One of the early Mayors of Philadelphia was the distinguished Quaker, Isaac Norris, who had been a member of the Provincial Assembly and the President Judge of the Court of Common Pleas. He had also served as a member of the Governor’s Council for more than thirty years, and was named by William Penn in his will as one of the trustees of the Province. He died June 4, 1735, and was succeeded by his son of the same name, known in the history of Pennsylvania as “The Speaker.”

Isaac Norris, “The Speaker,” married one of the daughters of James Logan, and soon retired from commercial life. He was a member of the Assembly for thirty years and for the latter half of that time its Speaker.

Notwithstanding his connection with Logan, and the further fact that he was a grandson of Hon. Thomas Lloyd, one of the Commissioners of the Province from December, 1686, to December, 1688, and Deputy Governor from March, 1691, to April 26, 1693, he was a leader of the strict Friends in the Assembly who differed in politics from Logan, “who represented the Proprietary, or Governor’s party,” on all questions relating to the Province.

So persistently did Speaker Norris oppose the Proprietaries in the various disputes between the Governor and the Quakers, or “Norris Party,” that there resulted such bitter contests for office as would be fashionable in modern times.

The re-election of Norris to the Assembly in 1741 could not be prevented, and the Quakers gained much ground with Norris in that body, and with his brother-in-law, Griffiths, and uncle, Preston, who were aldermen of the city of Philadelphia.

The corporation was too important a political factor to submit to his influence and the Proprietary Party succeeded in electing four new aldermen and five new members of the City Council who would further the Governor’s plans, but it was no easy matter to defeat Norris at a popular election.

In 1742 a most important session of the Assembly had been held, the Speaker was the head of every committee, and he worked indefatigably in superintending the completion of portions of the State House and in purchasing a site and devising plans for a public pest house or municipal hospital, and in these activities gave some reason to believe he could be defeated. The wealthy Recorder of the City, William Allen, contended for his seat in the Assembly.

Then ensued what is since known as “The Bloody Election,” but Norris proved himself an astute politician and won the support of the German settlers, who constituted a large part of the electorate.

The Germans had invariably voted with the Quakers, and it was charged that the “Norris party” would take possession of the polls, crowd out their opponents, and thus elect their candidate with the aid of unnaturalized voters.

The Governor’s friends cried “fraud” but they were not in possession of any evidence of it.

On October 1, 1742, the day of the “Bloody Election,” a party of sailors, coopers, and others, strong enough in numbers to make havoc in the little city, marched uptown from the wharves, armed with clubs, and, when they arrived at the Court House, a fight took place in which several were wounded, and the disciples of peace and order were driven from the historic building.

The affair made a great stir, and is well perpetuated in the caricatures made at the time which were drawn with the intention to traduce and stigmatize the political leaders in those days.

In the appendix to the “Votes of the Assembly” is published the interesting testimony relating to this “Bloody Election.”

The witnesses were “examined in a solemn manner,” and it appeared that some fifty to seventy sailors, armed with clubs, made their appearance at the Court House, at Second and High Streets, in support of the Proprietary Party.

William Till, Mayor of the city, was called upon to interfere against the sailors, but he declined to do so, saying, as was testified: “They had as much right at the election as the Dutchmen.”

It appears by the statement of the time, that a wagonload of hop-poles, easy to cut into clubs, made its appearance at a point so convenient that the other party availed itself of the boon.

Among the witnesses, Robert Hopkins testified that, “when the sailors were moving off, and came by William Allen one among them being a squat full-faced, pock-fretten man, with a light wig and red breeches, as he supposes, said, 'Let’s give Mr. Allen a whorrah! And said Allen reply’d: 'Ye villians begone: I'll have nothing to do with you'.”

After this we are not surprised at that staunch Friend, Israel Pemberton, the last witness examined, being able to testify that upward of fifty sailors were arrested and secured in prison, “and then,” he goes on to say, “the Freeholders proceeded to the choice of the Representatives to serve in the Assembly, and the other officers, which was carried on very peaceably the remainder of the day.”

A petition was read in the Provincial Council, November 5, 1742, which was addressed to Lieutenant Governor George Thomas, and among other statements the petitioners stated that the rioters attacked the constables and broke their staves and beat them up and grievously wounded divers citizens, among whom was one of the Aldermen.

They claimed many were knocked down with stones without regard to age or station. Sure enough a bloody election; especially must it have seemed so to the staid Quakers of the City of Brotherly Love.

In September, 1759, Speaker Isaac Norris resolved to relinquish his public duties and declined a re-election which was sure to be in his favor. He made his announcement in the House, and among other things said:

“You were pleased to make choice of me to succeed my father in the Assembly at the election of the year, 1735. I never sought emolument for myself or family, and I remained at disadvantage to my private interest only to oppose the measures of unreasonable men. No man shall ever stamp his foot on my grave and say, Curse him! or Here lies he who so basely betrayed the liberties of his country.”

A true patriot in motive surely.

He was succeeded as speaker by Benjamin Franklin.

On October 2, 1755, the savages suddenly appeared in Tuscarora Valley, in the vicinity of Patterson’s Fort, on the north side of the Mahantango Creek, in Snyder County, and killed and captured forty persons.

This fort was situated immediately beyond the dividing line of Juniata and Snyder Counties, and in the vicinity of Pomfret Castle, which seems to be often mistaken for Fort Patterson.

There were two Fort Pattersons and two Captain Pattersons, which has also caused much confusion. The two captains were father and son, and their places near each other, and both stockaded, although Captain William Patterson’s fort was not built until 1763.

Benjamin Franklin gave the following directions to George Croghan in a letter dated December 17, 1755: “You are desired to proceed to Cumberland County and fix on proper places for erecting three stockades; namely, one back of Patterson’s—each of them fifty feet square, with a blockhouse on two of the corners and a barracks within, capable of lodging fifty men.”

The one “back of Patterson’s” was to be on the Mahantango Creek, where Richfield, Snyder County, now is situated, and was to be built by Colonel James Burd and Captain James Patterson.

Captain James Patterson commanded a company of rangers in Braddock’s campaign, under Colonel James Burd, and assisted in cutting the way through the forests.

In the year 1751 James Patterson, with five or six other settlers, settled in the Juniata Valley at the present town of Mexico.

Patterson cleared his land, engaged in farming and erected a large and strong log house, which afterward became known as Fort Patterson. It became the haven of refuge and defense for the settlers in the attack made upon them by the Indians.

Patterson was a man of daring and considered by the Indians to be a crack marksman. Whenever Indians appeared at his plantation he delighted to shoot at a mark, when his unerring aim impressed his visitors that he would be a dangerous foe.

His son, William, was called to Fort Augusta for the purpose of getting instructions to settle difficulties on the path through the valley. While on this mission he fell in with some Indians at Middle Creek, one of whom was killed and scalped and the rest put to flight.

One of Captain Patterson’s men was wounded. He advised the commander of Fort Augusta that the woods were full of Indians; that they found many houses burned, some still burning, and that he feared all the grain would be destroyed by the savages, who are known to be Delaware.

Fort Patterson was attacked at this time and one Hugh Mitcheltree carried off.

October 5, 1755, the savages made an incursion near Fort Patterson. Jennie McClain, a young girl, mounted a horse and hurriedly fled toward the fort, when, but a short distance from it, an Indian shot the horse through the body, when Jennie fell off the horse and was captured. The Indians surrounded the fort, but the Pattersons defended it so bravely that the savages were driven off.

In the summer of 1756 Captain Patterson marched to Shamokin (now Sunbury) with Colonel Clapham’s “Augusta Regiment” and assisted in building and defending that fort.

In 1757 Captain Patterson was detailed and placed in command of Fort Hunter, above Harrisburg, and at this post he was constantly occupied in sending out ranging parties, and had charge of the bateau men who transported provisions from Harris’ Ferry to Fort Augusta.

In July, 1758, Captain Patterson left Fort Augusta on the march to Raystown (Fort Bedford), where he joined in the Forbes expedition against Fort Duquesne. After the Indians were finally subdued Captain Patterson returned to his plantation and followed farming.

When the Indians again became violent in Pontiac’s War in 1763, Captain Patterson and his son, William, then a lieutenant, were again on guard.

Captain James Patterson died at his fort and is buried near it.

William, son of Captain James, was born in Donegal Township, Lancaster County, in 1737, and went with his father to the Juniata in 1751. Like his brave father, William was a keen marksman and a most daring and valuable aid to his father. He was with his father’s company, which was part of Braddock’s army. Later he was an ensign at Fort Augusta.

For many months he and his father, with details of privates, ranged the mountains and streams in search of Indians.

William Patterson not only displayed great capacity as a partisan soldier, but was equally conspicuous in civil life. He marched in advance of General Forbes’ army to Fort Duquesne in 1758. He also served under Colonel Burd in conveying livestock and subsistence from Fort Cumberland to Fort Burd and Fort Pitt in 1759.

After his return from the army Captain Patterson seems to have devoted his time to land surveying. His fine presence and dashing character won the admiration and esteem of the pioneer settlers, especially of the young men, who followed the chase and provided game for the large and growing settlements in Tuscarora Valley and around Patterson’s Fort.

Following the Pontiac War, as late as 1767, when fort after fort were destroyed and the feeble garrison put to the hatchet, Captain William Patterson called his young hunters and defied the Indians.

Pontiac had boasted that no wooden fort or stockade could escape destruction if he desired to destroy them.

When they could induce the garrison by cunning and lying to surrender, they would load a wagon with straw and hay and set it on fire and back it against the timbers and let the demon fire to do the work.

Although Patterson’s Fort was surrounded by savages repeatedly, they were driven away and kept at a safe distance by the expert riflemen under the command of Captain Patterson.

William Patterson, in 1768, arrested and safely lodged in the jail at Carlisle Frederick Stump and his accomplice John Ironcutter for committing an unprovoked massacre, the victims being Indians. This action required the greatest heroism.

The Governor of the Province of Pennsylvania at that period was so highly pleased with the prompt action of Captain Patterson that he gave him a commission as Judge of the Common Pleas Court of Cumberland County. He also was appointed a Commissioner to lay out Northumberland County in March, 1772.

Captain William Patterson is described in the Shippen papers as “a gentleman of limited education, a very good soldier and does his duty well.” He is often mentioned in Colonel Burd’s journal.

A fine bronze tablet mounted on a large boulder recently has been unveiled at the site of Fort Patterson, which will mark for this and future generations the spot made famous by the progenitors of this great Patterson family in Pennsylvania.

The year 1794 is distinguished in American history by a remarkable revolt among a portion of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania, known as the Whisky Insurrection.

In 1791 Congress enacted a law laying excise duties upon spirits distilled within the United States. This tax excited general opposition, but nowhere else was such violence exhibited in resisting the execution of the law as in the western counties of Pennsylvania, where the crops of grain were so over-abundant that, in the absence of adequate market for its sale, an immense quantity of the cereals was distilled into whisky, the far-famed “Monongahela,” called from the name of the principal river in that region.

The inhabitants insisted that an article, produced almost exclusively by an isolated people as their sole and necessary support, ought not to be taxed for the support of the Federal Government, and to this opinion they adhered with a tenacity worthy of a better cause.

Public meetings were held in all the chief towns, at which the action of Congress was loudly denounced as oppression to be battled against to the very last extremity; declaring, too, that any person who had acceptedaccepted or might accept an office under the Government in order to carry the law into effect should be regarded as an enemy of his country, to be treated with contempt and officially and personally shunned.

The Federal Government was scoffed at, its coercive authority ridiculed, and with the motto, “Liberty and No Excise!” the ball of the rebellion rolled on.

One day preceding the assembling of an important meeting of malcontents in Pittsburgh, the tax collector for the counties of Allegheny and Washington made his appearance. Aware of his business, a party of men, armed and disguised, waylaid him at a place on Pigeon Creek, in Washington County, seized, tarred and feathered him, cut off his hair and deprived him of his horse, obliging him to decamp on foot in that painful condition.

In attempting to serve legal processes upon the perpetrators of this outrage, the marshal’s deputy was also seized, whipped, tarred and feathered; and, after having his money taken from him, he was blindfolded and led into the depths of the forest, where he was tied to a sapling and left to his fate. He was fortunately discovered and rescued by friends.

Another man was similarly handled who remarked that they could not reasonably expect protection from a Government whose laws they so strenuously opposed. Two witnesses of this assault were seized by an armed banditti and carried off so they could not give testimony against the perpetrators of the assault.

President Washington feared such open defiance of the laws, and issued a proclamation condemning the lawless acts and warned all to return at once to their allegiance. Bills of indictment were found against the leaders of some of the outrages, and, at the same time, process was also issued against a great number of noncomplying distillers.

The proclamation and warning did not produce the desired effect. Washington then ordered the seizure of the spirits distilled in the counties opposing the law.

Contractors for the army were forbidden to purchase spirits on which duties had not been paid. The distillers were caught between two millstones. They feared the wrath of the infuriated populace if they paid the excise tax or lost their best customers.

The factionists were encouraged by the leniency of the Executive. By violent threats they kept the marshal from serving precepts, committed numerous outrages upon the friends of the Government and perfected their organization into military bands, to resist any force that might be sent to subject them to the laws. They styled their acts, “mending the still.”

It is not to be doubted that this inflamed state of the public mind was greatly aggravated by the ambitious designs and intemperate speeches of a few leading men. Conspicuous among the malcontents were David Bradford, Colonel John Marshall, Robert Smiley, Hugh Brackenridge, William Findley and Albert Gallatin. The first named was the chief agitator.

Hostilities broke out early in 1794, when those who paid the excise tax were punished as well as those who attempted to collect the tax. Even the Government officials were attacked by armed men.

General John Neville, inspector for the county, was compelled to defend his home by force of arms, and Major Abraham Kirkpatrick, with a detail of eleven soldiers, was compelled to surrender to a mob, under the leadership of a desperado named John Holcroft.

After brisk fighting continued for nearly an hour, the insurgents set fire to eight buildings, which finally compelled brave Kirkpatrick to yield.

David Bradford assembled meetings to ascertain their secret enemies as well as to learn their own strength. Mail was searched and the Government stores attacked. There was even a plan developed which had the capture of Fort Pitt and the United States Arsenal at Pittsburgh as its objectives.

The greatest popular demonstration was at Parkinson’s Ferry, where 16,000 men were pledged to follow the leadership of Bradford.

President Washington called a cabinet meeting and had General Thomas Mifflin, Governor of Pennsylvania, in attendance. Commissioners were sent to apprise the insurgents of their grave danger.

A proclamation was broadcast August 7, which warned of the impending war, if all did not quietly return to their home by September 1.

The same day of the proclamation a requisition was made on the Governor of New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania for their several quotas of militia.

During the recruiting of this force Judge Jasper Yeates, James Ross and William Bradford were sent as commissioners to the western counties to extinguish the insurrection.

David Bradford laughed at the proclamations of the President and Governors of New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania for the Committee of Safety was held at Parkinson’s Ferry and appointed commissioners to wait upon his Excellency and assure him that submission and order could be restored without the aid of military force.

In the meantime, the troops responded to the call, and, in response to a second proclamation of President Washington, they rendezvoued at Bedford, Pa., and Cumberland, Md. The command of the entire army was given to General Henry Lee, of Virginia. Governor Mifflin took command of the Pennsylvania troops in person.

The President departed for the front in a drenching rain. He arrived at Harrisburg Friday, October 3. The same day a meeting of the Committee of Safety was held at Parkinson’s Ferry and appointed commissioners to wait upon his Excellency and assure him that submission and order could be restored without the aid of military force.

The insurgents by this time had come to their senses, and intimidated by the greatness of the force, fled in every direction. Those arrested were pardoned. Bradford escaped to Spanish territory. The Whisky Insurrection came to an end. As Washington said, “the contest decided that a small portion of the United States could not dictate to the whole Union.”

The Battle of Germantown was one of the most spirited actions of the Revolution. It was a contest for the possession of a widely extended and strongly posted line, between the two armies, and at a time when the British had but a week earlier invested Philadelphia, driving the Continental Congress to Lancaster.

Howe’s army had crossed the Schuylkill, and was encamped near Germantown.

Washington was at Pennypacker’s Mill, between the Perkiomen and the Skippack Creeks, thirty miles from the city, where he awaited re-enforcements from the Northern Department. His army, which was mainly composed of Continental troops from Pennsylvania, Maryland and New Jersey, had suffered severe punishment at Brandywine and Paoli. It was poorly equipped and poorly fed.

Washington learned, through two intercepted letters, that General Howe had detached a part of his force to reduce Billingsport and the forts on the Delaware.

He believed that a favorable opportunity was offered to make an attack upon the troops which were encamped at Germantown, and fixed the attack for the morning of October 4, 1777.

General Howe’s army was encamped upon the general line of School and Church lanes.

On the 2d General Washington advanced his army to Worcester Township. The British did not expect an attack as General Howe fully understood the drubbing the Americans had recently received, but he did not know the fighting temper of the Colonists.

Washington was well informed of the enemy’s position and prepared his order of battle with great care. The divisions of Sullivan and Wayne, flanked by Conway’s Brigade, were to enter the town by way of Chestnut Hill.

General Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania Militia, was to go down Manatawny road and get in the enemy’s left and rear. The divisions of Greene and Stephen, flanked by McDougall’s Brigade, were to enter by a circuitous route at the Market House, and attack the right wing, and the militia of Maryland and New Jersey, under Generals Smallwood and Forman, were to march by the Old York road and fall upon the rear of their right. Lord Stirling, and Nash’s and Maxwell’s brigades were to form the reserve.

General McDougall was to attack the right wing of the enemy in front and rear; General Conway to attack the enemy’s left flank, and General Armstrong to attack their left wing in flank and rear.

Each column was to move into position, two miles from the enemy’s pickets by 2 o’clock, then halt until 4, and advance and attack the pickets precisely at 5 o’clock, “with charge bayonets and without firing, and the column to move to the attack as soon as possible.”

On the evening of October 3 the army left its encampment on Metuchen Hills. It was a hard march through the darkness, over rough roads and in a dense fog.

When the action opened the Americans soon gained much ground and General Howe, who had hurried to the front, met his troop retreating. He quickly galloped back to camp and prepared for the attack. Sullivan and Wayne pressed forward, and Washington followed with the reserve.

While the advance was in progress, General Greene had made the circuit of the Limekiln road, and engaged the enemy’s right. The incompetent General Stephens became entangled with Wayne’s troops, which confusion ended the efforts of General Sullivan’s columns upon the east side of the town.

General Greene continued to advance, maintaining a line of battle as long as practicable. McDougall was marching over ground so nearly impassable that he was quite out of the action and failed to assist Greene, leaving his flank exposed.

The morning was well advanced when the two wings of the army had approached the central objective point, the Market House. But the lines were broken and disordered, by the innumerable obstacles and by the impenetrable fog, that the British had opportunity to reform their own shattered line. Howe sent strong forces to oppose each attack.

When Sullivan’s division had pushed forward nearly to School Lane, while Greene was entering the town on the east, these generals found themselves unsupported by other troops, their cartridges expended, the force of the enemy on the right collecting to oppose them, and seeing many of the American troops flying in retreat, they retired with all possible haste.

When General Grey came from his camp at School Lane and advanced to the attack, the few Americans there could not resist him, and were soon repulsed. Grey advanced across lots and pushed on toward the Chew house.

General Agnew, following in the rear of Grey, ascended the hill and received a sudden volley from a party of citizens who were concealed behind the Mennonite meeting house and he fell mortally wounded.

Wayne’s division on the east of the town had already withdrawn when General Grant moved up his Forty-ninth British regiment.

General Washington, who had remained at the head of the hill above Chew’s house, saw the failure of his well-laid plans, and issued orders for the retreat.

The American army had gone forward to gain full possession of the enemy’s camp, which was on fire in many places. Dead and wounded were strewn about everywhere. The troops were in much disorder. Those in front had been driven back by the enemy and fell upon those in the rear, which increased the confusion and rendered it impossible to again form and oppose an advancing foe.

A general retreat was inevitably necessary to save the American army from a general rout.

Lord Cornwallis, who was in Philadelphia, learned of the attack and put in motion two battalions of British and one Hessian grenadiers, with a squadron of dragoons, to Howe’s support.

They arrived at Germantown just as the Americans were being forced from the village. Cornwallis joined with General Grey, and, placing himself in command, took up pursuit.

General Greene effected the withdrawal of his forces with considerable difficulty and no slight loss, as Colonel Matthew’s gallant regiment, or what remained of it, fell into the enemy’s hands, its heroic commander and many of his officers being severely wounded by the enemy’s bayonets.

General Greene also had much trouble in saving his cannon, when Count Pulaski’s cavalry being hard-driven by the pursuing British, rode into and scattered Greene’s division.

For two hours and forty minutes the battle waged at the very doors of the inhabitants of Germantown, in their gardens, orchards and fields.

The entire loss sustained by two armies was never accurately determined.

The British did not gain much satisfaction in their victory for they soon abandoned their well-earned fields, and moved within the entrenchments directly north of Philadelphia.

In the year 1779 the lives of Mr. James Wilson, the signer of the Declaration of Independence, and one of the foremost practitioners of that day, and many of his friends, were put in extreme hazard by a band of frenzied partisans, under the pretext of his holding sentiments inimical to popular institutions.

At that time party spirit in Pennsylvania had taken definite shape, and the politicians were divided into Constitutionalists and Republicans. The former rallied around the Constitution of 1776, recently formed, which was reprobated by the Republicans, who believed it tended toward rash, precipitate and oppressive proceedings.

The term Republicans was embraced, as recognizing the principles of the Revolution.

Mr. Wilson was among the leading men of the Republican Party who had agreed that they would not accept of any office or appointment under the Constitution, which, in that case, they would be bound by oath, to support.

This circumstance offended and inflamed the Constitutional Party, and as Mr. Wilson had become counsel for the defense of some suspected traitors, and had succeeded in winning their acquittal, it angered the militiamen of Philadelphia and led to a most serious outrage.

The consequences of a rapidly depreciating currency were distressing to many who were incapable of tracing them to their causes. For example, every tradesman who had engaged in a piece of work felt, when paid for it, that he did not receive, except in name, the amount he had contracted to receive.

Artful and designing incendiaries persuaded many of the sufferers that the evil was owing to the merchants, who monopolized the goods, and to certain lawyers who rescued the tories from punishment, by pleading for them in Court.

Mr. Wilson had become particularly obnoxious. He was in fact a most decided friend of the popular government. He was a native of Scotland, and a Presbyterian, which should certainly stamp him as a friend of those opposed to the British authority.

The affair of “Fort Wilson,” as his house was thereafter known, flowed from this mistaken opinion, of which those who concocted the disgraceful transaction took advantage for party purposes.

September 13, 1779, a committee appointed at a town meeting, regulated the prices of rum, salt, sugar, coffee, flour, etc., a measure which was strongly opposed by the importers.

Robert Morris, Blair McClenochan and John Willcocks and a number of stanch Whigs had a quantity of these articles in their stores which they refused to dispose of at the regulated prices.

About the last of the month, a great number of the lower class collected and marched through the streets, threatening to break open the stores, distribute the goods and punish those who refused to open their warehouses.

On the morning of October 4, placards were posted menacing Robert Morris, Blair McClenochan and many other merchants.

Mr. Wilson was proscribed by the mob for having exercised his professional duty as a lawyer, and the punishment decreed for his crime was banishment to the enemy, yet in New York. But this was not the real cause which produced so lamentable an instance of popular delusion. That was to be found in the superior talents and respectability of the Republican Party.

The gentlemen threatened determined to defend themselves, and with a great number of their friends, to the amount of thirty or forty, took post at the southwest corner of Walnut and Third streets, in a house belonging to and occupied by James Wilson. It was a large old-fashioned brick building, with extensive gardens.

In the house were James Wilson, Robert Morris, Edward Burd, George Clymer, John T. Mifflin, Allen McLane, Sharp Delaney, George Campbell, Paul Beck, Thomas Lawrence, Andrew Robinson, John Potts, Samuel C. Morris, Captain Robert Campbell, General Thomas Mifflin, General Nichols and General Thompson. They were provided with arms but their supply of ammunition was very limited.

While the mob was marching down town, General Nichols and Daniel Clymer proceeded hastily to the arsenal at Carpenters’ Hall and filled their pockets with cartridges, this constituting their entire supply.

In the meantime the mob and militia assembled on the commons, while a meeting of the principal citizens took place at the coffee house. A deputation was sent to prevail on them to disperse, but without effect.

The First Troop of City Cavalry being apprised of what was going forward and anxious for the safety of their fellow citizens, quickly assembled at their stables, a fixed place of rendezvous.

For a time a deceitful calm prevailed; at the hour of noon the members of the troop retired to their respective homes for dinner, and the rebels seized the opportunity to march into the city.

The armed men in the mob amounted to 200, and were commanded by Captain Mills, a North Carolinian; one Falkner, a shipjoiner; Pickering, a tailor, and John Bonham. They marched to the home of Mr. Wilson, with drums beating, and two pieces of cannon. They immediately commenced firing on the house, which was warmly returned by the garrison.

Finding they could make no impression, the mob procured crowbars, sledges and bars, and with them proceeded to force the door. At the critical moment when the door yielded to their efforts, the First City Troop appeared and saved the lives of those in the house.

Many of the mob were arrested and committed to prison, and as the troopers used the sword very freely, many were severely wounded. One man and one boy were killed in the streets. In “Fort Wilson,” Captain Campbell was killed, and General Mifflin and Mr. Samuel C. Morris were wounded.

The Troop patrolled the streets the greater part of the night. The citizens turned out in great numbers and formed a volunteer guard at the powder magazine and the arsenal.

It was some days before order was restored and the First Troop, on account of the active part they had taken in the affair, found it necessary to keep together in small groups, and be on the alert to support each other.

The gentlemen who had comprised the garrison were advised to leave the city where their lives were endangered.

General Mifflin, and about thirty others, accordingly met at Mr. Gray’s home about five miles below Gray’s Ferry, where a council was called, and it was resolved to return to town without any appearance of intimidation.

But it was deemed expedient that Mr. Wilson should absent himself for a time. The others continued to walk as usual in public and attended the funeral of the unfortunate Captain Campbell. For some time each of them, however, was in danger of his life from the sympathizers with the killed and wounded assailants.

Thus ended the disgraceful affair known as the “Mob of 1779” and the “Attack on Fort Wilson.”

Had it not been for the spirited conduct of the First Troop, the lives of many valuable citizens, and genuine Whigs, would have been sacrificed, and an indelible disgrace entailed upon the City of Philadelphia.

The Germans have played a most important part in the history of Pennsylvania, much more conspicuous than has been accorded them. They are the progressive farmers, and leaders in politics, literature and science.

The first great teacher was Pastorius; the first paper mill was established in 1690, on a branch of Wissahickon Creek, by William Rittinghuysen; the Bible was first printed in German, by Christopher Saur, thirty-nine years before it appeared in English; the same enterprising Germans, in 1735, established the first type foundry in America in Germantown and so on, but it is of the establishment of German Town or Germantown which this story is to relate.

The first German emigration was from Crefeld, a city of the lower Rhine. William Penn conveyed 5000 acres in Pennsylvania to each of three merchants of that city, March 10, 1682, one of whom, Jacob Telner, had made a trip to America in 1678–81.

Francis Daniel Pastorius first heard of the Pennsylvania plan in 1682, and became a purchaser of land while in London between the 8th of May and 6th of June, 1683.

Eight original purchasers, November 12, 1686, formed themselves into a company which was called the Frankford Company. Up to June 8, 1683, these persons had purchased 15,000 acres, and they mostly lived in Frankfort, but Pastorius was the only one of the original company who ever came to Pennsylvania.

Thirteen families, comprising thirty-three persons, set out for London, from which city, after many delays, they embarked, July 24, 1683, aboard the Concord.

Of the original purchasers three were Mennonites, and many of the remainder of the party belonged to that sect, so it must be stated that this emigration was also the beginning of that great church in America.

The pioneers had a pleasant voyage and reached Philadelphia October 6. On the 10th of the same month a warrant was issued to Pastorius for 6000 acres “on behalf of the German and Dutch purchasers.” On the 24th, Thomas Fairman measured off fourteen divisions of land, and the next day, meeting together in the cave of Pastorius they drew lots for choice of location.

Under a warrant, 5350 acres were laid out, May 2, 1684, for Pastorius, as trustee for them and future purchasers; in addition 200 acres were laid out for Pastorius in his own right, and 150 acres to Jurian Hartsfelder, a stray Dutchman, who had been a deputy sheriff under Andros in 1676 and who now cast in his lot with the settlers at Germantown.

Immediately after the division in the cave of Pastorius they began to dig cellars and build the huts in which, not without much hardship, they spent the following winter. Thus commenced the settlement of Germantown.

Other emigrants began to appear in the little town, and soon we catch a glimpse of the home life of the early dwellers of Germantown.

Pastorius had no glass, so he made windows of oiled paper.

Bom wrote to Rotterdam October 12, 1684: “I have here a shop of many kinds of goods and edibles. Sometimes I ride out with merchandise, and sometimes, bring something back, mostly from Indians, and deal with them in many things. I have no regular servants except one Negro, whom I bought. I have no rent or tax or excise to pay. I have a cow which gives plenty of milk, a horse to ride around, my pigs increase rapidly, so that in the summer I had seventeen when at first I had only two. I have many chickens and geese, and a garden, and shall next year have an orchard if I remain well, so that my wife and I are in good spirits.”

Bom died before 1689, and his daughter, Agnes, married Anthony Morris, the ancestor of the distinguished family of that name.

The first person to die in the new settlement was Jan Seimens. The first time that fire caused a loss in the village was in 1686. A small church was built that year. It is strange but true, that this was a Quaker meeting house, and also that before 1692 all the original thirteen, except Jan Lensen, had in one way or another been associated with the Quakers.

An event of importance was the arrival of William Rittinghuysen, a Mennonite minister, who with his two sons, Gerhard and Claus, and a daughter, came from Holland. In 1690 he built the first paper mill in America on a branch of the Wissahickon Creek.

On April 18, 1688, Gerhard Hendricks, Dirck Opden Graeff, Francis Daniel Pastorius and Abraham Opden Graeff sent to the Friends’ Meeting the first public protest ever made on this continent against the holding of slaves. There was then started something which became the greatest question of all time in America.

On January 14, 1690, 2950 acres, north of Germantown, were divided into three districts, called Krishelm, Sommerhausen and Crefeld.

The village had now become populous enough to warrant a separate existence, and on May 31, 1691, a charter of incorporation was issued to Francis Daniel Pastorius, bailiff, and four burgesses and six committeemen, with power to hold a court and a market, to admit citizens, to impose fines, and to make ordinances.

It was ordered that “on the 19th of one month in each year the people shall be called together and the laws and ordinances read aloud to them.”

The seal was devised by Pastorius and he honored the weavers by selecting a clover, on one of the leaves being a vine, on another a stalk of flax, and on the third a weaver’s spool.

The corporation continued until January 11, 1707. Newcomers were required to pay £1 for the right of citizenship.

On June 28, 1701, a tax was laid for the building of a prison, erection of a market, and other objects for the public good. The prison preceded the school house, but the interval was not long.

December 30, following, “it was found good to start a school here in Germantown.”Germantown.” Pastorius was the first pedagogue.

As early as January 25, 1694, stocks were erected for the punishment of evildoers.

February 10, 1702, three square perches of land were given to the Mennonites for a church, which edifice was built 1708.

Little did the industrious German of that day think, as he tilled the soil, or worked at his trade, that in after years the countrymen of Penn would be fighting the Quakers and others in that very town, that the streets of Germantown would be reddened by English blood, as it was on that eventful day, October 4, 1777.

The government of Germantown lasted fifteen years. Today this old town is one of the most delightful sections of the old city of Philadelphia.