[2452] Cic. Leg. ii. 6. 14. According to Oros. v. 12. 10, P. Furius, tribune in 99, secured the enactment of a law for confiscating the property of those who conspired against the state.

[2453] Pliny, N. H. iii. 12. 80: “Marianam a C. Mario deductam”; Seneca, Ad. Helv. vii. 9; Solin. iii. 3; Mela ii. 7. 122; Mommsen, in CIL. x. p. 838, 997; Kornemann, in Pauly Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 522.

[2454] Obseq. 46 (106); Val. Max viii. 1. damn. 3; cf. Cic. Orat. ii. 11. 48.

[2455] Cic. Leg. ii. 6. 14; 12. 31; Obseq. ibid. A criminal lex Titia, the contents of which also are unknown—Auson. Epigr. 92 (89). 4—may belong to this tribune; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 661, 668.

[2456] Cic. Dom. 20. 53; Leg. iii. 4. 11; 19. 43. The enactment was merely the confirmation of an old custom or law introduced between the Licinian-Sextian legislation and 122; cf. Lex Acil. 72, in CIL. i. 198.

[2457] Cic. Dom. 16. 41; Sest. 64. 135; Schol. Bob. 310. This, too, was a confirmation of an earlier usage; Dion. Hal. vii. 58. 3; x. 3. 5; Livy iii. 35. 1; p. 189, 260, n. 1 above; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 336, 376 f.

[2458] Cic. Off. iii. 11. 47; cf. p. 354, 370.

[2459] Cic. Balb. 21. 48.

[2460] Cic. Brut. 16. 63; Schol. Bob. 296.

[2461] Cic. Frag. A. vii. 20.

[2462] Ascon. 67. On the law in general, see Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 90; Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 128; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 490. On Caecilius and Didius, see Münzer, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1216. 95; v. 407-10.

[2463] Vell. ii. 13. 1; Dio Cass. Frag. 96. 2; Diod. xxxvii. 10.

[2464] The citations of the preceding note, and Ascon. 68; Livy, ep. lxx; less clearly Flor. ii. 5. 1, 4 (iii. 17).

[2465] (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 66. 4 f.; CIL. vi. 1312 (i. p. 279 vii). Livy, ep. lxxi, merely mentions them.

[2466] B. C. i. 35. 156.

[2467] P. 383 above.

[2468] This may be inferred from the silence of Cicero, Leg. Agr. i. 7. 21; ii. 29. 81; cf. Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 102; Ihne, Hist. of Rome, v. 181; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 490.

[2469] App. B. C. 36. 162 f.; Flor. ii. 5. 6 (iii. 17): “Exstat vox ipsius nihil se ad largitionem ulli reliquisse nisi siquis aut caenum dividere vellet aut caelum.”

[2470] CIL. vi. 1312; cf. i. p. 279. vii. A beginning was actually made of the colonization; and this is all that could be indicated by the verb ὑπήγετο (App. B. C. i. 35. 156), “he was for conducting.”

[2471] Ep. lxxi.

[2472] Cf. Vell. ii. 13. 2; Livy, ep. lxx f.

[2473] Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 3. 46. The idea was to issue one silver-plated copper denarius to every seven silver denarii; Mommsen, Röm. Münzw. 387 (Mommsen-Blacas, Hist. d. mon. Rom, ii. 41 f., 82); Babelon, Mon. d. la rép. Rom, 1. introd. p. lix.

[2474] Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 674; iii. 103.

[2475] B. C. i. 35. 157 f. The same view seems to be held by (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 66. 4. It is accepted by Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 97; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 436. The objection is that a judiciary measure, as the Livian, could not have dealt primarily with the composition of the senate; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 489.

[2476] II. 13. 2. Florus, ii. 5. 4 (iii. 17), is non-committal.

[2477] LXXI; accepted by Ihne, Hist. of Rome, v. 177.

[2478] Cf. App. B. C. i. 35. 157.

[2479] Flor. ii. 5. 3 (iii. 17); App. B. C. i. 35. 158.

[2480] Cic. Rab. Post. 7. 16; Cluent. 56. 153; Ihne, Hist. of Rome, v. 177 f.

[2481] Velleius, ii. 14. 1, regards it as an afterthought, whereas Appian, B. C. i. 35. 155, asserting that, petitioned by the Italians for the citizenship, he had already promised to grant it, intimates that this was his main object. At all events the Italians expected it of him and were prepared to support him in his effort by force of arms.

[2482] (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 66. 4; Oros. v. 18. 2.

[2483] Vell. ii. 14. 1; App. B. C. i. 35. 155 f.; 36. 162; Livy, ep. lxxi; Flor. ii. 5. 6. Most probably he combined this measure with his colonial rogation; App. B. C. i. 36.

[2484] App. B. C. i. 35 f.

[2485] Livy, ep. lxxi; Flor. ii. 5. 7 (iii. 17).

[2486] Ascon. 68.

[2487] Cic. Leg. ii. 6. 14; 12. 31; Dom. 16. 41; Frag. A. vii (Cornel. i. 24); Ascon. 68; Diod. xxxvii. 10. 3.

[2488] According to Diod. xxxvii. 10. 3, he declared that though he had full power to prevent the decree, he would not willingly exert it; for he knew well that the wrongdoers in this matter would speedily suffer merited punishment.

[2489] Cf. the elogium, n. below.

[2490] Elogium, in CIL. vi. 1312 = i. p. 279. vii: “M. Livius M. F. C. N. Drusus, Pontifex, tr. mil. X. vir. stlit. iudic. tr. pl. X. vir. a. d. a. lege sua et eodem anno V. vir. a. d. a. lege Saufe(i)a, in magistratu occisus est.”

[2491] On M. Livius Drusus, see Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 96-106; Long, Rom. Rep. II. ch. xiii; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 488-93; Ihne, Hist. of Rome, V. ch. xiii; Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, bk. IV. ch. vi; Neumann, Gesch. Roms, i. 451-74; Ferrero, Rome, i. 79 f.

[2492] (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 66. 2; Cic. Rosc. Am. 19. 55; Schol. Gronov. 431; Ascon. 30; Dig. xxii. 5. 13; xlviii. 16. 3. 2; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 665; iii. 101; Mommsen, Röm. Strafr. 491, 494. Hitzig, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1416, places it earlier.

[2493] Cic. Rosc. Am. 20. 57; Pliny, Paneg. 35; Seneca, De Ira, iii. 3. 6; Mommsen, Röm. Strafr. 495. It is almost certain that the punishment mentioned was prescribed by this law; Hitzig, ibid.

[2494] This conclusion is deduced from the circumstance that Varius was tried under his own law. The charge could not possibly have been that of favoring the Italians, but must rather have been the instigation of the sedition by which his statute was originally carried; Lengle, Sull. Verf. 35.

[2495] Cic. Brut. 89. 304: “Exercebatur una lege iudicium Varia, ceteris propter bellum intermissis.”

[2496] This is an inference from the fact that the court which tried Cn. Pompeius Strabo in 88, and which sat under the Varian law, was composed in accordance with the subsequent Plautian judiciary law (Cic. Frag. A. vii. Cornel. i. 53). A special court was composed in no other way than by the law which established it. In general on the Varian law, see Ascon. 21 f., 73, 79; Val. Max. viii. 6. 4; App. B. C. i. 37; Cic. Tusc. ii. 24. 57. From Appian we learn that the law was passed before the outbreak of the Social War, and Cicero, Brut. 89. 305, informs us that the prosecutions under it continued through the war. The last trial mentioned is that of Cn. Pompeius Strabo in 88, referred to above. See also Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 108; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 493; Mommsen, Röm. Strafr. 198; Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 164 f.; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 384 f.; Ihne, Hist. of Rome, v. 188 f.; and especially Lengle, Sull. Verf. 32-6, where further sources are cited.

[2497] Cic. Brut. 62. 222. It belongs to about 90; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 693.

[2498] Off. ii. 21. 72. It is an interesting fact that, as this passage shows, Cicero did not object to frumentarian laws on principle, but condemned the Sempronian act because it was burdensome to the treasury.

[2499] Gell. iv. 4. 3.

[2500] Vell. ii. 16. 4; cf. App. B. C. i. 49. 212 (who speaks merely of a senatus consultum). This statute seems to have considered the Po the northern boundary of Italy; Sall. Hist. i. 20.

[2501] Cic. Balb. 8. 21: “Ipsa Iulia lege civitas ita est sociis et Latinis data, ut, qui fundi populi facti non essent, civitatem non haberent.” On fundus see Fest. ep. 89. Heraclea and Naples declined the citizenship; Cic. ibid.

[2502] P. 57 f.

[2503] Cic. Arch. 10. 26; Balb. 8. 19; 14. 32; 22. 50; Fam. xiii. 36; Sisenna, Frag. 17, in Peter, Hist. Rom. Reliq. i. 280; Frag. 120, ibid. 293: “Milites, ut lex Calpurnia concesserat, virtutis ergo civitate donari”; cf. Kiene, Röm. Bundesgenossenkrieg, 224 f., 229 f. The identity of the author is uncertain; he may be the Calpurnius who was praetor in 74; Münzer, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 1395. 98.

[2504] Cic. Arch. 4. 7: Schol. Bob. 353.

[2505] Dio Cass. Frag. 102. 7.

[2506] Dio Cass. xxxvii. 9. 3; Ascon. p. 3; Pliny, N. H. iii. 20. 138; Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 118; cf. however Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 497 f.

[2507] Cic. Frag. A. vii. 53; Ascon. 79; Lange, Röm. Alt. ii. 539, 668 f.; iii. 115; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 499; Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 385; Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 213 f. We may connect with this change the prosecution and condemnation of Q. Varius; p. 401, n. 1 above; Ihne, Hist. of Rome, v. 224 f.

[2508] Röm. Strafr. 198, n. 1, followed by Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 386. A difficulty with this interpretation is the great number of jurors provided for, apparently enough to supply all the courts.

[2509] Verr. i. 13. 38.

[2510] Cic. Att. i. 18. 6.

[2511] Pliny, N. H. xxxiii. 3. 46; Kubitschek, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. ii. 1512; Gardner, in Smith, Dict. i. 206; Babelon, Monn. de la rép. Rom. i. 74 f.

[2512] Strabo v. 4. 11.

[2513] P. 162.

[2514] Livy, ep. lxxvii; App. B. C. i. 55. 242 f.; Vell. ii. 18. 6; Ascon. 64; Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1532. The libertini may have been those who fought in the recent war; App. B. C. i. 49. 212; Macrob. Sat. i. 11. 32.

[2515] (Cic.) Herenn. ii. 28. 45; Livy, ep. lxxvii; Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 123; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 501.

[2516] P. 400 f.

[2517] Plut. Sull. 8.

[2518] P. 403 above; also Ferrero, Rome, i. 84.

[2519] In this way a justitium, cessation of civil business, was indirectly brought about; Plut. Sull. 8; Mar. 35; App. B. C. i. 55. 244; p. 141 above; Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 221; Neumann, Gesch. Roms, i. 513; Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1533; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 263, n. 6.

[2520] For the abrogation of Sulla’s imperium Vell. ii. 18. 6 is authority. Plutarch, Sull. 8, states that Pompeius, not Sulla, was deprived of the consulship and that from Sulla was taken merely the provincial command. Appian, B. C. i. 56. 249 (cf. Plut. Mar. 35; Schol. Gronov. 410) speaks only of the transfer of the command. That the fourth article was added after the departure of Sulla from Rome, and that the latter knew nothing of it till summoned to deliver up his command is clearly stated by Appian, ibid. ch. 56 f.; cf. Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1533 f.

[2521] Plutarch, Sull. 8 and Livy, ep. lxxvii, speak of a decree of the senate only, whereas the account of Appian, B. C. i. 60. 271 (Πολεμίους Ῥωμαίων ἐψήφιστο εἶναι) implies a vote of the assembly. Velleius, ii. 19. 1 (“Lege lata exules fecit”) distinctly mentions a comitial act, though he is wrong in supposing it to be a sentence of exile, as may be gathered from his context; cf. Ihne, Hist. of Rome, v. 237.

[2522] App. B. C. i. 59. 268; Cic. Phil. viii. 2. 7. Scholars are at variance as regards the character and motives of Sulpicius. Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 501 (cf. Ferrero, Rome, i. 85 f.), can see in his measures no earnest purpose of reform. Ihne, Hist. of Rome, v. 225 f., 233 f., hesitatingly inclines to regard him as a demagogue. Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1532, looks upon him as a statesman with a mind and heart for the best interests of his country. In the opinion of Mommsen, Hist. of Rome, iii. (1898). 531 f., he was essentially the successor of Drusus, a reformer in the interest of the senate, yet led by the force of circumstances to adopt revolutionary methods. Cf. also Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 121-5; Long, Rom. Rep. II. ch. xvii; Neumann, Gesch. Roms, i. 507-17.

[2523] P. 277, 313 f.

[2524] App. B. C. i. 59. 266: Εἰσηγοῦντό τε μηδὲν ἔτι ἀπροβούλευτον ἐς τὸν δῆμον ἐσφέρεσθαι, νενομισμένον μὲν οὕτω καὶ πάλαι, παραλελυμένον δ’ ἐκ πολλοῦ.

[2525] Ibid.: Εἰσηγοῦντο ... καὶ τὰς χειροτονίας μὴ κατὰ φυλάς, ἀλλὰ κατὰ λόχους, ὡς Τύλλιος βασιλεὺς ἔταξε γίνεσθαι.

[2526] P. 86.

[2527] In Hermes, xxxiii (1898). 652.

[2528] This view is held by Sunden, De trib. pot. imm. (1897) 21 ff.; Meyer, ibid. 652-4; Vassis, in Athena, xii (1900). 54-7. Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1537, supposes that elections simply were thereby transferred to the comitia centuriata; but the word χειροτονίαι used by Appian, though often denoting elections (as in B. C. i. 14. 58-60; 15. 66; 28. 127, where the meaning is easily derived from the context), includes also voting on laws, as in B. C. i. 23. 100; 55. 244. Had he meant elections, he would here have written ἀρχαιρεσία (cf. i. 1. 1; 44. 196), as otherwise the meaning would have been doubtful. The view represented by Fröhlich, moreover, would in no way explain the passage, nor was it likely that Sulla would leave to the tribes the ratification of laws but deprive them of the politically unimportant right to elect minor officials.

[2529] Appian’s words πολλά τε ἄλλα τῆς τῶν δημάρχων ἀρχῆς ... περιελόντες (i. 59. 267) imply an extensive curtailment of the tribunician power not definitely specified. The statement of Livy, ep. lxxxix, that Sulla afterward (82) deprived the tribunes of all legislative power (p. 413 below) is not true of his dictatorial law-giving, but belongs properly to the year under consideration.

[2530] Lengle (Sull. Verf. 10) argues, on the contrary, that the measure could be intended for the tribunes only, because, as he supposes, a patrician magistrate always consulted the senate concerning his legislative proposals. But Lengle has reckoned without the facts. An examination of the sources will show that from the time of the dictator Publilius Philo (Livy viii. 12. 14) to the time of the dictator Julius Caesar (Dio Cass. xxxviii. 3 f.; Plut. Caes. 14; App. B. C. ii. 10) patrician magistrates occasionally brought rogations before the comitia without the senatorial sanction. But it is possible that in speaking of “an ancient law long disused” (p. 406, n. 2) Appian may wrongly have had in mind the pre-Hortensian restriction on the plebiscite; p. 277, n. 4.

[2531] B. C. i. 1. 1, 2, 3; 19. 81; 20. 83; 22. 91; 29. 132 (city people); 30. 136; 32. 143; 33. 147; 35. 155; 36. 162; 38. 169; 100. 469. Δημόται always means plebeians; i. 24. 106; 25. 109; 33. 146; 100. 469. Sometimes δῆμος is exactly equivalent to πλῆθος, multitude, as in i. 26. 119.

[2532] B. C. i. 12. 51; 13. 55; 20. 83; 21. 90; 22. 92; 23. 101; 25. 107; 28. 128; 29. 131.

[2533] B. C. i. 27. 122. In 33. 148 it applies to the judicial contio preliminary to the comitia centuriata.

[2534] B. C. i. 13. 56; 25. 112; 32. 143; 54. 236; 104. 485.

[2535] B. C. i. 12. 49; 32. 141.

[2536] B. C. i. 101. 472.

[2537] B. C. i. 59. 267.

[2538] Willems, Sén. Rom. i. 402 f.

[2539] Livy, ep. lxxvii.

[2540] Fest. 375. 7.

[2541] Cf. the law of 357; p. 297. See also Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 126 f.; Herzog, Röm. Staatsverf. i. 502; Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1537.

[2542] Billeter, Gesch. d. Zinsfusses, 155-7.

[2543] App. B. C. i. 73. 339. No mention is here made of the manner of repeal, but we may infer a comitial act from the public policy of Cinna. It seems probable that at this time, or after his return from exile, the Plautian judiciary law of 89 was also repealed; p. 402.

[2544] Cic. Phil. viii. (3.) 7; Vell. ii. 20. 2 f.; Schol. Gronov. 410; Jul. Exuper. 4; App. B. C. i. 64. 287; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 180, 439; Münzer, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1283.

[2545] App. ibid.; Flor. ii. 9. 9 (iii. 21); (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 69. 2.

[2546] Livy, ep. lxxix; Vell. ii. 20. 3; App. B. C. i. 65. 296; (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 69. 2; Plut. Mar. 41.

[2547] Cinna is represented as the author by Vell. ii. 21. 6; Plut. Mar. 43; Dio Cass. Frag. 102. 8; whereas Appian, B. C. i. 70. 324, mentions tribunes. Cf. Diod. xxxviii, xxxix. 1-4; Münzer, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1285; Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 244.

[2548] P. 405.

[2549] Livy, ep. lxxxiv: “Novis civibus senatus consulto suffragium datum est.”

[2550] P. 58 above. Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 141, unnecessarily assumes a consular lex Papiria for the purpose.

In the year 87 the propretorian imperium of Appius Claudius Pulcher, father of the famous tribune of 58, was abrogated by a lex of an unknown tribune. The ground was a refusal to obey the summons of the tribune in question; Cic. Dom. 31. 83; Münzer, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iii. 2848 f.

[2551] Vell. ii. 23. 2; Cic. Font. 1. 1; Quinct. 4. 17; Sall. Cat. 33; Mommsen, Röm. Münzwesen, 385; Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 251; Ferrero, Rome, i. 92.

[2552] Cic. Leg. Agr. ii. 33. 89; 34. 92; 36. 98.

[2553] CIL. i². p. 154.

[2554] App. B. C. i. 3, 98 f.; Plut. Sull. 33; Vell. ii. 28. 2; Oros. v. 21. 12; Diod. xxxviii, xxxix. 15; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. ii. 703 f. The office had been disused for a hundred and twenty years; Plut. ibid.; Vell. ibid.; CIL. i². p. 23. On the form of comitia, see p. 236.

[2555] App. B. C. i. 97. 451; Cic. Leg. Agr. iii. 2. 5.

[2556] Cic. Rosc. Am. 43. 126; Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1556; Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, ii. 404. From this Ciceronian passage it is necessary to infer that the Valerian law contained an article similar to the later Cornelian lex de proscriptione; p. 421 below.

[2557] CIL. i². p. 27.

[2558] Livy, ep. lxxxix; App. B. C. i. 100. 465; Sall. Hist. i. 55. 2.

[2559] P. 406 f.

[2560] Livy, ep. lxxxix: “Tribunorum plebis potestatem minuit, et omne ius legum ferendarum ademit.” We should infer from this statement, which is the sole authority for the view it presents, that he absolutely deprived the tribunes of legislative initiative, were it not that under his constitutional arrangements they actually proposed laws de senatus sententia; CIL. i. 204 (year 71); Bruns, Font. iur. p. 94; Dessau, Inscr. Lat. i. p. 11; Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 154; Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1559; Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. iii. 158; Lengle, Sull. Verf. 11; Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, i. 390 f., 411. The conference between Sulla and Scipio, mentioned by Cic. Phil. xii. 11. 27, referred to this arrangement. Sunden, De rib. pot. imm. 10 ff. (cf. Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 399 ff.), holding that Sulla abolished the right of the tribunes to propose laws, refuses to accept 71 as the date of the epigraphic lex above mentioned.

It seems probable (Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 175; Mommsen, Röm. Strafr. 654, n. 2), though it is not certain (Greenidge, Leg. Proced. 424, 430 f.), that the lex Plautia de vi was proposed by a tribune of 78 or 77 as the agent of Q. Lutatius Catulus, proconsul; Sall. Cat. 31; Schol. Bob. 368; Cic. Cael. 29. 70; p. 424 below. Probably the lex Plautia which recalled from exile L. Cornelius Cinna, brother-in-law of Caesar, and others who, having shared in the insurrection of Lepidus, had gone over to Sertorius, was a plebiscite de senatus sententia of 73; Suet. Caes. 5; Gell. xiii. 3. 5; Val. Max. vii. 7. 6; Dio Cass. xliv. 47. 4; Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 185; Maurembrecher, Sall. Hist. Proleg. 78; Münzer, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1287. Others assign the measure to 70; cf. Long, Rom. Rep. iii. 53. For other laws, see p. 424.

The statement of Livy’s epitomator concerning the lex Cornelia de tribunicia potestate would apply more accurately to the Cornelian-Pompeian law of 88; p. 406.

[2561] From Cic. Cluent. 40. 110 (cf. Long, Rom. Rep. ii. 400) we should infer that under the Cornelian government no tribunician contio was held; but we know that this is not true. In 76 a contio was summoned by L. Sicinius, tribune of the plebs; Orat. of Licinius Macer, in Sall. Hist. iii. 48. 8: “L. Sicinius primus de potestate tribunicia loqui ausus mussantibus vobis”; cf. Pseud. Ascon. 103; Plut. Caes. 7; Cic. Brut. 60. 216 f. In 74 the tribune Quinctius held contiones; Cic. Cluent. 34. 93; Sall. Hist. ibid. § 11. The oration of Licinius Macer, quoted by Sallust, Hist. iii. 48, is a tribunician harangue. Finally in 71 the tribune Palicanus held a contio outside the city that Pompey might attend; p. 426.

[2562] Cic. Verr. II. i. 60. 155: Q. Opimius was prosecuted in a finable action on the ground that as tribune in 75 (Pseud. Ascon. 200) he had interceded in violation of a Cornelian law, which must have fixed the fine. The statement of Caesar, B. C. i. 5. 1; 7. 3, that Sulla left the tribunes the right of intercession proves no more than that he did not wholly abolish it. Cf. further Sunden, De trib. pot. imm. 4; Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, ii. 411, n. 10.

[2563] Cic. Verr. i. 13. 38: “Sublata populi Romani in unum quemque vestrum potestate.”

[2564] P. 245, 266, 315.

[2565] Cic. Leg. iii. 9. 22.

[2566] App. B. C. i. 100. 467; Ascon. 78 (repealed by Cotta); Pseud. Ascon. 200.

[2567] Vell. ii. 30. 4; Dion. Hal. v. 77. 5; Sall. Hist. i. 55. 23; iii. 48. 3; Pseud. Ascon. 102.

The following sources assume more or less definitely an abolition of the tribunicia potestas; Sall. Hist. i. 55. 23; 77. 14; iii. 48. 1; Cat. 38. 1; Plut. Pomp. 21; Pseud. Ascon. 102. The following speak of a limitation; Caes. B. C. i. 5. 1; 7. 3; Livy, ep. lxxxix; Dion. Hal. v. 77. 5; Vell. ii. 30. 4; Suet. Caes. 5; (Aurel. Vict.) Vir. Ill. 75. 11; App. B. C. ii. 29. 113. Tacitus, Ann. iii. 27, is non-committal. In general on the lex de tribunicia potestate, see Lange, Röm. Alt. iii. 153 f.; Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1559; Drumann-Gröbe, Gesch. Roms, ii. 410 ff.; Lengle, Sull. Verf. 10-16; Sunden, De trib. pot. imm.

[2568] In Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1559.

[2569] The law concerning the quaestors was preceded by the judiciary statute (Tac. Ann. xi. 22), which must have been enacted near the end of 81, for the senators remained ten years (80-70) in control of the courts; Cic. Verr. i. 13. 37.

[2570] P. 347. The relation of this Cornelian provision to the lex Villia is not more definitely known.

[2571] App. B. C. i. 100. 466; cf. 121. 560.

[2572] Cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 529.

[2573] In the thirty-sixth year of his age Pompey was not yet qualified for the quaestorship; Cic. Imp. Pomp. 21. 62. Cicero, who was consul in his forty-third year, states that he obtained the office at the earliest legal age; Leg. Agr. ii. 2. 3. An interval of two years between successive offices would place the quaestorship in the thirty-seventh year; cf. Mommsen, Röm. Staatsr. i. 527, 569; Fröhlich, in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encycl. iv. 1560; but soon after Sulla it came about, probably through further legislation, that the office was often filled in the thirty-first year; Mommsen, ibid. 570 ff.

[2574] Cic. Dom. 43. 112; Fam. x. 25. 2; 26. 2 f.

[2575] Tac. Ann. xi. 22; cf. Fröhlich, ibid. iv. 1560.