Chickamauga, morning of September 20, 1863
Adapted from Fiske’s The Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, p. 268

It will be understood that the Confederate forces were large, strongly organized, well officered, and extremely well placed on the field. Since falling back from Tullahoma the following reinforcements had joined Bragg: Walker’s five brigades from Mississippi, Buckner’s six brigades from East Tennessee, and Hood’s five brigades from Virginia, besides a large amount of artillery. The coming of General Longstreet from Virginia was a distinct assistance to the Confederate Army. He was a genuine soldier of great ability, and capable of commanding his soldiers, clearly shown when he handled the left Confederate wing on the 20th. The contrast between him and Leonidas Polk was very much in evidence on the 20th. Longstreet was exceedingly strong, while Polk was very weak. The Confederate right overlapped the Union left and had the Union right been as compactly drawn towards its left as it should have been, the Confederate left would also have overlapped that flank. The Confederate Army facing the Union forces on the morning of the 20th was made up of eleven divisions of infantry, and two of cavalry. General Rosecrans had no cavalry on his left, and Wheeler’s Confederate cavalry was at first on the east side of the Chickamauga and afterwards on the west side, watching Mitchell’s Union horsemen near Crawfish Springs.

General Rosecrans had 141 regiments of infantry, 18 of cavalry, and 36 batteries. Bragg had 173 infantry regiments, 11 of cavalry—which were dismounted and fought as infantry—28 cavalry regiments, and 50 batteries.

The Union front of battle on the morning of the 20th, was about two and a half miles in length. Although Bragg had ordered the attack to be commenced on his right at daylight, and to be continued towards the left, yet it was 9:30 o’clock before Breckenridge advanced his three brigades, Adams’s, Stovall’s, and Helm’s against the left of Baird’s and John Beatty’s thin line beyond. Adams’s brigade on the right crossed the Lafayette road, and Stovall struck Beatty. The latter had to give way, but inflicted terrible punishment on the enemy.

Part of Stovall’s brigade came against the regular brigade, but made no impression. Helm, the left of Breckenridge’s line, attacked the right of the regulars’, Scribner’s line. The Confederate line was shattered and went to pieces. Helm, in bravely trying to rally his men was killed; two of Helm’s colonels were also killed, and two others wounded.

Adams’s brigade was gaining the rear of King, when Stanley’s brigade of Negley’s long delayed division came into the Kelly field, and formed at right angles with the road and the Union line swept to the north, past King’s left, charged into the woods upon Adams’s brigade, and drove it away. Sometime during their attacks Adams was wounded and taken prisoner. Breckenridge’s attack was a failure, but the firing by the infantry and the artillery was terrific while it lasted. Cleburne’s division advanced while Breckenridge was still in the fight; his attack covered part of Baird’s and Johnson’s. Cleburne was a very capable officer; brave to the utmost; still his attack completely failed. Polk’s brigade of that division assaulted Starkweather. With regard to this attack Polk states in his official report[20] “My line from right to left, soon became furiously engaged, the enemy pouring a most destructive fire of canister and musketry into my advancing line—so terrible indeed, that my line could not advance in face of it, but lying down, partially protected by the crest of the hill, we continued the fight for an hour and a half.”

Cleburne states in his report[21] “Polk’s brigade and the right of Wood’s encountered the heaviest artillery fire I have ever experienced. I was now within short canister range of a line of log breastworks, and a hurricane of shot and shell swept the woods from the unseen enemy in my front.” This charge was also a failure, but most destructive to the Confederates. Wood reported[22] a loss in his brigade of 96 killed and 680 wounded. The great disparity of the wounded, in comparison with the killed, showed that the Confederate lines did not get very close to the Union boys. The Union forces were so pleased with having repulsed so forceful an attack, that they sent forward a strong skirmish line. General Hill—who was forming from the reserves a stronger second attack—paused, and concluded he would have to resist an attack from the Union line.

Walker’s reserve corps of two divisions of five brigades was therefore moved forward and distributed along the broken points of the first line. During the day successive charges were made from Palmer’s position to the Union left, by ten Confederate brigades along the Union line, which, however, they could not penetrate, nor could they get very close to the breastworks. Colquitt, commander of one of these brigades, fell as well as several of his officers, and General Deshler of Cleburne’s division was killed. Govan of Walker’s troops gained the rear of Baird’s division by marching around Baird’s left and driving away the thin unprotected Union line at that point. This second advance—which was actually another phase of the continuous attack from 9:30 to nearly noon—had extended its right much further beyond the Union left, and by a wide left wheel it had straddled the Lafayette road. One brigade on the right of the road, another on the left, boldly threw out skirmishers and advanced towards General Reynolds’s rear, beyond the Kelly house. It was a very threatening and dangerous situation. The Confederate line in front—from Baird around to Brannan—opened a heavy fire upon the barricades. It looked for a while, as if the movement would succeed in destroying the heretofore invincible line of General Thomas’s troops; but Thomas saw every movement and knew the weakness of the left beyond Baird. Brannan had a reserve brigade—Fred Van Derveer’s—and this arrived just in time to form in front of the Confederate brigades in the Kelly field. It changed front under fire, charged the Confederate line, broke it, and finally drove it clear of the Union left. Then the reserve brigade returned to a point near the Kelly house. Van Derveer’s brigade had come, at this time, with an order from General Rosecrans to Brannan, to report his whole division to General Thomas. It was under the supposition that Brannan had done so, that Rosecrans soon after issued the fatal order to Wood to close up on Reynolds. But the enemy had gained the line, where Beatty had before stood. Palmer sent his reserve brigade (Grose’s), in accordance with General Thomas’s order; his brigade formed double lines, and with cheers they charged into the woods and the enemy was driven away. Then Barnes, of Van Cleve’s division, was placed on or near the left; the Union left was henceforth safe.

THE CONFEDERATE ATTACK UPON THE UNION RIGHT

About 11 o’clock the successive attacks of the Confederate divisions from the left to the right had reached Longstreet’s wing; they were continued with a charge by Stewart upon Reynolds’s position; it involved Hazen or Palmer, who had been transferred to the right of Reynolds and to the left of Brannan. This was the beginning of the general assault on the Union right, which came so near being disastrous to General Rosecrans’s army. This attack of Stewart’s took place at the time when Adams and Stovall of Breckenridge’s division were entering the open Kelly field upon the Confederate right. General Stewart acknowledges, in his report, that his charge was repulsed with great slaughter. The division next to Stewart took up the assault. It was Bushrod R. Johnson’s supported by Law and Kershaw. Just before this attack an aide of General Thomas had come to General Rosecrans to ask again for support on the left. In riding close to the line between General Reynolds’s and General Brannan’s divisions he observed that the latter—Brannan being in echelon with Reynolds—did not make a continuous line, but a broken one. The position of General Brannan was nevertheless just as effective, and perhaps more so, than if he had been in the main line. General Thomas J. Wood’s division, which had just replaced Negley’s division, was next to the right of Brannan but in the main line; it joined, however, its left to Brannan’s right; wherefore the aide reported to General Rosecrans that Reynolds’s right was unprotected. Brannan had been ordered to go to General Thomas’s left, but on account of being threatened with an attack on his front he remained with two of his brigades, and sent Van Derveer’s, his reserve brigade. Rosecrans dictated at once an order to Wood, “to close upon Reynolds as fast as possible and support him.” Thereupon Wood withdrew from the line, and marched to the rear of Brannan, just as the Confederate charge, under B. R. Johnson, reached its old front. Rosecrans issued his order to Wood supposing that Brannan had gone with his whole division to the Kelly field. Brannan reported what action he had taken, and that Reynolds had approved it. Rosecrans gave his approval instantly; but the fatal order had been issued to Wood some minutes before, and consequently his division was moving out, just as the eight brigades made the attack. Longstreet had massed these brigades opposite the Union centre. They were formed in three lines, lapped over the right of Brannan and the left of Davis—whose division was on the right of Wood—and moved close to the gap; they widened the awful space left by Wood; the attack struck Wood’s rear brigade (Buell’s) and shattered it. Brannan who was a very able commander threw back his right, but lost a part of Connell’s brigade in this movement. With great skill and considerable deliberation he re-established his line on the Horse Shoe Ridge, near the Snodgrass house, on a line nearly perpendicular to the one from which he had retreated. Although Wood’s division was subjected to a heavy attack, he—with the aid of General Thomas, who had just come from the left wing—succeeded in establishing his remaining troops in prolongation of Brannan’s new line, and in reaching towards, but not entirely, Reynolds’s right, which retired slightly. Hazen’s brigade of Palmer’s division filled up the gap between Reynolds and Wood, thus making the Union line a nearly continuous one from Snodgrass Hill to the left of Baird, where Barnes’s brigade had taken position. The shape of the line was that of a very flattened crescent, with the convex side towards the enemy; it was greatly shortened, however, by the losses of the 19th, and the cutting off on the right of two whole divisions, Davis’s and Sheridan’s, a part of Wood’s, and some of Van Cleve’s. These were now beyond the Confederate line and were attacked by heavy forces while on the march, driving them from the field. Negley with his remaining brigade was caught in the gap from whence he drifted towards Brannan. General H. V. Boynton said about this affair on this part of the field: “Negley, gathering up much artillery, was ordered by General Thomas to post it on the crest overlooking the field in front of Baird’s left, but instead he took it to Brannan’s right. This was a good position for it and it could have been of great service there later, when the Confederate line made an advance to that point, but he retired with it in haste toward Rossville, ordering all the artillery to follow him, before he was attacked.”

Jefferson C. Davis was a fine and brave officer. He had only two brigades, Carlin’s and Heg’s; the latter was commanded by Martin, for Colonel Heg had been mortally wounded the day before. These brigades had done some wonderful fighting on the day before, when they were greatly reduced. After the break they could not stand against the Confederate charge, wherefore they drifted towards Rossville. Davis and Sheridan were both on the move by the left flank closing up toward the left, when the Confederate charge struck them. Van Cleve with his remaining brigades in motion—Barnes had gone to the left—was thrown into disorder by the rapid dash of some artillery through the ranks, while a portion of them rallied with Wood. General Lytle of the Sheridan brigade was killed while trying to rally his troops. These divisions and brigades went back, together with Wilder’s mounted brigade, carrying with them Generals Rosecrans, McCook, and Crittenden, who at that time were to the right of the break. The line of their retreat was through McFarland’s Gap in Missionary Ridge, south of Rossville. These troops did not go further back than to Rossville, but Rosecrans, McCook, and Crittenden kept on to Chattanooga. Boynton says, that Sheridan’s division was in good order when it arrived at Rossville. Davis tried his best to reform his troops near to McFarland’s Gap; he did march them back to the field, but reached it too late in the evening. In the neighborhood of the two gaps, McFarland’s and Rossville, were some ten thousand fugitive troops; the way was open for them to have been led either to the right or to the left of the Union line. But who was there who had rank and authority enough to lead them, while their army and corps commanders were still further to the rear? James A. Garfield, Gates P. Thruston, chief of McCook’s staff, Surgeons Gross and Perkins, medical directors of the Fourteenth and Twentieth corps, rode back and joined General Thomas. Sheridan was requested by Thruston, the adjutant-general and chief of staff to General McCook, at McFarland’s Gap—by a message from General Thomas—to march to the latter’s relief, but he insisted on marching back to Rossville and from there taking the Lafayette road to the left flank of the army.[23] This was a most out of the way road to the battlefield. Sheridan wanted to report quickly to General Thomas when the break occurred and was doing that by way of Rossville. It was dark before he arrived near to the left; the Union troops had then begun the backwood movement.

After the second attack on the left by Walker’s and Hill’s corps, Breckenridge again came in behind Baird, but was repulsed by Van Derveer, Grose, and Willich. All was quiet on the left, while heavy firing continued on the right, when General Thomas rode over to the right to look at matters there. This occurred during the adjustment after the break, and he placed what remained of Wood’s on the left of Brannan, the latter having taken his position prior to that on Horse Shoe Ridge. General Thomas did not return to the left until about 5:30 p. m.

There had been no intimation to the four commanders on the left—Baird, Johnson, Palmer, and Reynolds—that everything had not gone well with the right. They could get no message from Thomas for two or three hours. At this juncture, fearing another assault by the Confederate lines, and supposing that Thomas had been cut off from them, Palmer, Johnson, and Reynolds consulted with Baird and proposed that General Palmer, as the senior and ranking officer, be placed in command of their four divisions and march them off the field. General Baird refusing to join them, prevented this calamity. Had this been done, the Confederate right wing, confronting them, could have advanced unimpeded in the rear of the Union troops on Snodgrass Hill, about three-quarters of a mile directly in the rear of the Union left. In view of what happened later in the evening with regard to the successful falling back, it is not necessary to state what a probable disaster General Baird prevented.

The Fatal Order to Wood, at Chickamauga
Adapted from Fiske’s The Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, p. 270

Longstreet followed the drawing back of the Union right, by a right wheel of his divisions, while keeping Preston’s division in reserve, probably in order to be ready to repel quickly any attack upon his left and rear by Davis, Sheridan, Wilder, or R. B. Mitchell. There was no need to be alarmed, for no troops approached from that quarter. He largely outflanked and outnumbered the right wing of Rosecrans. General Garfield had brought an order to Thomas from Rosecrans to take command of the army, which was left on the field, and to fall back to Rossville, to form a new line, and to hold back the enemy from Chattanooga. Thomas made his headquarters near the Snodgrass house and directed all the movements of the Union forces for the rest of the day. He determined to hold the present line at least until night, when the retreat could be made with less danger. To meet the six triumphant divisions of Longstreet, the available troops in line were Croxton’s and part only of Connell’s brigades of Brannan’s division; Wood, with only Harker’s brigade, and one regiment of Buell’s; his other regiments seemed to have faded away, or been cut off in the break. With Wood’s line were a part of John Beatty’s brigade, a part of Stanley’s, and the Twenty-first Ohio of Sirwell’s: these were of Negley’s division, but Negley was not with them. There were parts of the Ninth and Seventeenth Kentucky, Forty-fourth Indiana, and Thirteenth Ohio of Van Cleve’s division, but no division commander with them.

The Forty-fourth Indiana of Dick’s brigade, and the Seventeenth Kentucky of Beatty’s brigade, and both of Van Cleve’s—Barnes’s brigade being still on the left—were the only regiments which deflected from the fugitives, and fell in with Wood’s and Brannan’s line.

Chickamauga, evening of September 20, 1863
Adapted from Fiske’s The Mississippi Valley in the Civil War, p. 274

Longstreet’s troops attacked these fragments repeatedly with tremendous force, but were repulsed with great loss. Finally one of Hindman’s brigades gained a position on Brannan’s right and rear, without opposition, for no troops were there to oppose them. Negley had held that point earlier with ample artillery and infantry supports, but he was then in Rossville. Just at this time, when disaster again seemed inevitable, General Gordon Granger reported to General Thomas; having marched his troops with the true instincts of a soldier from McAffee’s church, in front of Rossville Gap facing Ringgold, to the sound of the battle. Thomas ordered him to the right of Brannan. Two large brigades, Whittaker’s and John G. Mitchell’s, were commanded by the gallant General James B. Steedman; these formed in line, charged up the hill against that brigade which had gained the flank of Croxton, and drove it pell-mell back down the hill with great slaughter. At this time, Van Derveer’s brigade came from the Kelly field, where it had done such fine service. This brigade formed on Steedman’s left and joined in the attack. When this combined force struck the enemy the musketry firing was heavier than any before delivered. It lasted perhaps twenty minutes. It was immediately in the rear of Baird’s division, on the left, about three-fourths of a mile away; could not be seen on account of the woods, but was heard, and it was terrific. Twice Hindman reformed at a safe distance, and tried to recapture the hill, but being overwhelmed, abandoned any future efforts; these brigades formed in prolongation of Brannan’s right and fought until dark. While Sheridan was marching on the west side of Missionary Ridge towards Rossville, Granger was marching on the east side of it towards the battle, without other orders than a general one, given days before to support the army. They both must have heard the firing, and should have marched to it; if these fugitive troops could have been brought on the field with a competent commander, what would the result have been? How could they keep away? Would not the Confederate Army—which was so nearly used up—have been glad to fall back to Rome?

Hindman, in his report[24] speaks in the following words of this desperate contest on the Union right lasting over four hours, viz.: “I have never known Federal troops to fight so well.” General Daniel H. Hill, who commanded a Confederate corps on the army’s right, says in an article on the battle of Chickamauga, that he never saw the dead so thick anywhere as he did on the slopes of Snodgrass Hill after the attacks by Longstreet’s several divisions.[25]

General Garfield after returning from Rossville to the field, rode long the lines of his old brigade, now Harker’s of Wood’s division, cheered the men with muskets and gave by his presence the evidence that others who did not come back from the rear could have done so. Longstreet’s report states: “Hood’s column broke the enemy’s line near the Brotherton house, and made it wheel to the right. In making this movement Major-General Hood fell severely and it was feared mortally wounded by a minie ball breaking his thigh.” Law succeeded Hood in command. Longstreet continues as follows: “About three o’clock in the afternoon I asked the commanding general for some of the troops of the Right Wing, but was informed by him that they had been beaten back so badly that they could be of no service to me.”[26] The figures of losses on the two wings given later on will show that Bragg was right.

The forces to resist the whole Confederate Army were but five divisions in line. The rank and file of these divisions did not know of the condition on the right, which was very fortunate; they stood and fought therefore defensively, and with great confidence and bravery.

The Union line, as now formed, consisted of Thomas’s original five divisions and such troops as Wood’s one brigade (Harker’s), a fraction of another (Buell’s) and fractions of regiments which had drifted in, together with Steedman’s two brigades. It stood off the Confederate Army until dark. An attack on General Thomas’s left—organized about three o’clock—must be mentioned, however. It is supposed that this was made in order to prevent any of the Union troops at that point from being sent to the right. The attack was a general one and was easily repulsed. The divisions of Breckenridge, Liddell, Armstrong’s dismounted cavalry, and Forrest’s artillery across the Lafayette road, were active. Willich made the fourth charge along the length of Kelly’s field against these troops across the Lafayette road. At half after five o’clock all was quiet on the Union left, and confidence filled the hearts of the troops; but the attacks by Longstreet on the Union right lasted another hour.

Thomas had orders from Rosecrans to draw back to Rossville; Granger wanted him to ignore the orders and hold the field; but Thomas would not accede to such a request, and began the movement at half past five. His line was solid and confident, but had very little ammunition, and no rations. He was largely outnumbered and outflanked at both right and left; by falling back to Rossville he would gain the fugitive troops, whom he had been unable to induce to march back to this position; he would also gain a stronger defensive line, which would better cover the approaches to the city. He intended to start the movement so early in the evening that he could get the troops in the proper roads and directions before night, when darkness would protect them from danger of attack during the march. Boynton says: “It was in no sense a military retreat,” it was done “because Chattanooga, and not the Chickamauga woods, was the objective of the campaign.” Still, it may also be said, that the Confederate Army was the objective, and that its destruction was of more importance than the occupation of the city. It is quite certain that General Thomas would gladly have remained on the field, if he had been confident that he could have destroyed Bragg’s army the next day. He did not know at that time that it was badly used up as later events proved and the movement backwards in the face of a very vigilant foe, who was constantly advancing in almost full force, would have been dangerous.

The dispositions made by General George H. Thomas—before and after he discovered the break in the Union right—were of the highest military character; his plan of withdrawal to Rossville was equally scientific. In his report he says, that after the arrival of Granger’s forces and their effective attack on the enemy’s troops on the right of Brannan, every assault of the enemy until nightfall was repulsed in the most gallant style by the whole line. This was the result of his skillful placing of troops, his constant watchfulness with regard to the movements of the enemy, and the excellent counter movements by the Union forces. But the real cause of the preservation of the army was the masterful formation of the five divisions remaining under General Thomas’s command on the morning of the 20th; they were formed in compact, double lines, protected by log breastworks and had three or four brigades in reserve; these lines required no re-adjustment and were not penetrated. His watchfulness of the troops—of which many formed under his own direction on Snodgrass Hill after the break on the right—enabled him to point out instantly where they should go, when Granger and Steedman appeared. Let it be remembered that he was at that time unaware of the extent of the disaster on the right. In his report he states, “General Garfield, chief of staff of General Rosecrans, reached this position about 4 p. m., in company with Lieutenant-Colonel Thruston, of McCook’s staff, and Captains Gaw and Barker, of my staff, who had been sent to the rear to bring back the ammunition, if possible. General Garfield gave me the first reliable information that the right and centre of our army had been driven, and of its condition at that time. I soon after received a dispatch from General Rosecrans, directing me to assume command of all the forces, and, with Crittenden and McCook, take a strong position, and assume a threatening attitude at Rossville, sending the unorganized forces to Chattanooga for reorganization, stating that he would examine the ground at Chattanooga, and then join me; also that he had sent out rations and ammunition to me at Rossville.”[27]

General Thomas, of course, knew before Garfield reached him that disaster of some kind had occurred on the right; but he did not know its extent, neither did he know of the departure of the many troops and high officers from the field. When he received this dispatch from General Rosecrans he determined to fall back and immediately formulated his plans. To enable the troops in line to hold the positions they occupied until the proper time to fall back, he sent two aides to distribute some ammunition—ten rounds to the man—which Granger had brought with him. As soon as this was done he sent Captain Willard, an aide, to direct the division commanders to be prepared to withdraw their commands as soon as they received orders. At 5:30 p. m. Captain Barker carried the order to Reynolds to commence the movement. Thomas does not indicate in his report why he wanted Reynolds to commence the movement, but it has been shown that his division was the one best located for the work. A brigade of Confederate troops of Liddell’s division occupied at that time the woods on the west of the Lafayette road, between the Union right on Snodgrass Hill and the left around the Kelly field. It was in the rear of both Union wings. Reynolds’s position was at the head of these woods, and his troops could fire into the Confederate lines without danger to the backs of the Union soldiers. Under Thomas’s direction, Turchin’s brigade moved down the Lafayette road, and filed to the left; when his rear had cleared the road and faced to the right on the march, he threw his brigade upon the Confederate forces and drove them in utter defeat entirely beyond Baird’s left. This was the fifth charge made during the day in the same direction along this road, in and adjacent to the Kelly field. General Thomas posted Reynolds’s two brigades, Turchin’s and Robinson’s—formerly King’s—together with Johnson’s reserve brigade and General Willich’s on the ridge road west of the Lafayette road, near the Mullis farm, in order to cover McFarland’s Gap. Thomas’s report describes best what followed: “These dispositions being made, I sent orders to Generals Wood, Brannan, and Granger to withdraw from their positions. Johnson’s and Baird’s division were attacked at the moment of retiring, but, by being prepared, retired without confusion or any serious losses. General Palmer was attacked while retiring. * * * I then proceeded to Rossville, accompanied by Generals Garfield and Gordon Granger, and immediately prepared to place the troops in position at that point.”[28]

During Baird’s withdrawal he was heavily attacked by the enemy, and lost a great many who were taken prisoners; some of these remained too long behind the breastworks, others took a wrong direction in falling back. The troops which had retreated to Rossville Gap during the day were reorganized by their officers prior to the falling back of the main army. Negley’s division was placed directly across the gap, and the next morning Baird’s was placed behind it; the other divisions on the right and left (on the crest of the ridge) were stationed with Minty’s cavalry in front of the gap, about one mile and a half on the Ringgold road. General R. B. Mitchell’s cavalry was on the Union right covering McFarland’s Gap, and extending his right to the Chattanooga Creek. McCook’s Corps was in line about a mile behind him.

On September 21, General N. B. Forrest advanced at Rossville some Confederate cavalry close enough to throw a shell or two into a Union wagon train and Minty’s advance Union cavalry on the Ringgold road had a little skirmish. But the Confederate Army was not advancing; apparently it did not intend to attack the position at this point. In fact, General Bragg did not know of the retirement of the Union Army until the 21st, and he did not order an advance. The Confederate Army lay still on the field during the 21st, and most of the 22nd. Therefore General Thomas advised General Rosecrans to concentrate the troops at Chattanooga, and this was done on the night of September 21, in a most admirable manner under Thomas’s direction. Brannan’s division—in order to cover and protect the movement—was posted half way between Rossville and Chattanooga. Nearly all the infantry and artillery were in or around the city by 7 a. m. of the 22nd. The different organizations were marched directly to positions previously assigned them.

Baird’s division (now Rousseau’s), with Minty’s cavalry still in rear of it, brought up the rear, and did not arrive in the entrenchments around the city until late in the evening of the 22nd. General Rousseau, who was absent from early in August, joined the army again at Rossville on September 21, and assumed command of his old division. General Baird was later assigned to another division at Chattanooga.

In the forenoon of the 22nd, Cheatham’s Confederate division marched to the neighborhood of Chickamauga station, and took a road leading thence to the top of Missionary Ridge; it was followed by the rest of Polk’s Corps on the 23rd. On the same day, Hill’s and Longstreet’s corps followed on different roads and slowly formed their line on top of the ridge. Longstreet’s and Hill’s was thrown across the valley to the foot of Lookout; their left was on the top of Lookout Mountain and their right on the northeast nose of Missionary Ridge, abutting on the Tennessee River, but the main line did not reach to the river. Their camps were principally located in the Chickamauga Valley on the east side of the ridge, where they were protected from observation by the Union forces.

WISCONSIN TROOPS AT CHICKAMAUGA

There were five infantry regiments from Wisconsin in the battle of Chickamauga, viz.: the First, Tenth, Fifteenth, Twenty-first, and Twenty-fourth. The First and Twenty-first were parts of the Second Brigade, commanded by General John C. Starkweather—formerly Colonel of the First Wisconsin Infantry—of the First Division, commanded by General Absalom Baird, of the Fourteenth Corps, commanded by General George H. Thomas. They were actively engaged near the extreme left on both days of the battle. When Baird’s division on the morning of the 19th advanced from Kelly’s house on the Lafayette road, Starkweather’s brigade was in reserve behind the other two brigades of the division. His brigade was formed in two lines, the first composed of the First Wisconsin on the right and the Seventy-ninth Pennsylvania on the left, with the Fourth Indiana Battery between the two wings. The Twenty-first Wisconsin Infantry and Twenty-fourth Illinois Infantry formed the rear line. Lieutenant-Colonel George B. Bingham commanded the First, and Lieutenant-Colonel Harrison C. Hobart the Twenty-first. Having advanced about a mile through the woods, driving the enemy’s skirmishers, Starkweather moved to Thomas’s left by the order of the General, in order to relieve Croxton’s brigade of Brannan’s division, reported to be out of ammunition. General Starkweather seems to have no sooner taken position here than the enemy attacked in such overwhelming numbers as to force him back. He retreated to a ridge in the rear of his left; leaving his battery temporarily in the possession of the enemy. Very soon the enemy was struck on his flank and rear by General Johnson’s division of McCook’s Corps and forced back; the battery was then recovered.

In reforming the lines late in the afternoon, Starkweather’s brigade was placed on the left of Johnson’s division; it took part in the night attack by the Confederate General Cleburne, and was under fire during the whole of the battle of the 19th. On the morning of the 20th it formed the right of Baird’s position in the woods east of the Kelly field, and was in one of the most exposed positions; this brought it again on the left of Johnson’s division. The Fourth Indiana Battery had two guns in the centre of the brigade and two upon the left. General Starkweather in his official report says: “This position was held and retained during the whole day under repeated attacks from the enemy in heavy columns supported with batteries, repulsing and driving the enemy back from time to time; driving the enemy also back from the extreme left with the artillery. * * * While holding this position the ammunition of my first line was expended, and most of the second line, together with all the ammunition of the battery, except three rounds of canister.”[29] He retired with the rest of Baird’s division in the evening of the 20th to Rossville, thence to Chattanooga on the 22nd. In the retirement, Lieutenant-Colonel Hobart, eight other commissioned officers, and 67 men of the Twenty-first Wisconsin were captured by the enemy. The loss of the First Wisconsin was 188 killed, wounded, and missing; the latter being 77. The officers killed were Captains Abner O. Heald, and William S. Mitchell; Lieutenants James S. Richardson, and Charles A. Searles. Of the Twenty-first the loss was 121, of these 76 were missing. The First seems to have gone into the battle with 391, and the Twenty-first with 369 men.

The Tenth Wisconsin Infantry—commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel John H. Ely—was in Scribner’s brigade of Baird’s division. The history of its fighting is almost identical with that of the First and Twenty-first. On the 20th the Tenth Wisconsin Infantry was immediately on the left of Starkweather. Colonel Ely, Major McKercher and several other officers, together with a large number of men were captured in falling back (by orders), on the evening of the 20th. They, by mistake, took the wrong direction, going too far to the right, as they faced the rear, and thus ran into the enemy. Its loss was a total of 211, but 145 of these were missing. Captain J. W. Roby, who made the report says: “Monday morning September 21st we numbered three officers and 26 men.” Lieutenant-Colonel Ely’s name appears among those killed; the other officers killed were Captain George M. West and Lieutenant Robert Rennie.

The Fifteenth Wisconsin Infantry served in the Third brigade, Davis’s division of the Twentieth Corps. This brigade was commanded by Colonel Hans C. Heg until he was killed on the 19th; and afterwards by Colonel John A. Martin. This regiment fought most gallantly with Davis’s division on the 19th, when, according to their official report, the loss was 7 officers and 59 enlisted men killed, wounded, and missing. It will be remembered that on the 20th General Davis’s division was cut off on the right by the break at Wood’s division, and that it, after some desultory fighting, retired to McFarland’s Gap. The total loss of the Fifteenth Wisconsin Infantry was 111, of which 55 men were captured or missing. The officers killed were Colonel Hans C. Heg, Captains Hans Hanson, Henry Hauff, John M. Johnson, and Lieutenant Oliver Thompson.

The Twenty-fourth Wisconsin Infantry was in General Lytle’s brigade of the First Division of the Twentieth Corps. This regiment, with the brigade to which it was attached, occupied the entrenchments at Lee and Gordon’s Mill on the afternoon of the 19th, where it relieved General Thomas J. Wood’s division; it remained here all afternoon under a little artillery fire from the enemy, which did no harm, however. At 3 a. m. on the 20th it went to a point near General Rosecrans’s headquarters, near the Widow Glenn’s house; at 10:30 a. m. it double quicked—under a terrific fire from the enemy—to the point where General Lytle was killed; it fought here for thirty minutes driving the enemy, but was soon outflanked by Hindman’s troops coming toward its left flank from the celebrated break. The official report of its commander (Major Carl Von Baumbach), from which the foregoing facts are gleaned, says further: “We retreated in some disorder; but quickly reformed on a hill some 400 yards to the rear. Our brave and gallant commander, Lieutenant-Colonel T. S. West, being among the missing, I assumed command.” This regiment bivouaced for the night at Rossville; its loss was 3 officers and 69 men killed and wounded, and 20 missing; Captain Gustavus Goldsmith was killed. The Major in his report makes especial mention of Lieutenant Thomas E. Balding, acting adjutant, for his gallant conduct.

The First Wisconsin Cavalry—under command of Colonel Oscar H. LaGrange—was a part of the Second Brigade, of Colonel Edward M. McCook’s cavalry division. During the campaign, preceding the battle, this regiment performed the usual duties of cavalry in reconnoitering, picketing, leading in advance of the marching column of infantry, and generally acting with the rest of the cavalry, as the eyes of the army. On the 19th it was stationed on the right of the army to watch the enemy’s cavalry, which kept on the east side of the Chickamauga in the movement back to Rossville, and thence into Chattanooga, it protected the trains and rear of the army. Its loss was 2 men wounded and 4 missing.

There were three Wisconsin light batteries with the Army of the Cumberland, in the battle of Chickamauga: the Third, Fifth, and Eighth. The Third Battery—commanded by Lieutenant Courtland Livingston—was attached to Van Cleve’s division of Crittenden’s Corps. Captain L. H. Drury of this battery, was chief of artillery of the division; he was severely wounded in a skirmish several days before the battle. This battery followed the fortunes of its division; but there seems to be no definite report by its commanding officer. Its losses were 2 killed, 12 wounded and 12 missing, out of an aggregate of 119.

The Fifth Wisconsin Battery, commanded by Captain George Q. Gardner was attached to the First Brigade, commanded by Colonel P. Sidney Post of General Jefferson C. Davis’s division of the Twentieth Corps. This brigade was guarding the supply train, and was not engaged in the battle, and this battery had no losses. The brigade commander, in his official report, commends Captain Gardner for great zeal and ability in the management of the battery.

The Eighth Wisconsin Battery—commanded by Lieutenant John D. McLean—was attached to Colonel Heg’s brigade of Davis’s division of McCook’s Twentieth Corps. The chief of artillery of Davis’s division reports, that the movement of the artillery in the Chickamauga woods was not deemed practicable; therefore, this battery did not become engaged, and had no losses.

The Chickamauga campaign proper was now ended. It formed the second step in the campaign from Murfreesboro to Chattanooga; the Tullahoma campaign being the first. It is true, the city was now occupied by the Army of the Cumberland, but its possession was not secure as long as the Confederate Army lay within two or three miles, and held the city’s most available lines of supply by the river and the river road, between Bridgeport and Chattanooga. Therefore, another conflict was necessary, which would constitute the third step in the great campaign. An account of that struggle will include the coming of reinforcements to the Union Army; the opening of what the men in the ranks called, “the cracker line;” the reorganization of the Army of the Cumberland; and an account of the four battles of Wauhatchie, Orchard Knob, Lookout Mountain, and Missionary Ridge. But before that is attempted, it will be necessary to make some observations on the late battle of Chickamauga.

The Army of the Cumberland—or rather that part of it which now occupied the city—was reduced by the Chickamauga battle to an estimated aggregate of 35,000. This estimate excluded perhaps the cavalry. Its total losses, killed, wounded, and prisoners, in the Chickamauga campaign reached 13,615. A large number of sick, besides the wounded, were in hospitals. But the Confederate losses were at least 5,374 more than those of the Union Army. General Longstreet, in his book, From Manassas to Appomatox, claims that the Confederate force at Chickamauga was somewhat less than 60,000 men. The Confederate records are so defective that it is largely an estimate to give their numbers or losses. General H. V. Boynton estimates the number at very much more than 60,000. There is no doubt that Bragg actually outnumbered Rosecrans on the field by several thousand troops, perhaps in the proportion of 60,000 to 50,000.

The Union Army captured 2,003 prisoners, and lost 4,774. Of the latter 2,500 were wounded and left on the field when the army fell back to Rossville. The terrible fighting which took place is shown by the number of killed and wounded on each side. Longstreet says in his book, that Bragg’s killed and wounded amounted to 16,986, but the official returns make them about 1,100 less, or 15,881. The official returns of the army give the Union losses of killed and wounded 11,338. The Confederate loss was greater in killed and wounded than at Gettysburg; and the largest the enemy had in a single battle. Attention is called to the fact, that the numbers engaged at Gettysburg were about 80,000 on each side; and that the battle lasted three days.

The killed and wounded in some battles of the war are shown in the following table:

In every one of these battles the Union loss was greater than the Confederate, except at Chickamauga; yet Shiloh, Gettysburg, and Stone’s River are recorded as Union victories. The Confederate loss at Antietam was much smaller than that given above, which includes Harper’s Ferry, South Mountain, Crampton’s Gap, and Shepardstown. The prisoners captured are excluded from the above list, because only the killed and wounded indicate the intensity of the fighting.

The Confederate’s large losses at Chickamauga show plainly the active musketry of the Union troops, their good marksmanship, and the difference (in the number of casualties) between making and receiving attacks. On the second day the Union troops remained in line and received the attacks of the Confederates. At Gettysburg the Union forces did the same thing during the last two days. Those on the left at Chickamauga were protected by breastworks, and suffered but little loss on the 20th; while they inflicted very heavy punishment on the Confederates; for instance, Hill’s Corps of the Confederate right lost 2,990 out of 8,894; Jackson’s brigade of Cheatham’s division lost 35 per cent. of his force, and the losses in Govan’s brigade exceeded 50 per cent. On the Union side Steedman, while attacking the Confederate troops—which had gained an enfilading position and were about to attack the right flank of Brannan—lost in this assault and in the subsequent position which his troops occupied, 1,787 out of 3,700 in about four hours. The loss is fearful, when assaults are made on protected lines, or on points held with difficult approaches. On the Confederate left Benning’s brigade of Hood’s division lost 56.6 per cent.; Gregg’s brigade of B. R. Johnson’s lost 44.4 per cent. Taking Longstreet’s estimate of 16,986 killed and wounded, and adding to it the number of prisoners captured, namely, 2,003, the total Confederate loss aggregates 18,989. It is officially established that the Union loss was 11,338 in killed and wounded; its loss in prisoners was 4,774; but 2,500 of them were wounded and were left on the battlefield. It is reasonable to suppose that these wounded left on the field were reported as wounded by their company officers, and are included in the official returns of the 11,338.

The historian will point out sharply the immense benefit to the Union Army derived from the log works and the compact lines of the four divisions under General Thomas on the 20th. The conclusion is a fair one, that the whole line ought to have been similarly fortified; there was ample supply of timber along the line to provide for such protection. Of the five divisions under General Thomas’s command on the 19th and on the 20th, Brannan’s was the only one which fought both days without works; on the 19th none of them fought behind any entrenchments, yet they fought against six Confederate divisions, viz.: two of Walker’s corps, two of Cheatham’s, Cleburne’s, and Stewart’s. On the 20th Brannan was on the right and did not fight any of the Confederate troops, which Baird’s, Johnson’s, Palmer’s, Reynolds’s, and his own divisions had fought on the 19th. Van Derveer’s brigade of Brannan’s division made one charge, however, along the Kelly field, against two brigades of Breckenridge’s; then returned to the right. But it must be noticed that Breckenridge was not in the fight of the 19th. On the 20th Baird, Johnson, Palmer, and Reynolds fought behind breastworks all day the same divisions they had fought the day before without breastworks, and also Breckenridge’s in addition. It is true they were assisted a little by two brigades of Negley’s and one of Van Cleve’s on the left of the breastworks. In addition to the Confederate infantry divisions mentioned, there was also Forrest’s cavalry of 3,500, which would more than offset any assistance these four Union divisions had received from other troops on the 20th. The following table will show the losses in killed and wounded of the divisions on both sides, with the exception of prisoners captured during the two days of battle in and around the Kelly field.

The figures are taken from the official returns:

There were 14 Union brigades and 19 Confederate. It will be seen that Brannan, who was not protected by works on the 20th, lost about 800 more than the highest loss of any of the Union divisions, which were protected. That is a practical illustration of the value of the precautions thus taken by the protected troops. Estimating Brannan’s loss on the 20th at 900, his loss on the 19th would be 1,077. This would reduce the total loss in the Union column above to 5,083. Considering that the Confederate divisions mentioned above encountered no other Union troops during the battle, except those five divisions mentioned, it will be understood that the five Union divisions by incurring a loss of 5,083 killed and wounded, inflicted a loss on the enemy of 8,625. Forrest’s loss does not appear but should be added to the latter; let this item be offset, however, by the losses to Beatty’s Stanley’s and Barnes’s brigades in their assistance on the left of Baird.

We will make a similar comparison of the losses on the right of the Union, and the left of the Confederate Army:

The estimated Confederate loss given above has been made up in the following manner. The official Confederate loss is given by Colonel W. F. Fox in his Regimental Losses in the Civil War as 15,881 killed and wounded at Chickamauga, the Confederate loss of the troops opposed to the above named Union divisions can be found by adding to 8,625—the Confederate losses in the first table given above—the estimated loss of the Confederate cavalry, probably enough to bring the figures to 9,000, and deducting that from 15,881, the total Confederate loss is secured. The result makes 6, 881 killed and wounded—as given in the last table—by the seven Union divisions mentioned above, at a cost to the latter of 6,140 killed and wounded. Longstreet gives in his report his loss at 7,594 killed and wounded; deducting Stewart’s loss from this sum leaves 5,920 as the loss of the above mentioned Confederate forces. This makes the contrast between the two tables still greater.

These figures emphasize the deadly fighting in that great battle, and they are more eloquent of the valor of American soldiers than words of song or oratory. They emphasize also the value of defensive breastworks, in comparison with fighting unprotected.

The Union troops expended 2,650,000 musket cartridges in hitting the 15,881 Confederate killed and wounded; some of them were, however, wounded by artillery. It appears as if it took about 150 infantry cartridges to hit one man. The expenditure was 650,000 more cartridges than at Stone’s River; but then 6,642 more of the Confederates were struck at Chickamauga, which shows that the firing was much more destructive.

General Rosecrans states:[30] “The fight on the left after 2 p. m., was that of the army. Never, in the history of this war at least have troops fought with greater energy and determination. Bayonet charges, often heard of but seldom seen, were repeatedly made by brigades and regiments in several of our divisions.”

At 2 p. m. on September 21, C. A. Dana, Assistant Secretary of War, sent a dispatch from Chattanooga to the Secretary of War. It contained the following statements: “Thomas, finding himself cut off from Rosecrans and the right, at once brought his seven divisions into position for independent fighting. Refusing both his right and left, his line assumed the form of a horse-shoe posted along the slope and crest of a partly wooded ridge. He was soon joined by Granger from Rossville, with the brigade of McCook and division of Steedman, and with these forces firmly maintained the fight till after dark. Our troops were as immovable as the rocks they stood on. The enemy hurled against them repeatedly the dense columns which had routed Davis and Sheridan in the morning, but every onset was repulsed with dreadful slaughter. Falling first on one and then another point of our lines, for hours the rebels vainly sought to break them. Thomas seemed to have filled every soldier with his own unconquerable firmness, and Granger, his hat torn by bullets, raged like a lion wherever the contest was hottest with the electrical courage of a Ney. * * * When night fell this body of heroes stood on the same ground they had occupied in the morning their spirit unbroken, but their numbers greatly diminished. * * * The divisions of Wood, Johnson, Brannan, Palmer, Reynolds, and Baird, which never broke at all, have lost very severely.”[31] He should have added that they inflicted greater loss upon the enemy than any of the other divisions. The discouraged spirit of the Confederate Army at the close of the battle was sufficiently apparent when the forces under Thomas’s command were able—after the arrival of General Gordon Granger’s troops—to stop the enemy’s further successes. It is evident that the fighting spirit was gone from Bragg’s army since, although they discovered the falling back, they did not approach Rossville Gap on the 21st with a considerable force, nor seriously interfere in the backward movement to Chattanooga, not even trying to capture a wagon, mule, or horse, although its great cavalry leader, Forrest and his troopers, were in force close to Rossville Gap. It was more paralyzed than the Union Army. General Daniel H. Hill, who commanded a Confederate corps on the right in the battle, states in the article referred to before: “There was no more splendid fighting in ’61, when the flower of the Southern youth was in the field, than was displayed in those bloody days of September, ’63. But it seems to me that the elan of the Southern soldier was never seen after Chickamauga—that brilliant dash which had distinguished him was gone forever. He was too intelligent not to know that the cutting in two of Georgia meant death to all his hopes. * * * He fought stoutly to the last, but, after Chickamauga, with the sullenness of despair and without the enthusiasm of hope. That ‘barren’ victory sealed the fate of the Southern Confederacy.”[32]

If the Army of the Cumberland accomplished so much at Chickamauga in spite of certain mistakes, after having penetrated to the centre of the Confederate territory, what might not have been done, if the right of the Union line had been properly placed and protected during the night of the 19th, and if the disastrous order to Wood had not been issued? The withdrawal of Wood from the line—just before Bushrod Johnson advanced against the centre—cost the Union fighting line 10,000 men, and caused the withdrawal, some hours later, of the Union Army to Rossville. Whether Wood interpreted that order correctly, the fact is that the order should never have been issued. The movement of closing in towards the left and of throwing the right further back, should have been done hours before. One of Mitchell’s cavalry divisions should have been placed on the Union left during the night of the 19th.

It must be conceded that Brannan’s division was the most active in the battle. It was well managed, but its loss in killed and wounded was greater than that of any other Union division. Brannan lost in killed and wounded 1,977, with 214 missing. His division fought bravely under his skillful management, yet he was unprotected on both days. Negley’s loss was 496 killed and wounded, the smallest loss of all. The following officers went through the battle with great credit, viz.: Generals Thomas, Granger, Steedman, Brannan, Baird, Johnson, Palmer, Reynolds; and Brigade-Commanders Hazen, Harker, Van Derveer, Croxton, Whittaker, John C. Mitchell, Willich, and Turchin.

If a real soldier, like Longstreet, had been in command of the Confederate right and had found upon advancing against the Union line, that two brigades lengths extended beyond the Union left, he would certainly have made more out of such a condition than did Breckenridge or Leonidas Polk.

General D. H. Hill, in his report[33] discusses the situation as follows: “The important results effected by two brigades on the flank proved that, had our army been moved under cover of the woods a mile farther to the right, the whole Yankee position would have been turned and an almost bloodless victory gained. A simple reconnoisance before the battle would have shown the practicability of the movement and the advantage to be gained by it.” Hill was in command on that flank and should have acted in accordance with his understanding of the situation, or at least reported the facts to his superior. This was what Rosecrans was anxious about when he hastened troops from the right to the left. If Sheridan could have reached Thomas before Longstreet cut him off in the act of double-quicking toward the left flank, what would have happened?

General Thomas’s dispositions to protect his left showed military genius of the highest order, and General Baird greatly assisted him in this matter. This was only one instance, however, of General Thomas’s many equally meritorious tactics in this great battle. He rose to the highest point in the estimation of both officers and men.

Both days’ fighting illustrates the fact that when troops are outflanked or attacked in the rear, however brave they may be in other positions relative to the enemy, they will as a rule go to pieces. It was repeatedly shown on both sides, especially on the 19th, during the battle, that the veteran troops as well as the new regiments, would become disheartened and confused in such a position; many of the regiments on the left during the second day, who did not flinch when attacked in flank and rear on the day before, then went to pieces.

The protected troops on the Union left fought through the entire day of the 20th, entirely unconscious that they were frequently surrounded not only in front and rear of their own line, but that the two flanks of the army were only about three-fourths of a mile apart, although in the morning they were two and a half miles apart. At noon the Union right was contracted, and thrown back against the left. The order to retreat late in evening of the 20th came as a surprise and shock to these troops, who had been repulsing the enemy all day with comparative ease. Thousands of musket bearers were so stiff and sore from the two days’ conflict and the marches over the mountains during the preceding days, that when a regiment lying down on the evening of the 20th attempted to rise there was a distinct creaking of bones and an accompanying groan, slight, but perceptible. Many of them while moving back to Rossville at night, took the desperate chance of lying down for a nap in the woods by the roadside, intending to rest for an hour or two and then join their regiments again before daylight; but hundreds of these awoke to find it was already daylight and many were captured by the enemy’s cavalry.

The Confederate Army itself did not advance from the battlefield until the 23rd; only a small part leaving on the 22nd. The fact is that the Confederate Army was much more used up than the Union Army; General Bragg said to General Longstreet on the 20th that his troops upon his right were used up.[34] The same Confederate troops which had penetrated the line and driven Davis, Sheridan, and others from the field, were so roughly handled by Brannan and Granger on Snodgrass Hill that they could not be brought forward for another attack. The slowness with which the Confederate Army moved to their positions around Chattanooga proves that they were practically defeated. At the time the orders were sent to the divisions behind the log works on the left to prepare for withdrawal, their commanders sent word back to General Thomas that there was no reason for them to retreat; they had been, and were at that moment repulsing easily every assault. They did not know of the disaster to the right, caused by Wood’s withdrawal, nor did General Baird and his brigade commanders know of the movements of either Union or Confederate forces until after the retreat. Many writers have expressed the opinion that the Union Army should not have retreated. But to a soldier who was present on the field and knew the facts—such as the absence of the commander of the army; his order sent from the far rear to fall back to Rossville; the absence of ammunition and rations; the utterly exhausted condition of the rank and file by the superhuman exertions of the two days’ fighting and the preceding hard marching; the fear that if the Union Army remained, the Confederate Army might yet wedge its way between it and Chattanooga, the Union commander not being aware at that time of the exhausted and discouraged condition of the Confederate Army—it seems that the falling back in the way and at the time it did was the correct thing. At least it seems as if Thomas had really nothing else to do than to fall back when the order from General Rosecrans was received. Had General Thomas been the commander of the army, it might have been different.

The Union cavalry did not properly cooperate with the other arms of the Union forces. Forrest, with his large Confederate cavalry force, was close to the right of the Confederate Army, and did fine service; the force was equal to the infantry in number. Forrest should have been opposed by a division of the Union cavalry. Only one cavalry brigade was needed at Crawfish Springs; the other cavalry brigade together with Wilder’s mounted infantry which closed up on the right of McCook, should have given better service at a time when it was most needed. This was not the fault of the cavalry commander, for he only obeyed orders from his superiors. In a dispatch to General R. B. Mitchell, the commander of the cavalry, at 7:15 p. m. September 20, General Rosecrans said, “Had you been on our right today you could have charged the enemy’s flank, and done much incalculable mischief.” Why was not his cavalry as close to the Union right flank as Forrest’s was to the Confederate right flank? Mitchell’s cavalry was too far away to be effective, when disaster overtook the wing: it was supposed to be protecting, but it was farther away from Snodgrass Hill on the right than were the forces of Gordon Granger, at McAffee’s church on the left.