modo ferri, sed ne iudicari quidem posse nisi comitiis centuriatis”; cf. Rep. ii. 36. 61; Plaut. Pseud. 1232; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 578; Karlowa, Röm. Rechtsgesch. i. 409; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 317; p. 268.

[1450] Cic. Rep. ii. 31. 54; Livy iii. 55. 4; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 352, n. 2; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 638; ii. 551; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 318.

[1451] Livy iii. 55. 14; cf. 54. 15.

[1452] Livy iv. 13. 11 f.; vi. 16. 3 (385); vii. 4. 2 (362); viii. 33-35 (325; see p. 242, n. 5); Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 164 f. with notes; Röm. Strafr. 476; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 318; cf. p. 242.

[1453] Livy x. 9. 4.

[1454] Livy iii. 20. 7; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 66 f.; iii. 352.

[1455] Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 543; Mommsen, ibid.

[1456] Livy x. 9. 5: “Improbe factum.” This denunciation might involve penal consequences according to Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 319 f. Mommsen, Röm. Strafr. 167, 632 f., supposes the expression to signify that the offending magistrate was to be treated as a private person and punished for murder. Some are of the opinion that it involved loss of citizenship, whereas others suppose its effect was simply moral; cf. Karlowa, Röm. Rechtsgesch. i. 429.

[1457] Livy ii. 18. 8; 30. 5; iii. 20. 8; viii. 33 (dictator permits appeal); Dion. Hal. v. 75. 2 f.; vi. 58. 2; Zon. vii. 13. 13; Pomponius, in Dig. i. 2. 2. 18; Lydus, Mag. i. 37; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 163, n. 1; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 756 f.

[1458] Livy ii. 55. 5; iii. 45. 8; 55. 6, 14; 56. 5; 67. 9; viii. 33. 7: “Tribunos plebis appello et provoco ad populum”; xxxvii. 51. 4; Dion. Hal. ix. 39. 1 f.; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 277.

[1459] Livy iii. 24. 7; 25. 2; 29. 6; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 840; ii. 544.

[1460] The appeal of Fabius from the jurisdiction of the dictator in 325 was granted not under compulsion but in grace; Livy viii. 35. 5. On the freedom of the dictatorship from this restriction in the period between 449 and 325, see p. 241, n. 5. The court mentioned by Livy ix. 26. 6 ff. (314) seems to have been an extraordinary quaestio under the presidency of a dictator; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 165, n. 6. On the subjection of his authority to appeal, see Fest. 198. 32: “Optima lex ... in magistro populi faciendo, qui vulgo dictator appellatur, quam plenissimum posset ius eius esse significabat, ut fuit M’. Valerio M. f. Volusi nepotis, qui primus magister populi creatus est. Postquam vero provocatio ab eo magistratu ad populum data est, quae ante non erat, desitum est adici, ‘ut optima lege,’ utpote imminuto iure priorum magistrorum.”

[1461] Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 165; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 319.

[1462] Cic. Leg. iii. 3. 6; Livy ii. 29. 4: “Ab lictore nihil aliud quam prendere prohibito”; ii. 55. 5; Dion. Hal. vi. 24. 2.

[1463] Livy i. 26. 5: “Duumviros ... qui ... perduellionem iudicent secundum legem facio”; § 7: “Hac lege duumviri creati”; vi. 20. 12: “Sunt qui per duumviros, qui de perduellione anquirerent creatos auctores sint damnatum.” Creare applies to appointments though less commonly than to elections; cf. Livy ii. 18. 4 f.; 30. 5; iv. 26. 6; Fest. 198. 4 (of the dictator); Livy iv. 46. 11; 57. 6 (of the magister equitum). In vi. 20. 12, quoted above, Livy may possibly be thinking of election, which seems to have become the rule before the disuse of the office; cf. Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 304, 309.

[1464] Livy i. 26; Fest. 297. 11.

[1465] Dig. xlviii. 4. 11: “Qui perduellionis reus est, hostili animo aduersus rem publicam uel principem animatus”; cf. Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 303.

[1466] Livy vi. 20. 12; see n. 1 above.

[1467] Ibid. vi. 19. 6 ff.

[1468] Cf. Ihne, in Rhein. Mus. xxi (1866). 177.

[1469] P. 258.

[1470] This comitial resolution may be anticipated in the account of the process against Horatius given by Livy i. 26. 5: “Duumviros ... secundum legem facio”; cf. § 7: “Hac lege duumviri creati.” The king, whose judgments were absolute, could not have thus been forced; hence more probably lex in these phrases is not a comitial act but the formula of appointment; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 356 and n. 1. The procedure in the trial of C. Rabirius was in this respect similar; a law compelling the praetor to appoint duumviri is suggested by Cic. Rab. Perd. 4. 12.

[1471] Dio Cassius, xxxvii. 27. 2, finds fault with the procedure against Rabirius on the ground that the duumviri for judging him were appointed by the praetor, not elected as they should have been “according to ancestral usage.”

[1472] Livy i. 26. 5; Pomponius, in Dig. i. 2. 2. 16; Cic. Leg. iii. 12. 27; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 544; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 617 f.

[1473] P. 104.

[1474] Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 303-5.

[1475] Cic. Rep. ii. 35. 60; Livy ii. 41. 11; Dion. Hal. viii. 77. 1; cf. Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 309.

[1476] Röm. Alt. i. 610; ii. 545.

[1477] Cf. the trial of Horatius for murder by the duumviri perduellioni iudicandae; p. 243.

[1478] Livy ii. 41. 10.

[1479] Livy iii. 24. 3; 25. 2.

[1480] Pomponius, in Dig. i. 2. 2. 23: “Quia ... de capite civis Romani iniussu populi non erat lege permissum consulibus ius dicere, propterea quaestores constituebantur a populo, qui capitalibus rebus praeessent: his appellabantur quaestores parricidii, quorum etiam meminit lex Duodecim Tabularum”; cf. Fest. 258. 29; ep. 221.

[1481] Pliny N. H. xxxiv. 4. 13: “Camillo inter crimina obiecerit Sp. Carvilius quaestor, quod aerata ostia haberet in domo.” According to Livy v. 23. 11; 32. 8 f., it was misappropriation of the Veientan spoil. Diodorus, xiv. 117. 6, states that according to one report the accusation was that he had driven white horses in his triumph. The appeal was to the comitia centuriata; Cic. Dom. 32. 86. This case indicates either inconsistency in legal usage, quite possible in early time, or more probably the union of inconsistent traditions. The facts that Pliny mentions a quaestor apparently as prosecutor, not simply as witness (Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 582), and that Cicero represents the trial as belonging to the centuries suffice to indicate a questorian prosecution before that assembly. Should we venture to bring consistency to so uncertain a story, we could suppose that in his absence, the tribunes, taking up the case, lightened the penalty to a fine.

[1482] Varro, L. L. 90-92 (mutilated excerpts from the record of this trial, preserved in the Commentaria Quaestorum and containing part of the edict for summoning the assembly and the accused).

[1483] That is, after the increase in the number of praetors; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 884; ii. 551; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 543, n. 2.

[1484] P. 243, 248.

[1485] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 543 f.; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 389, 884, 910; ii. 555.

[1486] P. 241.

[1487] Cf. Livy xxvi. 3. 9; xliii. 16. 11; Gell. vi. 9. 9; Karlowa, Röm. Rechtsgesch. i. 409.

[1488] Cf. Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 196.

[1489] Livy iii. 59. 4; Dion. Hal. xi. 49. 3.

[1490] Livy iii. 56-8; Dion. Hal. xi. 46, 49.

[1491] Livy iii. 58. 10; Dion. Hal. xi. 49; Zon. vii. 18. 11.

[1492] Livy iii. 58. 10; Dion. Hal. xi. 46. 5; Gell. xx. 1. 53. False testimony in a case of this kind, which was vindicia not murder, was not capital; hence it did not ordinarily come before the tribunes; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 324, n. 6. The political importance of the case, however, was a sufficient motive to their undertaking it.

[1493] Livy iv. 16. 5 f.; 21. 3 f.; Cic. Dom. 32. 86; Rep. i. 3. 6; Val. Max. v. 3. 2 g; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 668; ii. 553. Roman law regarded false testimony in capital cases as murder; hence the prosecution of Minucius might legally have come before the quaestors; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 324, n. 6.

[1494] Livy vi. 1. 6.

[1495] Livy viii. 28; Dion. Hal. xvi. 5 (9); Suid. s. Γάιος Λαιτώριος. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 325, n. 1, denies that a case of the kind could come before the tribunes.

[1496] Dion. Hal. xvi. 4 (8); Val. Max. vi. 1. 11; Suid. ibid. This prosecution could be brought on the ground of misconduct of office; Mommsen, ibid.

[1497] Pliny, N. H. viii. 45. 180; Val. Max. viii. 1. 8.

[1498] Livy ix. 33. 4 f.

[1499] Ibid. 34. 26.

[1500] Val. Max. viii. 1. abs. 9.

[1501] Livy ix. 23. 2; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 323, n. 5.

[1502] The same thing is true of the finable actions of this period; p. 290.

[1503] This view has no other warrant than the uncertainty of our sources for the fifth and early fourth centuries B.C. That the tribunes should make early gains in jurisdiction, to be afterward partially lost, is thoroughly consistent with the law of plebeian progress, which consisted, not in a steady forward movement, but in successive advances and retreats.

[1504] Livy, ep. xix.; Cic. Div. ii. 33. 71; N. D. ii. 3. 7; Polyb. i. 52. 1-3; Schol. Bob. 337; Val. Max. viii. 1. abs. 4; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 556; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 321, n. 1; iii. 357, n. 1; p. 317 below.