Penns Secure First Manor West of Susquehanna
June 16, 1722

Governor Sir William Keith’s visit to the Indians at Conestoga in June, 1721, produced a strong impression upon the minds of the aborigines whom he met. The chiefs of the Six Nations who had been present at this conference, told of its success to their people.

The Conestoga and other tribes of Indians along the Susquehanna River seemed to look upon Lieutenant-Governor Keith with almost the same favor and regard which they entertained for William Penn.

Keith determined to secure a right and title to the lands in Pennsylvania upon which Maryland settlers had encroached. He laid his plan for this purpose before he went to attend the conference at Albany, N. Y. where he was to meet Cayuga chiefs, who had offered some objection to the conclusion of the conference he had held with the Indians at Conestoga in 1721.

The trouble along the border line between Maryland and Pennsylvania had begun in Chester County, soon after the earliest settlements. The boundary continued to be a bone of contention until a temporary line was run in 1739, and even this did not fully settle the difficulty, for there was dispute until Mason and Dixon’s line was run 1767–8.

Governor Keith had frequent controversies with Governor Ogle, of Maryland, concerning encroachments in the southern part of Lancaster County.

The Marylanders were attempting to make settlements west of the Susquehanna, in the present York County.

Governor Keith conceived the idea of obtaining permission of the Indians along the Susquehanna to lay off a large manor, as the proprietor’sproprietor’s one-tenth, and he proceeded to Conestoga, early in June, 1722, for this purpose.

Here he called together the Conestoga, Shawnee, who lived farther up the river, and the Ganawese, afterwards known as the Canoy, who lived at the present site of Columbia.

Keith had authority from the heirs of William Penn to lay off a manor west of the river for the benefit of Springett Penn, the favorite grandson of the founder of Pennsylvania and son of Richard Penn.

This conference was first assembled June 15. Here Governor Keith, with persuasive eloquence, commended the Indians for their virtues, praised them for what they had already done for William Penn and his heirs, and obtained their consent to cross the river and make a survey of 70,000 acres.

Governor Keith spoke at great length and earnestness. He began by saying:

“Friends and Brothers: You say you love me because I come from your father, William Penn. You call me William Penn, and I am very proud of the name you give me; but if we have a true love for the memory of William Penn, we must show it to his family and his children that are grown to be men in England, and will soon come over to represent him here.”

He then referred to the previous treaty where they showed him the parchment received from William Penn, and he then told the Indians of the encroachments of the Marylanders.

Keith then said he came to consult with them how they could prevent such settlements and suggested the plan to take up a large tract of land on the other side of the Susquehanna River for Springett Penn.

He told the Indians that Penn’s grandson was now a man as tall as he; that the land should be marked with Springett’s name upon the trees, so that the Marylanders would then keep off and it would also warn every other person from settling near enough to the Indians to disturb them. He added that the grandson bore the same kind of a heart as his grandfather did, and he would be glad to give the Indians part of the land for their use and convenience. With these and similar phrases Keith won his point.

At a council held June 16, 1722, with Governor Keith, Colonel John French, Francis Worley, Esq., the chief of several tribes, and Smith and Le Tort, as interpreters, present, the Indians made reply through Chief Tawena, and agreed to give up the land, but suggested that the Governor take up the matter further with the Cayuga when he attended a treaty at Albany.

The Indians requested that the surveyor begin his work immediately and not wait until the Governor was absent at Albany.

The warrant was made out, and the surveyors, John French, Francis Worley and James Mitchell made a report of their survey, June 21.

This tract contained 75,500 acres and began opposite the mouth of Conestoga Creek, at Lockport Run and ran south by west ten miles, thence northwest twelve miles to a point north of the present city of York. Thence northeast eight miles to the Susquehanna River again, and from thence along the river to the place of beginning.

The exact positions and boundary lines of the original Springettsbury Manor were never thoroughly understood, and there resulted much controversy about the survey.

The warrant and survey were not returned into the land office, but the entire transaction appeared to have been done under the private seal of Governor Keith, and no actual purchase was ever made from the Indians, June 15 or 16.

The origin of the Penn Manors began with the charter to William Penn, which contained several powers to erect manors.

On July 11, 1681, Penn agreed with the purchasers in England, who were interested in his grant on certain conditions and concessions. The ninth of these was, that “in every one hundred thousand acres, the Governor and Proprietary, by lot, reserveth ten to himself which shall lie but in one place.” The name of “Manor” was given to these portions of reserved land in its genuine legal sense.

There were eighty-two Proprietary manors set apart, fourteen in Northumberland, twelve in Northampton, nine in Chester, seven each in Philadelphia, Bucks, Lancaster, and Bedford, six in Westmoreland, four in Cumberland, and three each in York and Berks Counties. Three of the manors were not located.

The largest in territory was Springettsbury, with Manor of Maske, in York (now Adams) County, next in size with 43,500 acres. Fagg Manor in Chester County, contained 39,250 acres. The smallest was Lake Paupunauming Manor, in Northampton County, which contained only 215 acres.

When the Revolution changed the form of government for Pennsylvania all the confiscations by which lesser men were punished are cast into the shade by the great Divesting Act. The Proprietary family were deprived of their lordship of the soil of Pennsylvania, their unlocated and unappropriated lands and the quit rents which had been reserved outside of their manors. This was the destruction of the greatest private estate in the world, but it was necessary.

There were saved to the Penns all manors which had been surveyed for them prior to July 4, 1776.


British and Tory Refugees Evacuate
Philadelphia June 17, 1778

Sir William Howe had found the occupation of Philadelphia a barren conquest, and the evacuation of the city was felt by General Washington to be so certain only a question of time that as early as March, 1778, he began to collect wagons and organize teams for the transportation service of his army, when it should be required to march after the enemy.

Howe’s proper point for operations was New York, and Washington felt sure he would return thither. Instead of that, however, Howe yielded to the complaints at his supineness in England and, being desirous to return home, resigned.

Sir Henry Clinton, successor to General Howe, arrived in Philadelphia May 8, and took formal command of the British Army May 11. Before Howe’s departure a fete was arranged May 18 in his honor called the Meschianza, and it comprised a regatta, tournament, feast and ball.

Lord Howe embarked for England May 24, and the same day Clinton held a council of war. They were fearful that the French fleet would cut off their communication with England, also the knowledge that the American capital was not of much importance to them after all, the fact that Congress had fled on wheels, and that Pennsylvania had remained loyal, they resolved to evacuate Philadelphia.

Not the least fear was for Washington’s army, now thoroughly drilled by Baron Steuben, a Prussian officer, who had come to Valley Forge in February. This army now became a source of real danger to the British.

But the movement of the British troops was delayed, as on June 6 three commissioners to effect peace, the Earl of Carlisle, William Eden and George Johnston, arrived in Philadelphia. They were willing to gratify every wish that America had expressed. But it was too late. Franklin and his associates had secured an alliance with France and the American Congress refused to entertain such propositions.

It is said that Joseph Reed, one of Pennsylvania’s delegates in Congress, was offered £10,000 and the best office in the colonies if he would promote the plans for peace; but he promptly replied: “I am not worth purchasing; but such as I am, the King of Great Britain is not rich enough to do it.”

Clinton’s army, accompanied by Tory refugees, evacuated Philadelphia June 17, crossed the Delaware at Camden and Gloucester in great haste, while the fleet floated slowly down the bay.

Washington learned of the retreat of the enemy and moved his army out of Valley Forge, followed Clinton, and on Sunday, June 28, fought the Battle of Monmouth, which resulted in the precipitate flight of Clinton, with the wreck of his army, to New York. About 800 of Clinton’s men deserted, of whom seventy came to Philadelphia in one day.

An incident occurred following the Battle of Monmouth which exerted a greater effect upon the American Army than many a skirmish between brigades, for it ended the unfortunate “Conway’s Cabal.” Certain remarks upon General Conway’s behavior at the Battle of Germantown brought a challenge from General Conway to General Cadwallader, who of all the American high officers remained the most loyal friend, supporter and admirer of General Washington.

A duel was fought, in which Conway was severely wounded, and, believing himself to be dying, repented and expressed to General Washington his grief, adding, “My career will soon be over, therefore justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments—May you long enjoy the love, veneration and esteem of these States whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues.”

Upon the re-occupation of Philadelphia by the Continental Army, Major General Benedict Arnold was ordered by General Washington to take command of the city and “prevent the disorders which were expected upon the evacuation of the place and the return of the Whigs, after being so long kept out of their property.”

Arnold occupied, during part of his stay, a handsome country estate, which is now in Fairmount Park, lived most extravagantly and married Margaret, popularly known as “Peggy” Shippen, daughter of one of Governor Penn’s councillors, afterward Chief Justice of the State.

On June 25 the Supreme Executive Council took into consideration the case of John Gilfray, boatswain of the ship Montgomery, found guilty of deserting to the enemy and under sentence of death. It being the first conviction of an offense of this kind in the State fleet, he was pardoned, and Commodore Hazelwood was authorized to offer full pardon to all deserters who returned before September 1.

Beginning of this month, however, Lieutenant Lyon, of the “Dickinson,” and Lieutenant Ford, of the “Effingham,” who deserted during the attack upon Fort Mifflin, were executed on board of one of the guard boats on the Delaware. Lieutenant Wilson, of the Rangers, and John Lawrence, one of the gunners of the fleet, who deserted at the same time and were under sentence of death, were reprieved.

Active measures were taken for the speedy trial of all persons accused of high treason, and the conviction of quite a number excited an intense sensation and much alarm among the Tories and Quakers. Several were executed, notwithstanding every exertion to save them. The Whigs had suffered too severely at the hands of the disaffected, and some victims were necessary to mollify the animosities.

Congress closed its business at York and went back to Philadelphia, June 25, and the State government left Lancaster the following day and again resumed their duties at Philadelphia.

President Wharton died suddenly at Lancaster, May 23, and George Bryan was made President of the Supreme Executive Council.

The Whigs now began to punish the Tories. The Assembly passed an “act for the attainder of divers traitors,” among whom were Joseph Galloway, Reverend Jacob Duché and the Allens. The Quakers and the German sects were special objects of suspicion, because they thought it wrong to take up arms.


Provincial Conference Meets at Carpenters’
Hall June 18, 1776

In April, 1776, the Assembly renewed its instructions to the Pennsylvania delegates in Congress not to give their consent to a separation or a change of the Proprietary Government. But Congress, May 15, recommended State governments in the colonies, and declared that all authority under the Crown should be totally suppressed.

On June 8, the day after Richard Henry Lee, in Congress, had proposed the independence of the colonies, the Pennsylvania Assembly gave instructions which neither advised nor forbade a declaration of independence, but left the question to the “ability, prudence and integrity” of the delegates. This doubtful action proved the end of the Proprietary Assembly. Only once did it again have a quorum of its members.

Instead of allowing the State Government, as suggested by Congress, to be formed by members of the Assembly sworn to support the King, the people of Pennsylvania took the matter in their own hands and issued a call for a provincial convention for that purpose.

This was the death blow to Proprietary authority. A public meeting held in Philadelphia sent a protest against the Assembly of the Province undertaking to frame a new government, as it derived its power from a royal charter, and did not truly represent the people. The meeting called for a convention. Opposed to this was a remonstrance against amending the constitution except by the authority provided in the charter itself.

The Declaration of Independence had given the old State Government a mortal blow, and it soon expired without a sigh—thus ending forever the Proprietary and royal authority in Pennsylvania.

In the meantime, the Committee of Correspondence for Philadelphia issued a circular to all the county committees for a conference in that city on Tuesday, June 18.

On the day appointed there was a meeting of the deputies at Carpenters’ Hall, which organized by electing Colonel Thomas McKean, president; Colonel Joseph Hart, of Bucks County, vice president, and Jonathan B. Smith and Samuel C. Morris, both of Philadelphia, secretaries.

The conference was composed of twenty-five delegates from the city of Philadelphia; eleven from the county of Philadelphia; five from Bucks; thirteen from Chester; nine from Lancaster; ten from Berks; five from Northampton; nine from York; ten from Cumberland; three from Bedford; five from Northumberland, and two from Westmoreland; a total of 107 of the most representative and patriotic citizens to be found in the Province.

The conference at once unanimously resolved: “That the present government of this Province is not competent to the exigencies of our affairs, and

“That it is necessary that a Provincial Convention be called by this Conference for the purpose of forming a new government in the Province on the authority of the people only.”

Preparations were taken immediately to secure a proper representation in the convention. The qualifications of an elector were defined. Every voter was obliged to take an oath of renunciation of the authority of George the Third, and one of allegiance to the State of Pennsylvania, and a religious test as prescribed for the members of the convention.

The following declaration was signed by all the deputies on June 24, and presented to Congress:

“We, the deputies of the people of Pennsylvania, assembled in full Provincial Conference, for forming a plan for executing the resolve of Congress of the 15th day of May last, for suppressing all authority in this Province derived from the Crown of Great Britain, and for establishing a Government upon the authority of the people only, now in this public manner, in behalf of ourselves, and with the approbation, consent and authority of our constituents, unanimously declare our willingness to concur in a vote of the Congress, declaring the United Colonies free and independent States:

“Provided, The forming the government and the regulation of internal police of this Colony be always reserved to the people of the said Colony; and we further call upon the nations of Europe, and appeal to the Great Arbiter and Governor of the empires of the world, to witness for us, that this declaration did not originate in ambition or in an impatience of lawful authority, but that we were driven to it in obedience to the first principle of nature by the oppressions and cruelties of the aforesaid King and Parliament of Great Britain, as the only possible measure that was left us to preserve and establish our liberties, and to transmit them inviolate to posterity.”

The Conference prepared an address to the Associators of Pennsylvania, which was adopted unanimously. This address issued particular instructions to associators to exercise great care in the election of delegates, charging them to select only the best men and to eschew all such as were in the proprietary interest.

It is obvious that the adoption of the Declaration of Independence was assumed as a fixed fact, for they expressed much greater anxiety in regard to the complexion of the Constitutional Convention of Pennsylvania, which was to meet in Philadelphia July 15.

After the adjournment of the Conference, on June 25, a dinner was given to the members at the Indian Queen Tavern, on Fourth Street. The toasts were drunk to “The Congress,” “The Free and Independent States of America,” “Washington,” “The Army and Navy,” “A Wise and Patriotic Convention to Pennsylvania on the 15th of July,” “Lasting dependence to the enemies of independence,” etc.

Pennsylvania was truly on the brink of a crisis, and Congress was face to face with the question of independence and the expediency of an immediate declaration of it and the instant severing of all ties binding the united colonies to the mother country.


Massacre at Indian Town of Standing Stone
on June 19, 1777

As an Indian post of ancient date, few are better known than Standing Stone, the present site of the beautiful borough of Huntingdon, on the Juniata. It was here where two of the great Indian paths crossed, one leading on to Kittanning and the west, the other to Bedford and the Potomac. The earliest maps of which we have any record indicate that an important Indian village was situated at this point.

Standing Stone was known to the Indians by the name of Achsinnink, meaning original stone. The word alludes to a large rock, standing separate and where there is no other rock.

Conrad Weiser has left us the oldest record of Standing Stone, August 18, 1748, then seemingly already a well-known name of the place.

John Harris, in 1753, wrote of Standing Stone as “about fourteen feet high and six inches square.” It stood on the right bank of Stone Creek, near its mouth, and in such a position as to enable persons to see it at considerable distance, either up or down the river.

The Reverend Philip Fithian, in 1755, says it was “a tall stone column or pillar nearly square and seven feet above the ground.”

There have been conflicting opinions whether any of this original Standing Stone still exists or not, some holding to the belief that it was used not only as a finger board at the crossing of the great Indian paths, but also contained the official record of the tribe.

There is no doubt that the stone was carved with names and Indian characters, which depicted important epochs in the tribe’s history, its wars, mighty deeds, its prowess in battle, and, perhaps, its skill in the chase. It also is quite possible that the stone was a sacred tablet to the memory of one or more noble chiefs who fell in battle. The stone contained many hieroglyphicshieroglyphics and each may have told a story in the Indian language.

This stone was once the cause of a war, when the Tuscarora tribe, living about thirty or forty miles below on the river, declared war on the tribe at Standing Stone for some real or fancied insult, and for this purpose sent them repeated messages which the Standing Stone Indians failed to heed. The Tuscarora awaited a time when their enemy warriors were on a hunt, when they fell on the village with a great force, driving away those who were at home, and carried the stone away. Upon the return of the hunters the entire war force was immediately sent after their enemy, who were soon overtaken, when a bloody conflict ensued, and the stone was recaptured and carried back in triumph.

It seems to be an undisputed fact that the original stone was removed by the Indians and carried away by them about 1755, at the time the Indians in that valley joined the French.

A few white settlers seated themselves at Standing Stone in 1762 and began the erection of a stockade fort, but in the following spring were forced to abandon it, as well as their houses and other improvements, and fly to Carlisle for protection from the Indians.

Standing Stone was laid out as a town in 1767 by the Reverend William Smith, D. D., the proprietor at that time and for many years afterward provost of the University of Pennsylvania. Dr. Smith called the town Huntingdon, in honor of Selina, Countess of Huntingdon, in England, a lady of remarkable liberality and piety, who, at the solicitation of Dr. Smith, had made a handsome donation to the funds of the University.

The old name Standing Stone, however, clung to the place for many years. Nearly all the traders and military officers of the eighteenth century used the old name, and it is marked Standing Stone on the Lewis Evans map of 1755 and 1770; it is “Standing Stone, Huntingdon,” on the Powell map of 1776.

On the second stone erected at this place were found the names of John and Charles Lukens, Thomas Smith and a number of others, with dates varying from 1768 to 1770, cut or chiseled in the stone. This stone seems to have been erected by one or other of the men whose names it bore, on the same spot where the original stone stood. This stone was subsequently removed to a spot near the present court house in Huntingdon and forms the most valuable and interesting historic relic in the Juniata county seat.

The only massacre to take place at Standing Stone occurred June 19, 1777, at what was known as Big Spring, several miles west of the fort. The Indians had infested the plantations and the inhabitants fled to the fort. Felix Donnelly and his son, Francis, and Bartholomew Maguire and his daughter, residing near the mouth of Shaver’s Creek, placed their effects upon horses and, with a cow, started for the fort.

Jane Maguire was driving the cow ahead of the party, the Donnellys and Maguire bringing up the rear on the horses. When nearly opposite the Big Spring, an Indian fired from ambuscade and killed young Donnelly. His father, who was close to him, caught him as he was falling from his horse. Maguire rode to his side and the two men held the dead body of Francis upon the horse.

The Indians rushed from their hiding place with terrific yells, and fired a volley at the party, one bullet struck Felix Donnelly, and another grazed Maguire’s ear. Donnelly fell to the ground as did the body of his dead son. The Indians rushed forward, scalped Francis and followed Jane, who succeeded in escaping, but not until she lost her dress when an Indian attempted to make her captive.

Some men on the opposite bank of the stream, hearing the Indian yells and shooting, rushed to the scene. The Indians, not knowing their strength, disappeared in the woods. Maguire and his daughter reached the fort and alarmed the garrison, which started in hot pursuit of the savages but did not overtake them. The dead body of Francis Donnelly was buried in a vacant spot which now is a garden in the heart of the borough of Huntingdon.

Among those who figured in the thrilling drama about Standing Stone were the Bradys, who later moved to the West Branch of the Susquehanna; Colonel Fee, who gained renown in Captain Blair’s expedition against the Tories, and the Cryder family, consisting of father, mother and seven sons, every one a hero.

At the organization of the new county in 1787, it took the name of Huntingdon, and Standing Stone became even more only a historic memory.


Moravians Dedicate First Church West of
Alleghenies June 20, 1771

The first church building dedicated to the worship of God west of the Allegheny Mountains was the chapel built by Reverend David Zeisberger, at Friedenstadt, on the Big Beaver, in now Beaver County, Pennsylvania.

In 1743 Zeisberger was at Shamokin laboring as a Moravian missionary among the Indians, with the approbation and support of the great Shikellamy. This mission was broken up in 1756, and for several years Zeisberger assisted in ministering to the Christian Indians, for whom the Provincial Government had provided a refuge in the barracks at Philadelphia.

Peace having been concluded at the end of the Pontiac War, Zeisberger led the remnant of these Indians to Wyalusing, on the North Branch of the Susquehanna River, in Bradford County. Here Zeisberger established the mission of Friedenschuetten, “tents of peace.” This mission prospered greatly, and much good was done among the Indians.

In October, 1767, he traversed the solitude of the forest and reached the Munsee Indians, who were then living in what is now Forest County. This pious missionary remained with these savages but seven days. They were good listeners to his sermons, but every day he was in danger of being murdered. Of these Indians he wrote:

“I have never found such heathenism in any other part of the Indian country. Here Satan has a stronghold. Here he sits upon his throne. Here he is worshipped by true savages, and carries on his work in the hearts of the children of darkness.”

He returned to Friedenschuetten and labored there until the Six Nations sold the land in that part of the State, November 5, 1768.

The Six Nations had by this treaty sold the land from “under the feet” of the Wyalusing converts and the Reverend Zeisberger was compelled to take measures for the removal of these Christian Indians, with their horses and cattle, to some other field.

This company penetrated through the wilderness to the Allegheny River, and established a church at a Delaware town of three villages called Goschgoschunk, near the mouth of Tionesta Creek in which is now Venango County. Here they built a log chapel, planted corn and commenced the work of evangelization.

They were soon rewarded by gaining a number of converts, among whom was the blind old chief Allemewi, who was baptized with the name of Solomon.

As usual, however, their success excited opposition and their lives were threatened by the hostile Indians, who called the converts “Sunday Indians” or “Swannocks,” a name of great opprobrium.

Wangomen, an Indian prophet, declared that he had a vision in which he was shown by the Great Spirit that the white man had displeased him by coming among the Indians; and the old squaws went about complaining that since their arrival the corn was devoured by worms, that the game was leaving the country, and that neither chestnuts nor bilberries ripened any more.

Some said, “The white men ought to be killed,” and, others agreeing, said, “Yes, and all the baptized Indians with them and their bodies thrown into the river.”

The name of the town, Goschgoschunk, meant “the place of the hogs,” and the missionaries believed it was well named.

In 1769 they removed their converts to Lawunakhanna, on the opposite side of the river about three miles above Goschgoschunk. A strange thing occurred here in the friendly attitude of their old enemy, Wangomen. He carried news of their success to Kuskuskee, a celebrated Delaware town on the Beaver, in the present Lawrence County. From this place Chief Pakanke sent Glikhickan, a celebrated Delaware warrior and orator, to refute the teachings of the missionaries.

Glikhickan listened to the preaching of Zeisberger, and received private instructions in the Gospel, and was completely won by them.

On his return to Kuskuskee Glikhickan made a favorable report to Pakanke, who invited the missionaries and their converts to remove to Beaver, where a tract of land was promised them for their exclusive use.

Zeisberger asked and received the consent of the Mission Board at Bethlehem to accept the invitation, and he promptly prepared to remove thither.

April 17, 1770, the congregation at Lawunakhanna, set out in sixteen canoes, passed down the river to Fort Pitt, and on to the mouth of the Big Beaver, where they arrived in the forenoon of April 23 and paddled up the stream to the falls. At this point a portage was necessary and it took four days to carry their baggage and canoes around the rapids. Here they were met by Glikhickan and others with horses, who assisted them in this labor.

Five days later Zeisberger tarried at New Kuskuskee to visit with Pakanke, who received him with a genuine welcome.

The site of their new encampment was reached May 7. Corn was planted, a large hut for meetings of the congregation and smaller ones of bark for dwellings were put up and all were happy in their new home. This town was called Friedenstadt, or “town of peace.”

Glikhickan became a devoted friend of the Christians, and when he removed to Friedenstadt old Pakanke attacked him publicly. Colonel George Croghan used his influence to appease Pakanke and secure a fair hearing for the missionaries, and the labors of the brethren began to bear fruit.

On June 12 the wife of the blind chief Solomon was baptized. Six months later Glikhickan and Genaskund were baptized. Glikhickan took the name of Isaac and became an assistant in the work of the Gospel.

On July 14 Zeisberger was adopted into the Munsee tribe and Pakanke was present at the ceremony.

July 23, Zeisberger laid out a new and larger town on the west side of the Beaver, near the present Moravia. This was a more permanent settlement. The houses were built of logs, with stone foundations and chimneys and the church was much larger. Here, too, they built a blacksmith shop and stockades.

Other missionaries came from Bethlehem. On the one hand, they enjoyed success in their work, and, on the other, they were subjected to much disagreeable treatment by those still unfavorable to them, their lives being more than once seriously imperiled by visits of hostile and drunken savages. But they continued their labors undaunted by trials and persecutions.

May 27, 1771, the foundation stone of the chapel was laid, and June 20 the house was dedicated with great rejoicings. In all probability this was the first church building dedicated to the worship of God west of the Allegheny Mountains.


Revolutionary Forces Threaten Executive
Council June 21, 1783

A change in the British Ministry had encouraged Dr. Benjamin Franklin to renew his efforts for a peaceful adjustment, and after working with the utmost industry and skill throughout the summer and most of the autumn of 1782, he had the satisfaction of seeing his labors crowned with success.

A preliminary treaty of peace between the Colonies and Great Britain was signed at Paris, November 30, 1782, but the news did not reach this country until March 12, 1783, when the packet George Washington, Captain Joshua Barney, arrived at Philadelphia with the joyful intelligence that a treaty had been concluded, acknowledging the independence of the United States. This was the initial step necessary in the negotiations for peace between all belligerents.

On March 23 the French cutter Triumph arrived at Philadelphia from Cadiz, bringing the news that a preliminary treaty of peace had been signed January 20, 1783.

M. de Luzerne, the French Minister, at once issued an official notification of the fact, directing French cruisers to cease hostilities. Intelligence of the state of affairs was also communicated to Sir Guy Carleton, who had succeeded Sir Henry Clinton as the British commander-in-chief at New York.

On April 11, the British officers received official notice from home that peace had been concluded, and the same day Congress issued a proclamation enjoining a cessation of hostilities.

On April 16 the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsylvania made public announcement of the happy event at the Court House, where the official document was read by the Sheriff in the presence of an immense concourse of people. The State flag was hoisted as usual on such occasions, at Market Street wharf; church bells were rung amid general demonstrations of joy at the termination of the war. In the evening Charles Wilson Peale exhibited the patriotic transparencies which had done good service on previous occasions, and one week later Thomas Paine published the last number of the Crisis, in which he declared that “the times that tried men’s souls were over.”

The definite treaty of peace was signed at Versailles, September 3, 1783, in which the United States was formally acknowledged to be sovereign, free and independent.

One of the first measures made necessary by the cessation of the war was the exchange of prisoners. The soldiers of Burgoyne’s army were principally at Lancaster, and they were put in motion before the proclamation, and arrived in Philadelphia on their way to New York a day or two previous to the official announcement. The obstructions that had been placed in the Delaware River were removed and commerce resumed.

In June, 1783, a number of the non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the Pennsylvania Line wearied, and exasperated by the delay in the settlement of their claims, resolved to demand a redress of their grievances and a prompt settlement of their accounts.

A body of them accordingly marched from Lancaster toward the city of Philadelphia, and although the Supreme Executive Council and Congress were informed of their coming, no measures were taken to check the advance of the malcontents.

A committee of Congress requested the Executive Council to call out the militia in order to prevent the progress of the rioters, but the State authorities took no action, in the belief apparently that the troops could be conciliated.

Orders were issued from the War Office that the soldiers be received into the barracks and supplied with rations. On reaching the city they marched to those quarters in good order and without creating any disturbance.

Congress and the Executive Council both held their sessions in the State House at this time.

On Saturday, June 21, Congress not being in session, having adjourned from Friday until Monday, about thirty of the soldiers marched from the barracks to the State House, where the Executive Council was in regular meeting.

They sent to that body a memorial in writing stating that as their general officers had left them, they should have authority to appoint commissioned officers to command them and redress their grievances. With this demand went a threatening message that in case they refused, the soldiers would be let in upon the Council, who must then abide by the consequences. Only twenty minutes were given for the deliberation, but so insolent were the terms that the Council at once unanimously rejected the proposition.

This action created a widespread alarm. Other bodies of soldiers joined the mutineers, who now numbered 300. The president of Congress assembled that body in special session and demanded that the militia of the State should be immediately called forth in sufficient force to reduce the soldiers to obedience, disarm them and put them in the power of Congress. Prior to the assembling of Congress at Carpenters’ Hall the soldiers were at their barracks and all was quiet.

A session of the Supreme Executive Council was held the following day, Sunday, at the house of President Dickinson. That body did not agree on the extreme measures of Congress. The result was that the latter, dissatisfieddissatisfied with the indisposition of the Council, adjourned to meet at Princeton, N. J. This action of Congress was neither necessary nor prudent. It was prompted by pride and a disposition to construe an undesigned affront into the wanton insult, or it was in consequence of fear that was unjustifiable by the succession of events.

The promoters of this meeting escaped, but several of the ringleaders were arrested and court-martialed. Two of the sergeants of the Third Pennsylvania were sentenced to be shot, while several others were to receive corporal punishment, but all were subsequently pardoned by Congress.

Congress remained during the summer at Princeton. The Assembly of Pennsylvania, the Council, and prominent citizens of the State invited it to return to Philadelphia, and although Congress seemed pleased and satisfied at the measures taken, yet they were ashamed to go back to a city they had deserted so precipitately and carelessly, and they adjourned at Princeton to meet at Annapolis, Md.


Colonel Turbutt Francis Marches Provincial
Troops to Wyoming June 22, 1769

The Connecticut people had gained complete possession of the Wyoming Valley at the conclusion of the so-called first Pennanite-Yankee War, in 1769.

These Yankees entered with enthusiasm upon their agricultural pursuit, while their surveyors were employed in running out the five townships which had been allotted to the actual settlers by the Connecticut authorities. But no one supposed that peace and security were finally yielded them by their alert and powerful Pennsylvania opponents.

Captain Amos Ogden with the civil magistrate, Sheriff John Jennings, of Northampton County, of which county the Wyoming Valley was then a part, appeared at the head of an armed party in the plains May 20. They found the Yankees too strongly entrenched and returned to Easton.

Sheriff Jennings informed Governor John Penn that the intruders mustered three hundred able bodied men, and it was not in his power to collect sufficient force in Northampton County to dislodge them.

At the same time that the Governor sent Sheriff Jennings to Wyoming, he sent instructions to Colonel Turbutt Francis, who was then commandant of the garrison at Fort Augusta, to extend such aid as was necessary to secure the Proprietary settlements at Wyoming, and to hold his troops in readiness for any emergency or call that he might make for them.

The records of Fort Augusta, or those published in the Archives do not give much detailed information of the instructions which Colonel Francis received, but in a long report of the committee of the Susquehanna Company, written from Windham, Connecticut, and signed by four members, is this paragraph:

“June 22nd, 1769, Colonel Francis, with sixty armed men in a hostile manner demanded a surrender of our houses and possessions. He embodied his forces within thirty or forty rods of their dwellings, threatened to fire their houses and kill our people, unless they surrendered and quitted their possessions, which they refused to do, and after many terrible threatenings by him, he withdrew. Our people went on peaceably with their business.”

Miner, in his History of Wyoming, says of this event: “Col. Turbutt Francis, commanding a fine company from the city, in full military array, with colors streaming, and martial music, descended into the plain, and sat down before Fort Durkee about the 20th of June; but finding the Yankees too strongly fortified, returned to await reinforcements below the mountains.”

On June 15 Major Durkee, and others of the New England adherents went to Easton to attend the Northampton County Court, but the case against the Yankees was continued to the September term, and the defendants returned with Major Durkee to Wyoming.

It was during Major Durkee’s absence that the exciting events took place.

Colonel Francis was a native of Philadelphia and a distinguished officer of the French and Indian War, since which service he had spent the greater part of his life in and about Fort Augusta. He was in command of the garrison at that fortress when Governor Penn sent him to Wyoming, and his troops were in the provincial service.

A Yankee report of this event says: “The 22d of June our spies gave fresh information, that the mob was on their way, and they judged their number consisted of between 60 and 70, and in the evening they came and strung along the opposite side of the River for more than a mile, judging by their whooping, yelling and hideous noise and firing of guns.

“The 23d, in the morning, one Captain Ogden, with two more, came to know if our committee could be spoke with by Colonel Francis, which was consented to. About 8 in the morning the Colonel came, seemingly in an angry frame by his looks and behavior. He told us he had orders from the Governor of Pennsylvania to remove us off (which he in a short time contradicted), and demanded entrance into our town, which was refused; and continued he—'You have lost your case at Easton, and I have 300 men here with me, and 100 more coming, and my men are so unruly and ungoverned that it is hardly in my power to keep them from you; and they will kill your cattle and horses, and destroy your corn, and block up the way so as to cut you off from all communication for provisions, and your Government will not own you.'

“We told him that we had a good right to the land by Charter from the Crown, and Deed from the Indians, and that we could not, consistent with the votes of the Susquehanna Company, give it up, and should not. He then made proposals of agreement that we should possess the land on the East Branch, except that what Ogden and some others of them improved, and they enjoy the West Branch, till decided by law; and he would give us an hour to consider, and give him an answer. We sent him word that we would not comply with his terms, for it was not in our power.

“Finally he concluded to move off with his mob to Shamokin (which is about 60 miles) and wait there about ten days for the committee to send our proposals, which, if he liked, it was well; if not, he could come again. And further, he desired our men might be kept in the Fort till his men should be gone, lest they should hurt us. Towards night they moved off, seemingly well pleased with their Conquest. As near as we could learn their number did not exceed 50 men, and a considerable part of them in our favor.”

Colonel Francis was called to Philadelphia in July and gave a full verbal report of his expedition to the Governor and Council.

In September thirteen of the Connecticut settlers in three canoes loaded with flour were halted at Fort Augusta. They were on theirtheir way up the river with the cargo which they had purchased at Harris’ Ferry for the Wyoming settlement.

The Yankees were detained by armed troops for three hours, but their cargoes were confiscated, even in spite of the fact they agreed to pay for the food.

Thus the trouble between the Connecticut and Pennsylvania claimants continued for many years.