[1505] Cic. Div. ii. 33. 71; N. D. ii. 3. 7; Val. Max. i. 4. 3.

[1506] P. 318.

[1507] Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 328 f., wrongly assumes that in this case the charge of perduellio came before the tribes; the interdiction of the man by the tribes after his departure was not a iudicium but a lex.

[1508] Cf. Mommsen, Röm Staatsr. ii. 299.

[1509] P. 241.

[1510] P. 267, 446.

[1511] Livy xxv. 3 f.

[1512] Livy xxv. 20. 6 ff.; p. 318, n. 8 below. Livy gives us to understand that defeat resulting from ignorance or temerity could not be made a ground of prosecution.

[1513] Livy xxvi. 2. 7 through ch. 3; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 320, n. 2, 321, n. 2; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 556; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 329 f. On the right to change the form of action, see p. 287.

[1514] The two plebeian tribunes and the aedile who accompanied this commission were sent to recall Scipio, should he be found responsible for the conduct of his legate; Livy xxix. 20. 11. They do not seem to have been members of the commission.

[1515] Livy xxix. 8. 6 ff.; chs. 16-22.

[1516] Livy xxix. 19. 5; 22. 7. The form of comitia is inferred from the circumstances.

[1517] Livy xxxiv. 44. 7 f.

[1518] Livy xxix. 22. 8 f. (cf. xxxi. 12. 2); Diod. xxvii. 4; cf. Vai. Max. i. 2. 21; Appian, Hann. 55.

[1519] XXIX. 22. 8.

[1520] Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 557. The date of the execution of C. Veturius in pursuance of a vote of the people (Plut. C. Gracch. 3) is unknown.

[1521] Sall. Cat. 51. 21 f.: “Quamobrem in sententiam non addidisti, ut prius verberibus in eos animadvorteretur? An quia lex Porcia vetat? At aliae leges item condemnatis civibus non animam eripi sed exilium permitti iubent”; 51. 40: “Postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine civium factiones valuere, circumvenire innocentes, alia huiusce modi fieri coepere, tum lex Porcia aliaeque paratae sunt, quibus legibus exilium damnatis permissum est”; Cic. Rab. Perd. 3. 8: “De civibus Romanis contra legem Porciam verberatis aut necatis”; Pseud. Sall. in Cic. i. 5: charges against Cicero that in putting Roman citizens to death he has abolished the lex Porcia. Livy x. 9. 4: “Porcia tamen lex ... gravi poena, si quis verberasset necassetve civem Romanum, sanxit”; cf. Cic. Rab. Perd. 4. 12 f.; Verr. v. 63. 163; Gell. x. 3. 13. Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 320, doubts whether it allowed exile to one condemned by a vote of the people. Against him is Polyb. vi. 14. 7, quoted p. 217, n. 5.

[1522] Livy xxxii. 7. 8; Fest. 234. 10; The opinion here given is that of Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 205, 558. A different view is represented by Orelli-Baiter, Cic. Op. viii. 3. 252 f.

[1523] The decisive evidence is a coin, described by Mommsen, Röm. Münzwesen, 552, representing an armed man evidently in the act of condemning a civilian, whose appeal is indicated by the word PROVOCO beneath. The inscription on the obverse P. LAECA reveals the author of the law.

[1524] Röm. Alt. i. 249; ii. 559.

[1525] VI. 37 f.

[1526] Livy, ep. lvii; cf. Cic. Rep. i. 40. 63: “Noster populus in bello sic paret ut regi.”

[1527] Leg. iii. 3. 6: “Militiae ab eo qui imperabit provocatio nec esto,” which however, Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 117, n. 2 (cf. Röm. Strafr. 31, n. 3) sets down as merely a pious wish of the author.

[1528] Livy, ep. lv: (In the consulship of P. Cornelius Nasica and D. Junius Brutus) “C. Matienus accusatus est apud tribunos plebis, quod exercitum in Hispania deseruisset, damnatusque sub furca diu virgis caesus est, et sestertio nummo veniit.” The new epitome, l. 207-9, speaks of desertores who on this occasion were thus flogged and sold. It is not known that the tribunes tried cases of desertion or that they inflicted the kind of punishment here described. C. Titius, sent for trial to the tribunes on the charge of having stirred up a mutiny (Dio. Cass. Frag. 100; year 89), may have been a civilian.

[1529] Plut. C. Gracch. 9.

[1530] Iug. 69.

[1531] Modestinus, in Dig. xlix. 16. 3. 15; Menander, ibid. 16. 6. 1 f.

[1532] An example of a military consilium is given by Livy xxix. 20 f.

[1533] Rep. ii. 31. 54: “Neque vero leges Porciae, quae tres sunt trium Porciorum, ut scitis, quicquam praeter sanctionem attulerunt novi.”

[1534] Cic. Verr. v. 62. 162.

[1535] Livy xliii. 16. 8 ff.

[1536] Polyb. vi. 14. 6; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 560.

[1537] Cic. Brut. 25. 97; 27. 106; Leg. iii. 16. 37; Sest. 48. 103; Schol. Bob. 303; Cic. Frag. A. vii. 50; Ascon. 78; Pseud. Ascon. 141 f.; Orelli-Baiter, Cic. Op. viii. 3. 278 f.

[1538] Cic. Planc. 6. 16.

[1539] IV. 50. 6 ff.

[1540] Livy viii. 18; Val. Max. ii. 5. 3.

[1541] IX. 26.

[1542] (1) In 186 for the trial of the Bacchanalians (Livy xxxix. 8-19); (2) in 180 two courts for the detection and trial of poisoners in Rome and Italy (Livy xl. 37). The two courts established in 186 for the trial of poisoners and for putting down the last of the Bacchanalians are mentioned by Livy xxxix. 41 without a hint as to the manner of their appointment; cf. Greenidge, Hist. of Rome, i. 135, n. 4.

[1543] Polyb. vi. 16. 2; Cic. Dom. 13. 33.

[1544] Dion. Hal. xx. 7. Though no mention is here made of a quaestio extraordinaria, we may assume one for every such instance. In actual iudicia populi the senate had no part.

[1545] Livy xxvi. 33 f.

[1546] The following pre-Gracchan quaestiones extraordinariae, according to our authorities, owed their existence to a popular vote. (1) The lex de pecunia regis Antiochi of the two Q. Petilii, tribunes in 185, for the establishment of a special court to try L. Scipio Asiagenus and some others for the misappropriation of public money; Livy xxxviii. 54, p. 399 below.—(2) The plebiscite of M. Marcius Sermo and Q. Marcius Scylla, tribunes in 172, directed the senate to establish a special court for the trial of M. Popillius on the charge of having unjustly subjugated and enslaved the Ligurians; Livy xlii. 21. 5.—(3) By the lex Caecilia, 154, a special quaestio repetundarum was established for the trial of L. Lentulus, retired consul of 156; Val. Max. vi. 9. 10.—(4) Another special court for the trial of L. Hostilius Tubulus on the charge of having accepted bribes while president of a murder court (quaestio inter sicarios) was ordered by a plebiscite of P. Mucius Scaevola in 141, whereupon the accused went into exile; Cic. Fin. ii. 16. 54; iv. 28. 77; v. 22. 62; N. D. i. 23. 63; iii. 30. 74; Att. xii. 5 b; Ascon. 22; Mommsen, Röm. Strafr. 197.

[1547] Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 728. The formula varied with the occasion, and other magistrates were often associated with the consuls in this supreme power.

[1548] Cic. Cat. i. 11. 28: “Numquam in hac urbe, qui a re publica defecerunt, civium iura tenuerunt”; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 359; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 560.

[1549] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 16; p. 368 below. The idea of Tiberius is to be inferred from the law which his brother afterward passed.

[1550] Plut. C. Gracch. 4; Cic. Lael. 11. 37; CIL. i². p. 148.

[1551] Plut. C. Gracch. 3; cf. Greenidge, Hist. of Rome, i. 172.

[1552] Cic. Rab. Perd. 4. 12: “C. Gracchus legem tulit, ne de capite civium Romanorum iniussu vestro iudicaretur”; Cat. iv. 5. 10; Verr. v. 63. 163; Sest. 28. 61; Schol. Gronov. 412: “Lex Sempronia iniussu populi non licebat quaeri de capite civis Romani”; Schol. Ambros. 370; Plut. C. Gracch. 4; p. 371 below.

[1553] For examples of special courts afterward instituted, see p. 390.

[1554] Sall. Cat. 51. 40; Cic. Cat. i. 11. 28; iv. 5. 10.

[1555] Cic. Dom. 31. 82 f.; Plut. C. Gracch. 4; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 561. It is not probable, as Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 330; Hist. of Rome, i. 201, has assumed, that the Sempronian law transferred jurisdiction in such cases from the centuries to the tribes. The comitia tributa had long exercised the right to condemn those who had fled into exile to avoid trial; p. 249, 267, 257, n. 5 (3).

[1556] Cic. Sest. 28. 61; cf. Dio Cass. xxxviii. 14. 5; Greenidge, Hist. of Rome, i. 200 f.

[1557] Cic. Dom. 31. 82; Leg. iii. 11. 26; cf. Cluent. 35. 95; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 465.

[1558] Vell. ii. 7. 4.

[1559] Livy, ep. lxi: “Quod indemnatos cives in carcerem coniecisset” (Mommsen reads “in carcere necasset” or “in carcerem coniectos necasset”; Röm. Staatsr. ii. 111, n. 1); Cic. Part. Or. 30. 104, 106; Orat. ii. 25. 106; 30. 132; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 562; iii. 50; Greenidge, Hist. of Rome, i. 278-80.

[1560] History of Rome, v. 5-7. His view is an inference from the circumstances.

[1561] The prosecutor was L. Crassus; Cic. Brut. 43. 159; cf. Orat. i. 10. 40; ii. 40. 170; Verr. II. iii. 1. 3; Val. Max. vi. 5. 6.

[1562] Valerius Maximus, iii. 7. 6, assumes that the accused went into exile; Cicero, Fam. ix. 21. 3, informs us of a rumor that he committed suicide. Both reports may be true; Greenidge, Hist. of Rome, i. 282; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 51.

[1563] P. 358.

[1564] Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 223 ff.

[1565] (1) After the case against Carbo may be mentioned the accusation of perduellio against C. Popillius Laenas, 107, on the ground of a disgraceful surrender to the Tigurini. It was on this occasion that the ballot was first used in a trial for perduellio. The accused seems to have been condemned to exile; Cic. Leg. iii. 16. 36; Herenn. i. 15. 25; iv. 24. 34; Oros. v. 15. 24. This case, which resembles those of far earlier time, has nothing to do with violation of the right of appeal; (Cic.) Herenn. ibid.—(2) Similar in this respect was the prosecution of Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus for the murder of his son. The accused went into exile before judgment was pronounced; Oros. v. 16. 8; Val. Max. vi. 1. 5.—(3) More famous is the prosecution of Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, 100, by L. Appuleius Saturninus because the former refused to swear to maintain the agrarian law of the latter. Technically the charge was that Metellus refused to do his duty as a senator. The accused withdrew into exile before the trial, whereupon, by vote of the assembly, he was interdicted from fire and water; Livy, ep. lxix.; Appian, B. C. i. 31. 137-40; Cic. Dom. 31. 82; Sest. 16. 37; 47. 101.—(4) Decianus, tribune of the plebs, 97, in accusing P. Furius, tribune of the preceding year, let fall some complaint regarding the murder of Saturninus, and on that ground was accused, probably by a tribune of the plebs, and condemned to exile; Cic. Rab. Perd. 9. 24; Schol. Bob. 230.—(5) The prosecution of M. Aemilius Scaurus for maiestas by Q. Varius, tribune, Dec. 91, was withdrawn in the second anquisitio; Ascon. 19, 21 f.; (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 72. 11; Quintil. v. 12. 10; Cic. Scaur. 1, 3; Sest. 47. 101.—(6) L. Cornelius Merula and Q. Lutatius Catulus, 87, avoided trial, probably for perduellio, by suicide; Diod. xxxviii. 4; Appian, B. C. i. 74. 341 f.—(7) On the first day of the following year, 86, P. Popillius Laenas, tribune of the plebs, hurled from the Tarpeian Rock Sextus Lucilius (or Licinius?), tribune of the preceding year, and set a day of trial for the colleagues of the latter. The accused fled to Sulla and in their absence were interdicted from fire and water. They were charged with perduellio; their offence was the veto of the popular measures of Cornelius Cinna. This is the only certain case of calling retired tribunes to account for their official conduct, and may be regarded as a symptom of the revolution then in progress; Vell. ii. 24; Livy, ep. lxxx; Dio Cass. Frag. 102. 12; Plut. Mar. 45.

[1566] P. 255, n. 1 (4).

[1567] Cic. Verr. i. 13. 38; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 326.

[1568] Dio Cass. lvi. 40. 4; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 326; iii. 359 f.

[1569] P. 243.

[1570] P. 203, n. 2.

[1571] Cic. Rab. Perd.; Dio Cass. xxxvii. 26 ff.; Suet. Caes. 12; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 563 f.; iii. 240; Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, iii. 150-5; Wirz, in Jahrb. f. Philol. xxv. (1879). 177-201. In the opinion of Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 298, n. 3; 615, n. 2, following Niebuhr, a tribunician accusation involving a fine was then introduced, and the oration of Cicero was delivered in this second trial. Drumann-Gröbe, ibid.; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 357 f.; Schneider, Process des Rabirius (Zürich, 1899), and others maintain that Cicero spoke in the trial conducted by the duumviri and that after it was dropped no further accusation was brought. Wirz, ibid., supposes that the senate quashed the process of the duumviri on the ground of illegality, that the accuser (Labienus) then brought a tribunician accusation for perduellio, but intimated a possible finable action in addition, and that the trial was ended, without resumption, by the hauling down of the flag.

[1572] Cic. Leg. Agr. ii. 13. 33: “Orbis terrarum gentiumque omnium datur cognitio sine consilio, poena sine provocatione, animadversio sine auxilio”; p. 435.

[1573] Cic. Har. Resp. 4. 7.

[1574] Anquisitio seems to mean an examination on both sides—including testimony for and against the accused; Fest. ep. 22; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 345, n. 3.

[1575] Varro, L. L. vi. 91 f.

[1576] Cic. Dom. 17. 45: “Cum tam moderata iudicia populi sint a maioribus constituta ... ne inprodicta die quis accusetur, ut ter ante magistratus accuset intermissa die, quam multam inroget aut iudicet, quarta sit accusatio trinum nundinum prodicta die, quo die iudicium sit futurum, tum multa etiam ad placandum atque ad misericordiam reis concessa sint, deinde exorabilis populus, facilis suffragatio pro salute, denique etiam, si qua res ilium diem aut auspiciis aut excusatione sustulit, tota causa iudiciumque sublatum sit.”

[1577] The trinum nundinum, which included three market days (Macrob. Sat. i. 16. 34), could not have contained less than seventeen days or more than twenty-four.

[1578] Livy, xliii. 16. 11.

[1579] E.g. Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 306, 344. The theory has little in its favor and is not generally accepted; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Strafr. 167 f.

[1580] On the quarta accusatio, see Cic. Dom. 17. 45, quoted p. 259, n. 6. An example of the mitigation of a capital to a finable action is the case against T. Menenius for the mismanagement of a campaign which he had conducted as consul; Livy ii. 52. 3-5 (476). Two examples of change in the form of action in the opposite direction are given on p. 249 f.

[1581] Cic. Dom. 17. 45, quoted p. 259, n. 6.

[1582] Cf. the case of Appius Claudius Pulcher, p. 248.

[1583] Livy ii. 33. 1; Calpurnius Piso, in ibid. § 3; 58. 1; Dion. Hal. vi. 89. 1; cf. Cic. Rep. ii. 33. 58; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 274 f. with notes. Meyer, in Rhein. Mus. xxxvii (1882). 616 f., suggests a doubt as to whether they were instituted at that time. Niese, De annalibus Romanis observationes (1886), and Meyer, in Hermes, xxx (1895), 1-24, have tried to prove that they were not instituted till 471 and that their original number was four. Niese’s view is controverted by Joh. Schmidt, in Hermes, xxi (1886). 464-6. Pais, Anc. Italy, 260, 275, assumes that they came into existence as a result of the abolition of the decemvirate.

[1584] Cic. Frag. A. vii. 48: “Tanta igitur in illis virtus fuit, ut anno XVI post reges exactos propter nimiam dominationem potentium secederent ... duos tribunos crearent, ... Itaque auspicato postero anno tr. pl. comitiis curiatis sunt”; Dion. Hal. vi. 89. 1; cf. ix. 41. 4 f. (included clients and patricians); Livy ii. 56, especially § 3, 10. These authors represent the tribunes as trying vainly to force the patricians from the assembly while the voting was under way. The question of excluding the patricians, however, is connected with the statute of Publilius Philo (339) rather than with the so-called plebiscite of Publilius Volero (471); p. 300 f.

Dion. Hal. vii. 59. 2, places the first tribal meeting in 491, twenty years before the date to which its institution is otherwise assigned. If his account is not an anticipation of later usage, it is exceptional.

[1585] (1) Because there were no other magistrates at the time, (2) because the meeting was auspicated; p. 262, n. 2.

[1586] Inferred from the circumstance that this dignitary presided over the assembly which elected the first college of tribunes after the fall of the decemvirs; Livy iii. 54. 5, 9, 11; p. 285 below.

[1587] Livy iii. 13. 6; 56. 5; viii. 33. 7; ix. 26. 16; xxxviii. 52. 8; Suet. Caes. 23. Naturally the plebeians were in most need of protection; cf. Ihne, in Rhein. Mus. xxi (1866). 169.

[1588] Livy ii. 33. 3: “Auxilii non poenae ius datum illi potestati”; cf. Ihne, ibid. 170.

[1589] Gell. iii. 2. 11; xiii. 12. 9; Macrob. Sat. i. 3. 8; Dion. Hal. viii. 87. 6; Serv. in Aen. v. 738; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 291, n. 2.

[1590] Plut. Q. R. 81.

[1591] In this respect the plebeian body was analogous to a corporation; Gaius, in Dig. xlvii. 22. 4 (quoting a law of the Twelve Tables). But it was not a private association. It could neither limit its membership nor change its organization. Proof of these two facts is that the change of organization from curiate to tribal and the consequent exclusion of the landless resulted from a centuriate law; p. 271. Notwithstanding the fact that its resolutions lacked the force of law, the close relation existing between it and the state gave it from the beginning a prominent place in the constitution.

[1592] Livy ii. 56. 11-13 (The consul asserted that according to ancestral usage he himself had no right to remove any one from the place of assembly); cf. 35. 3: “Plebis non patrum tribunos esse.”

[1593] Livy ii. 35. 3: “Auxilii non poenae ius datum illi potestati”; 56. 11-13.

[1594] Cf. Livy ii. 35. 2; 52. 3 ff.; 54. 3 ff.; 61.

[1595] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 320, n. 2; Ihne, in Rhein. Mus. xxi (1866). 175 ff.; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 157.

[1596] Hence they had no viatores; so that for a time after they assumed criminal jurisdiction the aediles acted as their bailiffs; p. 290.

[1597] Livy iii. 55. 10: (In the opinion of some iuris interpretates) “Tribunos vetere iure iurando plebis, cum primum eam potestatem creavit, sacrosanctos esse.”

[1598] Fest. 318; Livy iii. 55. 6-10; Dion. Hal. vi. 89. 3. The wording of the oath as given above is derived from the law which, according to Livy, was carried by the consuls Valerius and Horatius in 449; but there can be no doubt that this statute confirmed the oath taken long before by the plebs. As to the connection of Ceres with the plebeian organization, Pais, Anc. Italy, 272 ff., believes that her temple was not built before the middle of the fifth century, whereas Wissowa, Relig. u. Kult. d. Röm. 45, holds to the traditional date (493); cf. De Sanctis, Storia d. Romani, ii. 30. The building of the temple did not necessarily precede the institution of the tribunate. On the sacrosanctitas of the aediles, see Cato, in Fest. 318. 8; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 472 f.

[1599] As late as 131 a tribune of the plebs, C. Atinius Labeo, regarding the censor Q. Caecilius Metellus as a homo sacer for alleged violation of the tribunician sanctity, attempted without legal trial to hurl him from the Tarpeian Rock; Livy, ep. lix; Pliny, N. H. vii. 44. 142 f., 146; Cic. Dom. 47. 123. See also Vell. ii. 24. 2; (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 66. 8.

[1600] Cic. Balb. 14. 33; Fest. 318. 9; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 147; also in Jahrb. f. cl. Philol. xxii (1876). 139-50; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 286. Ihne, in Rhein. Mus. xxi (1866). 176, expresses the belief that the lex sacrata had nothing more than a religious influence, that the offender suffered in his conscience and in public opinion only. The known leges sacratae, collected by Herzog, were (1) the first Valerian law of appeal; Livy ii. 8. 2 (cf. ii. 1. 9); (2) the act which rendered the persons of the tribunes sacred, and which, as intimated above, was not strictly a statute; Livy ii. 33. 1, 3; Fest. 318. 30; Dion. Hal. vi. 89. 2; Cic. Frag. A. vii. 48; (3) the lex de Aventino; Livy iii. 31. 1; 32. 7; Dion. Hal. x. 32. 4; (4) the Valerian-Horatian law of appeal; Livy iii. 55. 4; (5) the military lex sacrata of 342; Livy vii. 41. 3; (6) the law of M. Antonius for the abolition of the dictatorship, 44; Appian, B. C. iii. 25. 94; Dio Cass. xliv. 51. 2.

[1601] Pais, Anc. Italy, 263.

[1602] Dion. Hal. vi. 84, 89. 1; cf. vii. 40; xi. 55. 3; Fest. 318; Livy iv. 6. 7. The idea that there was such a treaty is represented among moderns by Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. ii. 249 f.; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 591; ii. 566, and opposed by Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 146 f.; De Sanctis, Storia d. Romani, ii. 29.

[1603] Plut. Ti. Gracch. 15; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 287, n. 1. The fictitious character of the legal basis on which the plebeians are represented as acting in this early period of their history may be illustrated, as Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 299, n. 3, has pointed out, by their assumption of the agrarian proposal of Sp. Cassius as one of their fundamental principles, the application of which neither magistrates nor private individuals were at liberty to impede; cf. Livy ii. 54, 61; Dion. Hal. ix. 37, 54; Schwegler, Röm. Gesch. ii. 480, 531, 567. The fault is not all with the annalists.

[1604] P. 274.

[1605] Livy, ep. lviii; Plut. Ti. Gracch. 10.

[1606] Plut. C. Gracch. 3.

[1607] Dion. Hal. vii. 17. 5: Δημάρχου γνώμην ἀγορεύοντος ἐν δήμῳ μηδεὶς λεγέτω μηδὲν ἐναντίον μηδὲ μεσολαβείτω τὸν λόγον. Ἐὰν δέ τις παρὰ ταῦτα ποιήσῃ, διδότω τοῖς δημάρχοις ἐγγυητὰς αἰτηθεὶς εἰς ἔκτισιν ἧς ἂν ἐπιθῶσιν αὐτῶ ζημίας. Ὁ δὲ μὴ διδοὺς ἐγγυητὴν θανάτῳ ζημιούσθω, καὶ τὰ χρήματ’ αὐτοῦ ἱερὰ ἔστω. Τῶν δ’ ἀμφισβητούντων πρὸς ταύτας τὰς ζημίας αἱ κρίσεις ἔστωσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ δήμου; cf. x. 32. 1; 42. 4. Although we may feel uncertain as to the author and the date of this plebiscite, we need not doubt its existence, especially as the principle it contains is derived from leges sacratae by Cicero (Sest. 37. 79; cf. Pliny, Ep. i. 23), and was often put into practice; Livy iii. 11. 8; xxv. 3 f.; Dion. Hal. x. 41 f.; Cic. Inv. ii. 17. 52; Val. Max. ix. 5. 2; (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 65; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 260 n. 2; ii. 289, n. 1; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 602 f.; ii. 567. For the state, however, it had no more validity than had the original lex sacrata, of which the so-called Icilian plebiscite was an expansion.

[1608] Gell. xiii. 12. 9: “Tribuni, qui haberent summam coercendi potestatem.”

[1609] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Forsch. i. 179; Ihne, in Rhein. Mus. xxi (1866). 174.

[1610] Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 299, n. 1, expresses the opinion that the original form of the story represented Coriolanus as consul proposing a law for the abolition of the tribunate.

[1611] Dion. Hal. vii. 20-67, especially 59. 9 f.; 65; Livy ii. 34 ff.; Plut. Cor. 16-20; Lange, Röm. Alt. i. 605; ii. 565.

[1612] P. 56, n. 4, 270 f.

[1613] Livy iii. 11. 8 f.; Dion. Hal. x. 5 ff.

[1614] Livy iii. 13. 8; Dion. Hal. x. 8. 3.

[1615] Livy’s idea that this assembly met in the Forum (iii. 13. 8) is sufficient evidence of his point of view. Cicero’s opinion (Dom. 32. 86; cf. Sest. 30. 65) may be biassed by his personal feelings; p. 268, n. 6.

[1616] Dion. Hal. x. 41 f. Various attempts of tribunes in this period to punish retired magistrates for abuse of office are also alleged by the ancient writers; cf. p. 264.

[1617] P. 265 f.

[1618] Livy ii. 35. 3; cf. 56. 11 f.

[1619] Livy iii. 55. 6.

[1620] Livy ii. 54.

[1621] Frag. 22. 1.

[1622] P. 241; cf. also Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 157. A far different view as to the form of assembly which received appeals in tribunician capital cases is represented by Cicero, in whose opinion the comitia centuriata were established as the sole power to judge concerning the caput of a citizen even in pre-decemviral time by the leges sacratae (Sest. 30. 65); and accordingly he believes that the sentence of exile was passed on Kaeso Quinctius by that body (Dom. 32. 86). But in this opinion Cicero’s personal bias already referred to (p. 267, n. 6) cannot be neglected: in discrediting the decree of exile passed against himself by the tribal comitia, it was agreeable to his purpose to deny that this assembly ever had enjoyed such competence. The view given in the text, represented by the annalists and confirmed by a law of the Twelve Tables, is obviously preferable.