Colonel Thomas Hartley, who was one of the most prominent Pennsylvanians during the period of the Revolution, was born in Colebrookdale Township, Berks County, Pennsylvania, September 7, 1746.

He was the son of George Hartley, a well-to-do farmer, who was able to give his son a good classical education at Reading. At the age of eighteen he began to read law in the office of Samuel Johnson, at York, a prominent lawyer and relative of his mother. He was admitted to practice in the courts of York County July 25, 1769, and in the courts of Philadelphia a month later. He rose rapidly in his profession, and was enjoying a lucrative practice when the War for Independence opened.

He served on the Committee of Observation for York County in 1774–75; he represented York County as a deputy in the Provincial Conference held at Philadelphia July 15, 1774, and in the Provincial Convention, January 23, 1775.

In December, 1774, he was chosen first lieutenant of Captain James Smith’s company of Associators and a year later lieutenant colonel of the First Battalion of York County. He was elected by Committee of Safety January 10, 1776, to be lieutenant colonel of the Sixth Battalion, commanded by Colonel William Irvine, of Carlisle, and served with distinction in the Canadian campaign.

In December, 1776, Congress authorized General Washington to raise sixteen battalions of infantry additional to those in service, and the command of one of these was given to Colonel Hartley.

In the campaign for the defense of Philadelphia Hartley’s regiment bore a conspicuous part. At the Battles of Brandywine and Germantown it was attached to the First Philadelphia Brigade, of General Wayne’s division, Colonel Hartley commanding the brigade, and was also at Paoli.

To repel the inroads of the Tories and Indians from New York and for the protection of the frontiers following the “Great Runaway,” Colonel Hartley and his regiment, July 14, 1778, were ordered to Sunbury. The order continues:

“A detachment of Colonel Hartley’s Regiment to march from New Jersey to Easton, there to join Colonel Kowatz, who has under his command a small number of horse. The remainder of Colonel Hartley’s Reg’t, now in Philad’a, to march immediately to Sunbury and join the Two Companies lately raised at Wioming. Col. Brodhead’s Regiment, now on their march to Pittsburgh, to be ordered to the Standing Stone. But it is necessary to add to these Continental troops a considerable body of Militia. Council have therefore determined to order to Sunbury three hundred Militia from the County of Northumberland, four hundred from the County of Lancaster & one hundred and fifty from the County of Berks.”

The troops at Standing Stone and Easton were also to be re-enforced by militia.

This arrangement for the frontier defense was intended to rendezvous at Sunbury 1050 troops, as follows: Part of Hartley’s Regiment at Philadelphia, 100; two companies recruited at Wyoming, 100; militia from Lancaster County, 400; from Berks, 150, and Northumberland, 300.

On July 16 the Board of War advised Council that they learned by letters that General McIntosh, who was at Carlisle, hearing of the Indian incursions, ordered Colonel Brodhead, then on his way to Fort Pitt, to hurry his Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment to the Susquehanna, “to stop the progress of the enemy & encourage the militia to stand in their own defence.”

Then General J. P. DeHaas, who was stationed at Lebanon, sent an express to Colonel Samuel Hunter, at Fort Augusta, to learn the exact situation, when he offered his services to the Board of War.

Colonel Brodhead and the Eighth Pennsylvania Regiment arrived at Fort Augusta and soon as the colonel learned he could not be of assistance there, he took up his march and arrived at Fort Muncy July 23, and immediately sent out scouting parties in every direction.

When Colonel Hartley and 300 of his command arrived at Fort Augusta, General John P. DeHaas was already there and had assumed command.

General James Potter wrote from Fort Augusta August 1, 1778: “I came here last week to station the militia. I found General DeHaas here, who said he commanded all the troops. The next day Colonel Hartley came and showed me his orders to command the troops, and politely requested me to take the command, which I declined, as I never was very fond of command, and this is a disagreeable one.”

Colonel Hartley wrote to Council from Fort Augusta August 1, advising the conditions when he arrived, and that General DeHaas, who was in command, had given the command to him. Hartley gave a very correct statement of the distressed situation following the great Wyoming Massacre of July 3.

Soon as Colonel Hartley arrived at Fort Muncy, Colonel Brodhead led his troops off toward Fort Pitt, via Carlisle, and Colonel Hartley settled down to the difficult task of handling the unfortunate conditions on that harassed frontier.

Colonel Hartley’s men built Fort Muncy. It was about a half a mile above the present Hall’s Station, on the Philadelphia and Reading Railway, in Lycoming County, a few hundred yards directly in front of the famous Hall’s Stone House, built in 1769. It was intended to be the most important stronghold, next to Fort Augusta, on the West Branch of the Susquehanna.

Colonel Hartley immediately planned an expedition against the Indians, as he believed the way to successfully combat the savage foe was to carry the war into his own country.

He marched from Fort Muncy, September 18, with two hundred troops and twelve days’ rations. In his report to Congress, the Colonel says: “In our route we met with great rains and prodigious swamps, mountains, defiles and rocks which impeded our march, we had to open and clear the way as we passed.

“We waded or swam the River Lycoming upward of twenty times. In lonely woods and groves we found where the Indians had dressed and dried scalps of the frontier victims. On the morning of the 26th, the advance party met nineteen Indians in a skirmish. An important Indian chief was killed and scalped.” They burnt Tioga, Queen Esther’s Town and other settlements.

Colonel Hartley performed the marvelous feat of marching his small army 300 miles and fighting several severe battles with Indians and Tories in two weeks; bringing in fifty head of cattle, twenty-eight canoes and much plunder and above all else rendered such signal service to the frontiers that the settlers could return to their habitations and harvest their crops in safety.

Both the Provincial Council and the Continental Congress, Nov. 14, 1778, adopted resolutions of commendation to Colonel Hartley for the success of his expedition.

Before Governor Robert Morris was superseded by William Denny he concerted with Colonel John Armstrong an expedition against the Indian town of Kittanning, on the Allegheny, the stronghold of Captains Jacobs and Shingas, the most active Indian chiefs, and from which place they distributed their war parties along the frontier.

When Governor Denny assumed the office of Governor his predecessor communicated to him his plans for this expedition, which were favorably received by the Governor and his Council.

The details of this enterprise had been perfected in great secrecy. It is quite likely that Colonel Armstrong was selected for this purpose, not only on account of his well-known military prowess, but for the further fact that his beloved brother, Lieutenant Edward Armstrong, had been killed in the attack and destruction of Fort Granville, and for the many other depredations which the Indians had committed in the Juniata Valley.

Colonel Armstrong collected his forces at Fort Shirley, at Aughwick, now Huntingdon County, consisting of 300 troops, divided into seven companies. Among the captains were James Hamilton, Hugh Mercer, Edward Nord and James Potter, all afterward distinguished officers of the Revolution and leading citizens of the State.

On September 2, 1756, he came up with the advanced party at “Beaver Dams,” a few miles south of Frankstown, on the north branch of the Juniata. Here the little army struck the celebrated Kittanning path, well trodden by Indians in their travels to the westward.

On the 7th, the evening, within six miles of Kittanning, the scouts discovered a fire in the road, and four Indians about it, but these could not be attacked, as one or more might escape and alarm the town. Lieutenant Hogg and twelve men were left to watch them, with orders to fall upon them at daybreak. The main body then made a circuit and proceeded to the village.

Guided by the whooping of the Indians at a dance, the army approached the place by the river, about 100 perches below the town. They arrived at 3 o’clock on the morning of the 8th near a cornfield in which some of the enemy were lodged, sleeping in the open on account of the excessive heat of the weather.

As soon as the dawn of the new day made the town visible the troops attacked it through the cornfield, killing several of the enemy. The men were wearied by a forced march of thirty miles and had been aroused from sound sleep to make the attack, but they fought with great eagerness.

When the firing began Captain Jacobs immediately sounded the war whoop, and with a number of Indians, as the English prisoners afterward told Colonel Armstrong, cried: “The white men are at last come, we will soon have scalps enough,” but at the same time ordered their squaws and children to flee to the woods.

Captain Jacobs defended his house bravely and through loopholes in the logs a deadly fire was poured into the provincial troops.

The Indians refused quarter, saying they were men and would not be prisoners. At this point Colonel Armstrong turned his attention to the houses from which the Indians were making such a stand. He received a bad wound in his shoulder, but continued to direct the attack. He found the houses must be destroyed, and ordered the contiguous buildings set on fire, which was performed by his officers and soldiers with much dispatch.

The Indians fired at every moving object and as their aim was deadly many soldiers were killed or wounded.

Soon as the buildings were set on fire the Indians were given another opportunity to surrender themselves prisoners, but again they refused. One Indian declared he did not care for death; he could kill four or five more before he died, and some began to sing as the flames burned near them. The few who burst from the burning buildings and ran for the river were shot down by the soldiers.

Captain Jacobs was shot as he attempted to get out of an upper window. Armstrong’s soldiers identified the powder horn and pouch he wore as one he had lately received from a French officer in exchange for Lieutenant Edward Armstrong’s boots, which he carried from Fort Granville, where the lieutenant was killed.

The soldiers got the scalp of the great Indian chief, as they also did of his squaw and a young Indian, called the “King’s Son.”

Before this time Captain Hugh Mercer had been severely wounded in the arm and was carried to the top of the hill above the town, where a number of the wounded men gathered. These soon discovered from their elevated position that Indians were passing the river and taking to the hills, they thought with the intention of surrounding and cutting off the troops from any possible retreat. Colonel Armstrong would not believe this their design, but sent men in every direction to keep him posted upon the enemy’s movements. The Indians in their hasty retreat left behind a number of English scalps and not a few white prisoners.

Instead of cutting down the cornfield, the colonel immediately assembled the wounded and loaded them upon the few Indian horses which they had collected.

The return march was slow and tedious, made so by the many wounded and the constant watch necessary to prevent a surprise attack from ambush. Captain Mercer was carried by some of his men over a different road and Colonel Armstrong was alarmed for his safety.

Colonel Armstrong in his report of the action at Kittanning said he could not estimate the loss of the enemy, as many were burned in the buildings, but he could account for thirty or forty killed. They brought back a dozen scalps and eleven English prisoners.

The loss sustained by the provincial forces was seventeen killed, thirteen wounded and nineteen missing. All the wounded recovered and all but two of the missing reached their homes.

In speaking of the horrible Indian massacres which followed Braddock’s defeat, Drake in his Indian history, says:

“Shingas and Captain Jacobs were supposed to have been the principal instigators of them, and a reward of $700 was offered for their heads.“

King Shingas was the greatest Delaware warrior at that time. Heckwelder, who knew him personally, says:

“Were his war exploits all on record they would form an interesting document, though a shocking one.”

King Shingas happened to be at Fort Duquesne when Colonel Armstrong destroyed Kittanning.

The Corporation of Philadelphia, on the occasion of Colonel Armstrong’s victory, addressed a complimentary letter to him, January 5 following, thanking him and his officers for their gallant conduct and presented him with a piece of plate.

Many descendants of the gallant Colonel Armstrong are living today and well may they be proud of such a distinguished ancestor.

On January 27, 1759, Lancaster County was divided by act of Assembly, and the southern division thereof erected into a new county, to which the name of “Cumberland” was given, with the town of Carlisle as the seat of justice.

For a quarter of a century the county of Cumberland thus constituted, remained intact, when the wants of the southwestern part, known as the Conocheague settlement, led them to petition the General Assembly of 1784 that their territory might be set apart as a new county, with concomitant privileges setting forth in glowing terms the hardships they were compelled to endure traveling the long distance from their homes to the seat of justice at Carlisle, etc.

The General Assembly complied therewith and September 9, 1784, erected the new county to be named “Franklin,” in honor of the great Pennsylvanian, Benjamin Franklin.

By 1790 some doubts arose as to the correct boundary, and March 29, in that year, a re-adjustment of the lines was made by running a new line so as to leave the entire tract of land owned by Edward Shippen, of Lancaster, and upon which Shippensburg now stands, in Cumberland County.

On March 29, 1798, a portion of the then county of Bedford, known as the “Little Cove” was detached from that county and annexed to Franklin, and the county thus erected is the Franklin County of today.

By the terms of the act establishing the county of Franklin, James Maxwell, James McCalmont, Josiah Crawford, David Stoner, and John Johnson were appointed trustees on behalf of the county, and were directed to procure two lots of ground in the town of Chambersburg or Chamberstown, for seats of a court house and of a county gaol.

The original court house was a brick building of two stories, surmounted by a tall conical cupola and a spire. In the belfry was suspended a bell of Spanish make, which had rendered service in an old convent.

The first court in Franklin County was held September 15, 1784. As the court house was not yet completed this first session was convened in the stone house on the corner of the “square,” which was built by John Jack in 1770. This historic building stood until July 30, 1864, when the rebel horde burned the town during the Civil War.

The first court was held before Judges Humphrey Fullerton Thomas Johnston and James Findley. Edward Crawford, Jr., was prothonotary. Jeremiah Talbot was commissioned sheriff October 20, 1784.

The following named persons sat as the first grand jury: James Poe, Henry Pawling, William Allison, William McDowell, Robert Wilkins, John McConnell, John McCarny, John Ray, John Jack, Jr., John Dickson, D. McClintock, Joseph Chambers, and Joseph Long.

As late as 1748 there were many Indians within the present limits of Franklin County. The first settlers of Franklin County were Scotch-Irish, many of whose descendants yet remain, but the larger proportion migrated west or south, giving way before the German element coming from the eastern counties of the state.

It is believed that Joseph and Benjamin Chambers located at the Falling Spring earlier than 1730. They had previously built at Fort Hunter, above Harrisburg, on the Susquehanna, but an accidental fire consumed their mill on the Fishing Creek, and they wandered westward, finally located at Falling Spring, where they erected a log house, and eventually a saw and grist mill.

Benjamin Chambers maintained a friendly intercourse with the Indians in his vicinity. They became attached to him; with them he traded, and had so much of their confidence and respect that they did not injure him or offer to molest him.

After Braddock’s defeat July, 1755, the Western Indians became so troublesome, and made so many incursions east of the mountains, that Colonel Chambers, for the security of his family and his neighbors, erected a large stone dwelling house, where Chambersburg now is. This house was surrounded by water from Falling Spring, and, to prevent the Indians from setting it on fire, the roof was made of lead. The dwelling, buildings and mill were surrounded with a stockade.

This fort was provided with a blunderbluss and swivel, and the garrison had an ample supply of smaller firearms. The Indians seldom assaulted this fort and none of its defenders was killed or carried off.

Benjamin Chambers reported the terrible massacre at Great Cove, Sunday morning, November 2, 1755. He wrote: “If you intend to go to the assistance of your neighbors, you need wait no longer for the certainty of the news. The Great Cove is destroyed.”

The Great Cove was burned by the Indians and fifty-seven persons out of ninety-three settlers were killed or taken captive.

A record of the persons killed or taken captive by the Indians during this period until the close of the Revolution reveals a long list of savage cruelty.

In the war of 1812–14, Franklin County played an important part. Eight companies were mustered in the county; Chambersburg furnished four, Greencastle, Mercersburg, Waynesboro and Path Valley, each one.

During the Civil War Franklin County suffered as did no other border county of Pennsylvania.

First came the great Confederate raid in October, 1862, led by Generals J. E. B. Stuart and Wade Hampton; then during General Lee’s invasion, June, 1863; and finally General McCausland’s invasion when the town of Chambersburg was sacked and burned July 30, 1864. The scenes presented on the latter terrible occasion beggar description.

Wilson College is situated in Chambersburg, and Mercersburg Academy is in the borough of Mercersburg, which was also the home of Marshall College, now a part of Franklin and Marshall College, of Lancaster. The Soldiers’ Orphans’ Industrial School of the state is located at Scotland, and the Pennsylvania State Sanitarium for Tuberculosis, No. 1, is beautifully located at Mont Alto.

Green Castle and Waynesboro are the other towns of importance in old Franklin County. James Buchanan, President of the United States, and William Findlay, Governor of Pennsylvania, were both born in Mercersburg.

Foreign nations, who still smiled incredulously at the pretensions of the United States in carrying on an ocean warfare with the proud “Mistress of the Seas,” as England was everywhere acknowledged to be, were not prepared to receive, in addition to the splendid victory of the United States frigate Constitution over the Guerriere, fresh and decisive proof of the naval supremacy of the youthful Republic, in the magnificent triumph achieved by Commodore Oliver H. Perry on the waters of Lake Erie September 10, 1813.

It was here for the first time in the history of the Western World the flag of a British squadron was struck, humiliatingly, to the Americans. Great Britain had already been signally defeated in single naval combats during the War of 1812; she was now beaten in squadron; every one of her ships striking their colors to the Stars and Stripes.

The unexpected and disgraceful surrender of the Northern Army under General Hull to the British rendered a superior force on Lake Erie necessary for the defense of the American territory bordering on the lake, as well as for offensive operations in Canada.

Under those circumstances, Oliver H. Perry, a brave and capable young officer, was designated to the command on Lake Erie. But at this time the United States possessed no naval force on the lake; the only vessels belonging to the Government had been captured at Detroit.

Commodore Perry was directed to locate at Presque Isle, where a peninsula extended a considerable distance into the lake, encircling a harbor, on the borders of which was the port of Erie. He was to build ships, and the only materials at hand were the vast forests—shipbuilders, sailors, naval stores, guns and ammunition were all transported overland by wagons over 400 miles of bad roads from Albany, Buffalo and Philadelphia via Pittsburgh.

In spite of those embarrassments, by August 1, 1813, Perry had provided a flotilla, consisting of the ships Lawrence and Niagara, of twenty guns each, and seven smaller vessels, to wit: One of four guns, one of three, two of two and three of one.

The enemy appeared off the harbor while this navy was being built, but the shallowness of the water prevented their approach where the construction work could be destroyed.

After Perry succeeded in getting his navy into the deep waters of the lake, he proceeded to Put-in Bay, near where the British fleet lay under the guns of the fort. Here he watched the movements of the enemy and awaited a chance to offer battle.

On the morning of September 10, 1813, the enemy was discovered bearing down upon the American force, which immediately prepared to meet them. Perry had nine vessels with fifty-three guns and two swivels. The British fleet consisted of six vessels, carrying sixty-three guns, four howitzers and two swivels.

Perry advised his officers he proposed to bring the enemy to close quarters. As soon, therefore, as the approach of the enemy warranted the display of the signal, every vessel was under sail beating out against the wind with the boats ahead towing the others.

Perry endeavored to beat to the windward of the islands, which interposed between them and the two approaching squadrons, hoping thus to be able to bear down upon the enemy with the wind, but that proved to be too light and baffling, and so much time was lost by tacking that Perry suddenly changed his plans and ordered his ships to run to the leeward of the islands, when his sailing master replied: “Then we’ll have to engage the enemy from the leeward.” “I don’t care,” replied Perry; “to windward or leeward, they will fight today.”

Perry formed his line of battle and the two squadrons slowly approached each other. Realizing they would be in battle by the noon hour, grog and bread were served in advance, and in a moment every man was at quarters. Perry made a round of the deck, from gun to gun, carefully examining each and exchanging cheering words with the men.

At fifteen minutes after 11 a bugle was sounded on board the enemy’s flagship, the Detroit. Loud cheers burst from all their crews, and a tremendous fire opened upon the Lawrence from the British long guns, which on account of the range of the guns on the Lawrence the fire could not be returned for nearly forty minutes.

The Lawrence kept her course in gallant and determined style, but was badly cut up by the big guns of the Detroit. The enemy’s fire was clearly directed toward the Lawrence. She was hit in every direction and narrowly escaped several explosions.

Perry realized the seriousness of his situation and made full sail, directing the other vessels to follow, for the purpose of closing with the enemy. The terrible fire, however, to which he was exposed soon cut away every brace and bowline of the Lawrence, and the boat became unmanageable. The other vessels could not close up, and in this disastrous situation the Lawrence continued to sustain the main force of the enemy’s fire.

Throughout the ordeal order prevailed. There was no sign of fear, and as rapidly as the men at the guns were wounded they were quietly carried below, and others bravely stepped to their places. The dead remained where they fell until after the action.

At this juncture the enemy believed the battle won. The Lawrence was reduced to a mere wreck; her deck was streaming with blood and covered with mangled limbs and bodies of the slain; nearly the whole crew were either killed or wounded; her guns, too, were dismounted, Commodore Perry and his officers working the very last one capable of firing a shot.

At 2 o’clock Captain Elliott was enabled to bring the Niagara into closer action; and Commodore Perry, finding he could get no further use from the Lawrence, suddenly shifted his flag to the Niagara and boarded her, leaving the gallant Lieutenant Yarnell in command of the Lawrence.

The transfer of Perry was made in the face of a terrible fire from the enemy ships, with the commodore standing erect in the small boat and directing his oarsmen.

The entire squadron was soon in action and Perry alongside the British Commodore Barclay, in the Lady Prevost. Approaching within half pistol shot, Perry’s fire was so deadly that the enemy’s men were compelled to run below.

The Caledonia opened a destructive fire upon the British, and she was closely followed by the other American vessels, and the enemy was soon enclosed between the Niagara and the American fleet, and in that position the British ships suffered a terrible fire on both quarters.

Thus, after a contest of three hours, a naval victory was achieved by the Americans, in which every vessel of the enemy fleet was captured. If anything could enhance its brilliancy it was the modest and laconic manner in which it was announced by the gallant victor—“We have met the enemy and they are ours!”

The objective of the British forces, early in the Revolution, was to occupy Philadelphia, which was then the largest city in the revolting provinces. It was the seat of the Continental Congress, and the center of the colonies. Although commanding easy access to the sea, it was capable of being readily protected from the approach of a hostile fleet, and it lay in the heart of an open, extended country, rich, populous and so far but little disturbed by war.

Philadelphia was, in a sense, regarded as the capital of the new-born Nation, and the moral influence resulting from its occupation by Congress was great, so that it was deemed an important point would be gained by its conquest. There was much criticism hurled at an army which could not penetrate to the headquarters of the infant Nation.

Sir William Howe directed the campaign of 1777, and disposed the troops under his command to that purpose. The British fleet under Lord Howe, bearing a land force of 18,000, left New York in July, 1777, with the intention of approaching Philadelphia by way of the Delaware River.

When about to enter it, however, the British commander was informed that the Americans had placed obstructions in the channel, and he, therefore, proceeded to the Chesapeake, and on August 25, landed his forces at Turkey Point.

When the departure of the British fleet from New York was made known to General Washington, he was uncertain as to its objects, but directed the concentration of his army in Bucks County, so as to meet the enemy should he attempt to approach Philadelphia.

Washington soon learned that the fleet was off the Capes of the Chesapeake, and turned his attention in that direction. The very day the British landed the Americans marched to Wilmington with a force of about eleven thousand men.

Washington made immediate preparations to oppose the enemy. A severe though brief encounter occurred September 3 at Iron Hill, Delaware.

On the 8th the American Army took its position behind the Red Clay Creek, where a battle was anticipated. Washington saw that the object was to turn his right, cross the Brandywine, and cut off his communication with Philadelphia.

After reconnoitering the enemy, Washington withdrew to Chadd’s Ford, on the Brandywine, where he arrived on the 9th of September, and entrenched himself.

Maxwell’s Light Infantry occupied the advance posts, and during the night of the 10th threw up defenses on the west side at the approaches to the ford. Here Washington determined to take his stand.

On the evening of the 9th the British Army entered Chester County in two divisions, one of which, under General Knyphausen, encamped at New Garden and Kennet Square, and the other, under Lord Cornwallis, a short distance below Hockesson Meeting House.

Early on the morning of the 10th they united at Kennet Square, whence in the evening the forces under Knyphausen advanced toward Welsh’s Tavern, later known as the Anvil, and those under Cornwallis remained encamped on the hills north and west of Kennet Square.

Early on the morning of the 11th the army divided into two columns—one division, under Knyphausen, marched to Chadd’s Ford, by the Philadelphia road; the other, under Cornwallis and accompanied by Sir William Howe, took a circuitous route and crossed the west branch of the Brandywine at Trimble’s Ford, and approached the Birmingham Meeting House. The object of these movements was to hem in the Americans between the two British forces and thus make them easy prey.

Both British columns had moved early and through a dense fog which did not lift until a later hour. The column under Knyphausen skirmished with the advance parties of the American Army sent forward to harass their march.

Maxwell’s corps, which occupied the hills west of the Brandywine, was driven across the stream after a severe engagement, and joined the main body of the American Army, which was already ranged in battle order, awaiting the attack of the enemy.

Several detachments of the Continental troops subsequently recrossed the creek and assailed the British, who were busy throwing up intrenchments and planting batteries. A footing having thus been gained on the western bank, General Maxwell returned in force, and a hot conflict ensued, the Americans driving the enemy from the ground.

The spirit of this action soon drew upon them overwhelming numbers, and the Americans were again repulsed.

Lord Cornwallis, with a larger division, under cover of the hills and forests and aided by the fog, proceeded in a circuitous route a considerable distance unobserved, and reached the hills south of Trimble’s Ford about the time Knyphausen moved from his position east of Kennet Square.

General John Sullivan, who commanded the right wing of the American Army, had received instructions to guard the fords as far up the stream as Buffingtons.

About 9 o’clock intelligence was brought that the British left wing was about crossing the Brandywine above its forks. Colonel Bland sent word to General Washington that a large force of the enemy was seen advancing up the road toward Trimble’s Ford.

That was confirmed by a note from Colonel Ross, who was in their rear, and who advised their strength was 5000. Those reports were in contradiction to one that Squire Thomas Cheney gave when he rode up to General Sullivan and advised him that the main body of the British had crossed the Brandywine and was already near at hand, approaching from the north.

The squire was not believed, and demanded to be led to General Washington, who doubted his information, but was at length convinced of its truth and immediately disposed of his troops to meet the emergency.

General Sullivan attacked the Hessians, who were the advance guard, who returned the fire, and soon the action became general. The artillery of both sides opened with terrible effect, and while the Americans held their position, the carnage was great.

The right wing of the American army under General Debarre gave way first, and the left under General Sullivan, soon followed. The latter tried to rally his troops, but fled over the fields toward the main army at Chadd’s Ford.

Sterling’s division in the center remained firm. General Sullivan attached himself to this division, and with Lafayette he engaged personally in the hottest of the battle. Cornwallis used his artillery with telling effect. Two of Sullivan’s aides were killed and Lafayette fell with a wounded leg. The troops fled into the woods, but were again rallied and after a sharp conflict again retreated.

When Washington learned of the approach of the British, he pushed forward with Green’s division of Pennsylvanians and Virginians to the support of Sullivan, leaving Wayne at Chadd’s Ford to oppose Knyphausen. Green, by a skillful movement, opened his ranks and received the fleeing troops and closed them again.

Wayne was on the alert, and the moment Knyphausen moved forward he opened a heavy artillery fire upon him. Soon as he learned of Sullivan’s defeat he retreated.

The approach of night ended the bloody conflict, but not soon enough to prevent the American army from a defeat which was most distressing to the American cause at this critical period.

September, 1791, an incident occurred during a term of court in Mifflin County, which has since been known as the Lewistown Riot.

The cause of the disturbance centered in the act of Samuel Bryson, then a resident of what is now the borough of Mifflintown, who for several years had served as county lieutenant, and while acting in that capacity refused to commission two colonels who had been elected by their regiments, which so incensed the members and their friends that when Mr. Bryson subsequently received the appointment of Associate Justice they were indignant and determined he should not act in that capacity.

On Monday, September 12, 1791, the Hon. William Brown, Samuel Bryson and James Armstrong, Esqs., met in the forenoon in order to open the Court and proceed to business, but Thomas Beale, Esq., one of the Associate Judges, not having arrived, the others did not attempt to convene the Court until he appeared, which was 3 o’clock, when he was requested to proceed with them to the court house. Mr. Beale declined to go, but the others went into the court room, where the commissions of the Judges were read, the Court duly opened, the officers sworn in, and Court adjourned until 10 o’clock next morning.

The following morning, John Clarke, Deputy State’s Attorney, received the intelligence that a large body of men was assembled below the Long Narrows, at David Jordan’s tavern, on the Juniata River shore.

They were armed with guns, swords and pistols, with an avowed intention to proceed to Lewistown and seize Judge Bryson on the bench and drag him from his seat, and march him off before them, and otherwise ill-treat him.

That information was immediately communicated to the Judges, who, acting upon the suggestion of Mr. Clarke, named Samuel Edminston, Esq., the Prothonotary; Judge Thomas Beale, Mr. Stewart, William Bell, Esq., and the Sheriff of Mifflin County, a committee to proceed to the place where the mob had assembled and meet with the rioters.

The Sheriff was commanded to inquire of them their object and intention, and if hostile, to order them to disperse and tell them the Court was alarmed at their proceedings.

Two hours after this the Court opened. A fife was heard playing, some guns were discharged and almost immediately the mob appeared, marching toward the court house. Three men on horseback were leading the column. The gentlemen who had been sent to counsel with them were being marched under a guard in the rear. When the column reached Lewistown all the committee were permitted to go at large except George Wilson, the Sheriff, who was held by an armed guard of four men.

The Court ordered Mr. Clarke to go and meet the rioters and remonstrate against their proceedings and warn them of their danger, which order was obeyed, but his endeavors were in vain.

The mob cried out, “March on! March on! Draw your sword on him! Ride over him!”

Mr. Clarke grabbed the reins of the leader’s horse, who refused to be held, and threatened to proceed to the bench and drag Judge Bryson off, take him down the Narrows to his own farm and there compel him to sign a written paper that he would never again sit there as a Judge.

This leader was a brother of Sheriff George Wilson. The mob cried out, “March on!” He drew his sword and ordered Clarke to let go the reins. The crowd pressed on him and one of them, a nephew of Judge Beale, pressed a pistol to his breast, when Clarke let go of the horse, and the mob reached the stairs on the outside of the court house. Clarke rushed ahead, and as he mounted the stairs he was met by Judge Armstrong, who said: “Since nothing else will do, let us defend the stairs.”

At that point several of the attorneys and citizens, who had been in the court, reached the stairs, where they were met by the rioters, now ably led by William Wilson, Colonel Walker and Colonel Holt. They cried:

“March on, damn you; proceed and take him!”

Judge Armstrong replied, “You damned rascals, come on! We will defend the Court ourselves, and before you shall take Judge Bryson you shall kill me and many others, which seems to be your intention, and which you may do.”

At this moment Colonel Holt seized Judge Armstrong by the arm with the intention of dragging him down the stairs, but he freed himself. Holt’s brother rushed to him with a sword and urged him to run it through the Judge. The other leaders drew swords and pistols.

Clarke suggested that they name three of their most respectable persons to meet with him to settle the dispute. Wilson, the leader, agreed to that, but it was with difficulty he was able to get the mob to move from the court house.

Mr. Hamilton went with Mr. Clarke to Alexander’s tavern, and soon after their arrival Messrs. Wilson, Walker and Sterritt, of the rioters, came in. Sterritt acted as their chief counselor.

Proposals were made that they should return home, offer no insult to Judge Bryson or the Court and send to the Governor a decent petition, stating their grievances, so that they might be laid before the Legislature, and that in the meantime Judge Bryson should sit on the bench of the court.

They seemed to be agreed, when mutual honor was pledged, but Sterritt stated that too great a delay was evident, that injuries had been received which required immediate redress and even objected to the power of the Governor as to the points proposed.

At that juncture Colonel Holt and young Beale rushed in, the latter heavily armed, and insisted on Wilson joining them, which broke up the conference. Clarke followed them to the field where the mob was assembled. Clarke asked Wilson:

“Your object is that Judge Bryson leave the bench and not sit on it this Court?”

He and Walker replied, “Yes.”

“Will you promise to disperse and go home and offer him no insult?”

They replied, “Yes.”

Their mutual honor was pledged for the performance of the agreement.

Mr. Hamilton then entered the Court, told Judge Bryson the agreement, when he left his seat and retired.

Hardly had Messrs. Hamilton and Clarke reached the court house when the mob again appeared in martial attitude at the foot of the stairs. Clarke reminded Wilson of his broken pledge; he acknowledged it, but said the mob would not have it that way. Clarke told him Judge Bryson had left the bench and departed.

The next day Colonel McFarland, of the local militia, marched his command to the court house.

The Court adjourned until 2 o’clock, and at that hour directed the Sheriff to invite Judge Bryson to march in and sit with them.

The Sheriff returned and advised them Judge Beale would not walk in or sit with Bryson. The Sheriff and Judge Bryson got into an argument, when the Sheriff struck and kicked the Judge.

Judge Armstrong seized the Sheriff, and took his rod from him, the Sheriff was brought before the Court, when he was committed to jail.

That night the mob again assembled with the object of rescuing the Sheriff, but before a sufficient number could be raised the Sheriff apologized to the Court and was released on his own recognizance.

The mob to the number of 300 assembled at the Narrows the following day, but when they learned the Sheriff was no longer in jail and had been forgiven by the Court they dispersed and went to their homes. The Court then adjourned.