of the Pisan Cortosa. A critic in Colburn’s New Monthly Magazine (The Nile Basin), remarks, ‘It was when travelling with Burton that Speke first discovered Lake Nyanza, and his less fortunate fellow-traveller seems never to have forgiven the brilliancy of an achievement which left him comparatively in the shade.’ Mean, indeed, must be the man who thus gratuitously imputes the meanest of motives to another! What interest can the leader of an expedition have in reducing his field of exploration, of not doing his best, of not discovering as much as Fate allows him to discover? May he not expect, like the general of an army, at least to share in the glory won by the arms of his lieutenants? Capt. Speke was provided with a gang of 34 guards, servants, and porters: he much wanted the little Shaykh Said, but the latter wept privily at the prospect of meeting death by want and hardship, and I allowed him to remain at Kazeh, lest his intrigues might work mischief. Though my companion was a match for ‘Sidi Bombay,’ he was a child in the hands of the tricky Arab.

Captain Speke made a most spirited march. On August 3rd he sighted the ‘Nyanza Lake,’ to which he gave 3740 feet of altitude; and he returned, after covering in 47 days (June 9th to August 25th) 300 direct and 425 indirect geographical miles. He brought back the information that this great equatorial reservoir was known to the people as Nyanza, a generic term which, like Nyassa, means a sea, a stream, or a lake. Standing 250 feet above its level, he saw 20 to 22 (not ‘over a hundred’) miles of surface, hardly enough to command a liquid horizon between the islets which he called Mazita, Ukerewe, and Majid.

Presently, by comparing Arab accounts, I found in Capt. Speke’s diary sundry uncertainties of detail, such as making Mazita, and perhaps Ukewere, insular instead of peninsular features. Nor could I hear a word beyond the old legend current amongst African tribes, from Somaliland to the Mozambique, touching white men and ships navigating a lake or a river in the interior. The Kazeh people, as I ascertained by consulting them, Knoblecher in hand, equally ignored the familiar tribal names of Nyam-Nyam, Rungo, Mundu, Dor, Jur, Kek, Nuehr, and the Shilluks, West, with the Dinkas, East of the Nile. Their Bari was simply ‘Bahri’—Accolæ of the sea or river. But Capt. Speke had discovered on ‘that broad open lake,’ not only the ‘sources of some great river,’ not only the Palus Orientalis Nili, but ‘The Sources of the Nile’: he had raised the veil of Isis, he had settled for ever the ‘mystery of old Nilus’ origin.’ The subject soon proved too sore for discussion, and evidently at that time my companion began to prepare for a future campaign, by lavishly retouching his maps, and by barring the Upper Tanganyika from any possible connection with the northern basin.

During the second expedition Capt. Speke left Kazeh in May, 1861, and travelled to the N. West, without ever sighting the ‘broad surface.’ Living with King Rumanika of Karagwah, he might have visited it, but he did not. He then turned nearly due north, and on January 28th, 1862, he first viewed, from Mashonde, a water which he instinctively determined to be the Nyanza. In vain the petty chief Makaka (Journal, p. 130) assured him that ‘there were two lakes, and not one’: as vainly others made the Mwerango, or Kafu river, rise from a range in the centre of the so-called lake, and ‘did not know what Nyanza he meant.’ These, and other remarks naïvely recorded, could not disperse foregone conclusions; and the explorer never attempted to ascertain by inspection if his preconceived ideas were correct.

We can therefore accept only the southern part of the Nyanza discovered by Capt. Speke, when I despatched him from Kazeh; and the marshy reed-margined and probably shallow N. Western water, which he sighted in January and July, 1862. The result is a blank occupying nearly 29,900 square miles, and of the recognized and official form of the assumed Victoria Nyanza I may observe, that it is a triangle, whose arms, viewed by one standing at the southern apex, trended N. East and N. West; the extremities, 240 miles distant, being connected arbitrarily by a horizontal base running nearly due East-West a little north of the Equator. Finally, Captain Speke made his own lake a physical impossibility. Within little more than 60 miles from east to west he has given it three main effluents, the Mwerango, the Luajerri, and the Nile or Napoleon channel, to say nothing of the Myo Myanza, the Murchison Creek, the Usoga stream, together with the Asúa river from the Baringo. It is wonderful that our 19th century maps continue to print such a phenomenon. What will posterity say of this magnum opus?

After Captain Speke’s return we debated, in frequent conferences with the Arabs, the advisability of remaining at Kazeh till fresh supplies could be procured from Zanzibar, thus enabling us to visit the northern kingdoms—Karagwah, Uganda, and Unyoro. Our good friends unanimously advised us to reserve the exploration for another journey. The lake was, unlike the Tanganyika, unnavigated; to travel along the S. Eastern shores was, they said, impossible owing to the ferocity of the pastoral tribes, and the mutual jealousies of great despots on the western banks would necessitate a large outfit, and perhaps years of delay. Their advice appearing sound, I applied myself to the ways and means of marching upon Kilwa, thus avoiding a return by the same road, which led us into Unyamwezi. But as the former project was dismissed because we could not depend upon assistance from Zanzibar, so the latter was frustrated by the unmanageable obstinacy of our porters. I wanted exceptional resources for bribing them into compliance, and our leave of absence having ended, it was judged imprudent to attempt that expenditure of time, which in these regions alone compensates for extensive outlay of capital.

The East African Expedition bade adieu to Unyanyembe on Sept. 26, 1858, and after a march eventless except in delays and difficulties caused by desertion and sickness, by the drought and the famine then desolating the land, it reached in early February, 1859, the little maritime village Konduchi. From the slope of red hill we hailed with delight the first gleam of the Indian Ocean, and my companion thanked me with effusion for the efforts which I had made in enabling him to travel with me. Verily ‘there were nights and days before us,’ and we thought little of what presently was to be the consequence!

The results of the East African Expedition of 1857–1859, which, with the aid of many friends—their names will be found in the preceding pages—was organized wholly by myself, may thus be briefly summed up. When ignorant of the country and knowing little of its languages, preceded only by a French officer, who was murdered shortly after he landed, and under other immense disadvantages, especially the deaths of Sayyid Said and Lieut.-Colonel Hamerton, I led the most disorderly of caravans into the heart of Intertropical Africa, and succeeded in discovering the Tanganyika, and the southern portion of what is now called the Victoria Nyanza Lake. The road was thus thoroughly laid open: those who would follow me had only to read vol. xxxi. (Journal of the Royal Geographical Society) and the ‘Lake Regions of Central Africa,’ to learn all they require concerning seasons and sickness, industry and commerce, what outfit and material were necessary, what guides, escort, and porters were wanted, what obstacles might be expected, and what facilities would probably offer themselves. My labours thus rendered easy the ingress of future expeditions, which had only to tread in my steps. Dr Beke, the traveller who deserves all praise for having suggested a feasible way to explore the Nile Sources, kindly found ‘reason to call this emphatically a memorable Expedition.’ My friend Mr Findlay’s estimate is still more flattering: ‘The first East African Expedition has had scant justice done to it of late, seeing that it was the finest harvest, and that by much the most abundant one, of those brilliant discoveries in Eastern Africa so eminently fostered by the Royal Geographical Society.’

One wise in his generation whispered into my ear before returning to England, ‘Boldly assert that you have discovered the source of the Nile—if you are right, tant mieux, if wrong, you will have made your game before the mistake is found out!’ I need hardly explain why the advice was rejected, nor does it befit me to complain that Honesty, in my case at least, has not hitherto proved the best policy. Meruisse satis!

Since these lines were penned Time has again proved himself the Avenger. The valuable notes on the Geography of Eastern Africa forwarded by Mr Wakefield enable me to show, almost with a certainty, that the 29,900 square miles assigned as the area to the ‘Victoria Nyanza’ contain at least four, and probably a greater number, of separate waters.

Mr Keith Johnston, jun., who appended remarks to the paper in question, observes (p. 333) that ‘the arguments which Captain Burton used in recommending a division of the Nyanza had not a sufficient basis of proof to give them moment, is shown by the acceptance of the lake as one sheet of water by the whole geographical world.’ The mapper will readily understand that it is much more convenient to have a lake neatly traced, and painted sky-blue like the Damascus swamps, than to split it up as I did: a volume published by the late Mr Macqueen and myself (The Nile Basin. London: Tinsleys, 1864) gave a sketch of what was actually seen by the second expedition, and the aspect of disjecta membra is not inviting. Afterwards, however (p. 334), Mr Johnston remarks, ‘Captain Burton’s recommendation would seem to receive some slight support from the new information obtained by Mr Wakefield,’ to which I add that the language might have been less hesitating. The ‘Notes on the Geography of Eastern Africa’ establish the existence of two new lakes.

The first is that which we named from hearsay, Bahari ya Ngo or Bahari Ngo (Sea, i. e. water of Ngo): Mr Wakefield prefers ‘Baríngo, or canoe,’ possibly so called from its form.^[60] Route No. 5, from ‘Lake Nyanza’ to Lake Baringo, proves conclusively that Lake Baringo is not a vast salt marsh, or perhaps a sort of back-water, ‘connected with the Victoria Nyanza by a strait, at the same distance from the East of Ripon Falls as the Katonga river is to the West.’ Nor is it a lake without effluent: in this matter it has evidently been confused with the lately heard of saline Lake Naïrvasha or Balibali, S. West of Doenyo Ebor (Mont Blanc), alias Kenia. Native report supplies it with the Northern Nyarus, an outfall, the old Thumbiri or Tubirih, and Meri, afterwards called Usua, and Asua, the latter two words probably corrupted from Nyarus.

Far more important, however, is the new lake which Mr Wakefield’s informant, Sadi bin Ahedi, ignoring Nyanza, calls ‘Nyanja’ and ‘Bahari ya Pili,’ or second Sea, not, as we are expressly warned, because inland of the first sea or Indian Ocean, but clearly because leading to a first, and, lastly, called ‘Bahari ya Ukára,’ this being the name of the region on the East shore. Here we at once detect the origin of the ancient Garava, and the modern Ukerewe which the Wanyamwezi applied to the oriental portion of the supposed ‘Victoria Nyanza.’ Respecting the width of the Nyanja or Ukára Lake, Sadi declared that it could be crossed by canoes in 6 full days, paddling from sunrise to sunset, and that if the men went right on, night and day, the voyage was accomplished in three days. But the native craft used upon those dangerous mountain waters never dare to cross them: the voyager may rush over the narrow parts of the Tanganyika, but nothing would induce him to attempt the physical impossibility of navigating without chart or compass beyond reach and sight of shore. It is an absurdity to suppose a canoe-cruise across; it is evident that a coasting-cruise is meant. The total hours, assuming the day to be 12 without halts, would amount to 72. Upon the Tanganyika I estimated the rate at little more than 2 knots an hour, which would make in round numbers 140 miles. Protracting this course from Bahari-ni, Sadi’s terminus on the Eastern shore, at the rate of 3 knots an hour, and without allowing for the windings of the shore, the end would strike the entrance of ‘Jordan Nullah,’ off the ‘Bengal Archipelago.’ But even 140 miles require reduction: an estimate of the mean amount of error distributed over the whole of Mr Wakefield’s Routes gives an exaggeration of 1.24 : 1; and of course when laying down the length of these distant and dangerous cruises exaggeration would be excessive. We may therefore fairly assume the semi-circumference of the Ukara Lake at 120 miles, and the total circumference at 240.

As regards its breadth we read (p. 310): ‘Standing on the eastern shore Sadi said he could descry nothing of land in a western direction except the very faint outline of a mountain summit far, far away on the horizon.’ This passage is valuable. The level and sandy eastern shore of the Ukara or Nyanja Lake about Bahari-ni, where Sadi sighted it, is in E. long. (G.) 35° 15′. The easternmost, that is to say, the nearest point of the Karagwah highlands, or, as Captain Speke writes it, Karague, is in E. long. (G.) 32° 30′. Thus the minimum width is 165 miles, while man’s vision would hardly cover a score. Here, again, we have room for a double instead of a single lake. When Sadi declared that he ‘travelled 60 days (marches?) along the shore without perceiving any signs of its termination,’ he spoke wildly, as Africans will, and when he reported that the natives with whom he conversed were unable to give him any information about its northern or southern limit, we can only infer that in those parts of the African interior neither tribes nor individuals trust themselves in strange lands, especially when they had a chance of meeting the Wasuku. A lake 120 direct geographical miles in length, that is to say, a little shorter than the Baringo is supposed to be, will amply satisfy all requirements in this matter. Finally, if Sadi’s report be correct, namely, that eight or nine years ago (before 1867?) a large vessel with sails, and a crew of white egg-eaters—Africans have learnt by some curious process to connect Europeans with oöphagy—navigated the waters, it is evident that this lake cannot be Captain Speke’s Nyanza, and that the visitors cannot have made it viâ his ‘White Nile,’ with its immense obstructions. But it may be that of which he heard (Journal, p. 333) from the ‘Kidi officers,’ who reported a high mountain to rise behind the Asua (Nyarus?) river, and the existence of a lake navigated by the Gallas in very large vessels. We now understand why King Mtesa (p. 294) offered to send the traveller home in one month by a frequented route, doubtless through the Wamasai and the other tribes living between the Nyanja and the Nyanza. Thus Irungu, Chief of Uganda, expressed his surprise (Journal, p. 187) that Captain Speke had come all the way round to Uganda when he could have taken the short and safe direct route—across the middle of his lake—viâ Umasai and Usoga, by which an Arab caravan had travelled.

The third water is evidently the Nyanza, of which I first heard at Kazeh, whence Captain Speke was despatched on a reconnoitre between July 9th and August 25th, 1858. After returning, he reported that this water, being nearly flush with the surface of the level country to the south, bears signs of overflowing for some 13 miles during the rains. The second expedition showed no traces of flood on the marshy lands to the north and N. West of the lake. This fact, combined with 400 feet difference of level in the surface of the ‘Victoria Nyanza,’ speaks for itself. We are justified in suspecting a fourth lake, along whose banks Capt. Speke travelled northwards to Uganda: and there must be more than one, if all his effluents be correctly laid down.

Briefly to resume. Mr Wakefield’s very valuable notes teach us—

1. That the Baringo is a lake distinct from the ‘Victoria Nyanza,’ with a northern effluent, the Nyarus, and therefore it is fresh water.

2. That the Nyanja, Ukara, Ukerewe, Garawa, or Bahari ya Pili, is a long, narrow formation, perhaps 30 miles broad, with 240 miles of circumference, and possibly drained to the Nile by a navigable channel.

3. That the Nyanza is a water, probably a swamp, but evidently distinct from the two mentioned above, flooding the lands to the south, showing no signs of depth, and swelling during the low season of the Nile, and vice versâ.

And finally we cannot but conclude that the Northern and N. Western portions of the so-called ‘Victoria Nyanza’ must be divided into three independent broads or lakes, one of them marshy, reed-margined, and probably shallow, in order to account for the three effluents within a little more than 60 miles.

NOTE.

I have printed, as an Appendix to Volume I., a paper which was read out by me before the Royal Geographical Society, on Monday, December 11, 1871. It dwells at greater length upon the interesting theme here sketched, and it enters into certain philological details which may be interesting to students of Kisawahili.

The Zanzibar coast was, at the time of our return to it, in a very uncomfortable state. Cholera, for the first time, had swept southwards from Arabia, decimating the East African population between Unguja and Kilwa. Political troubles were rife, within as well as from without. Sayyid Suwayni, pretexting unpaid arrears of tribute, was reported to be embarking a host of Bedawin brigands upon five ships and sundry Arab craft. It was an act of madness, with cholera and small-pox on board; and, the coast not being open for provisions and water, the invaders, even if left to themselves, were safe to succumb by dribblets. Yet not the less were the Baloch stations drained of mercenaries, whilst 7000 muskets, with an amount of ammunition which made the city dangerous, were distributed to the slaves and other ruffians. Daus ran down from Hadramaut crowded with armed adventurers, all in the market to fight for the best pay. Sayyids Jamshid and Hamdan, two of the young princes, had died of small-pox, which killed the rich as cholera carried off the poor. Sayyid Barghash, another brother of the Prince regnant, and now his successor, becoming Yaghi (rebellious), made a demonstration at the Palace gate with a herd of black musketeers: the Súri Arabs, however, armed themselves, and the serviles fled into the sea, throwing away weapons and ammunition. Sayyid Sulayman was on the square, but the turbulent Harisi chiefs held a review of 2000 black musketeers, and 200 ‘light bobs’ carrying bows and arrows: they maintained an attitude of armed neutrality which threatened mischief to the weaker of the rival brothers. Trade was paralyzed, the foreign merchants lost severely, not less than 80 native craft from Bombay and the North were still expected at the end of the season; and, to complete the confusion, the coast suddenly became subject to the action of ‘l’Émigration libre.’

Despite the untoward situation, I still resolved to visit Southern Zanzibar, and to explore, if fortune would favour us, the Nyassa, or Kilwa Lake. The first step was to dismiss from Konduchi the Baloch guard and the ‘Sons of Ramji:’ the monocular Jemadar shed crocodile-tears as he and his mob departed, begging gunpowder; and my heart felt lighter than it had during many a day. By a casual boat, I wrote to Zanzibar for drugs and medical comforts, necessaries and supplies, and lastly for a vessel engaged at the Consulate to sail down along shore.

During the six days of delay at Konduchi we occupied a neat hut under the care of the Diwan, ‘Mtu Mku Wambele’ and the good Banyan Premji. We strengthened ourselves by high living, by sea-baths, and by shower-baths in the heavy rain; and we had another hard tussle with the hippopotamus. The nights were remarkably fresh and comfortable; the day-sky was milky white, and a glance at the cool celadon colour of the islet-studded sea was itself a refrigerant. We found nothing remarkable in the village, another Sa’adani: its site is the usual glaring white sand-strip, setting off tall cocoas, that wave in the fine sea-breeze, and mangroves bathed by the flood tides. The coast-colours contrast well with the red ochreous earth of the Mrima, two steep raised beaches which back the jungly flat, and command a view of Zanzibar Island.

One day we were surprised by the abrupt entrance of a youth, eminently North German in aspect, with sandy hair, smooth face, and protruding eyes, flat occiput and projecting ears. He announced himself as Dr Albrecht Roscher, of Hamburg, and he made himself doubly welcome by bringing from Zanzibar the wished-for supplies, letters, and newspapers—for 18 months we had not looked upon a white face save the Albino, or a new print in any form but that of a Low Church tract.

The traveller, who appeared at most 22, applied himself forthwith to the magnetic survey, for which he had been engaged by the Prussian Government. A visit to Mozambique, and a run up coast, had taught him everything learnable about East Africa. He despised the dangers of climate, against which he was cautioned: having hitherto escaped fever, he held himself malaria-proof, and he especially derided our advice about not wandering over the country unarmed. He lauded to the skies his fellow-townsman Dr Barth. He severely criticised Dr Livingstone; he patronized, in a comical way, Herr Petermann; he highly extolled his own book;^[61] and he wrote to Zanzibar—so we afterwards heard—a far from flattering estimate of our qualifications as travellers. He stayed with us two days, and then departed northwards, intending to make Mbweni, the Booamy or Bovamee of Dr Krapf, the village at the mouth of the Panga-ni river. Thence he crossed to Zanzibar Island, and, after scant preparations, he landed at Kilwa: in 1859 he marched through Uhiao upon the Nyassa water. He reached it after long delays, caused by almost constant illness, on November 19, 1859, about two months after Dr Livingstone, who first saw it on Sept. 16. As he was walking without weapons, two of his four Africans shot their arrows into his back. This happened in S. lat. 12° 40′, and at a short distance from the lake’s eastern shore. The assassins were sent in irons to Zanzibar by the chief of the country, who feared retribution, and on August 23rd, 1860, Captain Grant saw them beheaded outside the Fort.

On February 10, 1859, we set sail in the shabbiest of Batelas with a cabin like a large drawer, hot as a native hut, and full of vermin. The skipper had neglected to lay in wood and ballast, we heeled over unpleasantly, and the drinking water stood in an open cask, no joke, considering that the action of a special infectant was to be feared, and that the germs of cholera poison are so easily conveyed in liquids and in dust. Two of the ‘sons of water’ at once died of the disease, two others were taken ill, and Caetano appeared to be sickening. The latter recovered, but after three days our crew of seven was reduced to three, including one, Taufiki, who survived the attack, and who regained health at Kilwa. We could do nothing but bury the unfortunates, so sudden and foudroyant were the attacks, and the scanty personnel was not good for much amongst bad reefs.

Our course lay past the settlements of Msásáni and Mágogoni and the little Mbwezi river to Mbuámáji, ‘rain water,’ in the Mission map called Mburomaji, and vulgarly Boromaji. The little port-village with jungle rolling up to the walls, and anchorage defended by the Sinda Islets, is a favourite entrance to the East African interior. South of this point the coast people are called Watu wa Rufiji, or Rufiji folk. The next night was passed in an open roadstead off Rási ya Ndege—Bird Point—the S. Western portal of the Zanzibar channel, a well-wooded red rise. We then coasted along a low and forested shore sighting Ra’as Kimbizi and Point Puna, which can hardly be called Point or Cape. Khwale (partridge) Island, a link in the long chain of little ‘inches’^[62] which runs parallel with the coast to Kilwa, showed the usual physiognomy, coralline ledges, yellow sands, and tufted verdant trees: the pretty little patch is said to abound in hippos. Koma, the next inhabited islet, gave us a few cocoas, but no game; the people, serviles from Kilwa, would not answer our questions without bakhshish. The next day saw us fighting against a strong northerly current, and a sharp struggle was required to make the Kisima-ni (the well of) Máfiyah.^[63]

The watering-place lies on the westernmost point of Mafiyah, in our maps Monfia, and not to be pronounced with Mr Cooley ‘Mofiji;’ it is the longest island in the Southern Archipelago of the Zangian Seas, and ranking after Zanzibar and Pemba. The anchorage was smooth and deep, allowing the largest ships to ride in safety, and the abysses around it are as usual unfathomed. Pits a few hundred yards from the sea supply the casks with water of a quality somewhat better than usual. The tree-clad island is flat and sandy; its growth is by no means so luxuriant as that of its greater sisters, and the population appears to be scanty. We saw no wild animals but a black monkey and a guinea-fowl. The mean breadth of the Manche is here 9 miles,^[64] and the bottom is said to be very foul.

Opposite Mafiyah lies the Delta of the Rufiji, Lufiji, or Ufiji river, the Loffih, Luffia, or Loffia of older maps, which was made by them to issue from a great lake: it is a reduced copy of the Zambeze farther south, and a waterway worth exploring, as possibly the future high road of nations into Eastern Africa. The people declare that boats can ascend it for a month, and larger craft for a week—this appears, however, doubtful. The stream, then flooding, overflowed its banks, and its line was marked by heavy purple nimbi with hangings and curtains of grey rain. We anchored off Sumanga, an open roadstead, about four miles south of the embouchure: here the land is low, and the village, on account of the high tides, is built a good mile from the water. It contains some large huts, and the people supplied us with milk, rice, sugar, and custard apples. Cattle, though plentiful, is subject, they say, to murrain, and must often change air. Here probably the Tsetse fly is common, as at Kilwa, where I found a fine specimen, afterwards deposited in the British Museum. At that time its habitat was unduly limited northward to the Valley of the Zambeze river: in after years I met with it upon the coast of Guinea, and MM. Antinori and Piaggia observed it amongst the Jurs of the Upper Nile, whilst Sir Samuel Baker saw it in the country of the ‘Latookas,’ 110 miles east of Gondokoro (N. lat. 4° 55′). It will probably be found scattered in patches, especially of lowland virgin-forest, throughout Intertropical Africa.

M. Guillain, again by solely considering distance, would place Rhapta, ‘the last mart of Azania,’ at the ‘embouchure de l’Oufidji;’ while the older geographers prefer Kilwa. Ptolemy, I have said, mentions three places of that name, to the north a river in E. long. 72° and S. lat. 7°; a city in E. long. 71° and S. lat. 7°, therefore lying up stream and one degree to the west, and lastly the Rhapta Promontory, in E. long. 73° 30′ 20″ and S. lat. 8° 20′ 5″. I believe them, for reasons given in vol. I. chap. v., to be the Rufiji river, Old Kilwa, and Cape Delgado. Local tradition preserves no trace of an emporium lying up the stream, nor would so exposed a locality have been chosen by the older traders, who invariably preferred the shelter of islands. Dr Livingstone (near Lake Bangweolo, South Central Africa, July, 1868) proposes the Rovuma—so he writes the word Rufuma—as the probable position of Ptolemy’s river Rhapta. This has the same disadvantage as the Rufiji—it places an important point or points at an unimportant site.

We had no sweeps to make head against the river, even for a few miles, and all dissuaded us from attempting exploration at this season. According to the Banyan Jetha, who declared that he had lived 20 years hereabouts, the stream takes its name from the Rufiji village, a little way up its course. He moreover asserted that some 15 days ago a Banyan had been plundered when travelling to the interior, that the Washenzi (savages) were dangerous, and nowise under the authority of Zanzibar; and, finally, that white men would want letters from the Wali of Kilwa, addressed to three Diwans in the Rufiji village B’ánás Hasi, Kangayya and Furiyya, with two up-country sultans, Monga and Dumbo.

The next feature was the low islet of Chole, rich in cattle and hippos: here the Mtepe-craft is superiorly made, as are also the Chinese-like dish covers (Káwá) of dyed and plaited straw. It was followed by the comparatively large and inhabited island, Songo-Songo—the Songa-Songa of M. Rebmann. Here I heard one of the men use a Persian phrase with Kisawahili termination—‘Tumbak nísti’ (for níst), there is no tobacco: it reminded me of a Kentish woman threatening to ‘frap’ her child. Thence about noon (Feb. 15) we sighted Kilwa Kivinjya. It lies at bottom of a broad shallow bay broken by juttings from the land, and backed by high rolling ground, cleared for mashamba and orange orchards. The mangrove-belted sea ebbs about half a mile, and flows right up to the buildings: we ran close in, and before the tide was out we propped ourselves, like our neighbours, with strong poles.

Captain Owen learned, considerably to his mortification, that there were two Kilwas—he might have said half-a-dozen. The name, by the people generally called Kirwa, but never Kulwa as in Ibn Batuta—probably a clerical error—was originally applied to the island; now it is that of a district, not of a place. Hence we find in Abu Saíd (13th cent.) the Island of Kilwa containing three cities, all built upon the banks of rivers. The settlements are separated by Khírán, or salt-water inlets, stretching through mangrove-swamps, which often extend many miles inland. Native vessels enter and quit them with the flow, and remain high and dry at the ebb, whilst cutting wood and making salt. Upon the N. West of the Bay, distant about five miles, is Majinjera, streamlet and settlement, of which Mr Cooley erroneously says, ‘It is the island commonly known as Kilwa.’^[65] It is separated by a promontory from its neighbours, Ugoga, Mayungi-yungi, and Kivafi or Kivavi: hence doubtless the Cuavo of Pigafetta, the ’Fiume Coavo che sbocca a Quiloa created by Giovanni Botero, and the Suabo supposed to have a common origin with the Zambezean Shire. It is the Geographer of N’yassi’s imaginary Quavi, or river of Kilwa, a branch of the Lufiji, and ‘reported to descend from the Zébé, that is Ziwa in Sawâhili, or the Lake.’ But unhappily there is no Kilwa river, any more than a ‘Mombas river.’ The fabled stream is a mere ‘Khor,’ like that near the Mayungi-yungi village,^[66] and a surface drain running for a few miles. The next and the most important is Kilwa Kivinjya, or Mgongeni, in the map Kibendji, and Kevingi in the ‘Geographer,’ who erroneously calls it Old Kilwa, whereas it was built (in S. lat. 8° 42′ 59″) by the Islanders when flying from the fleet of the late Sayyid Said. Adjoining this to the south is Tekwiri (not Tekiri), the Tekewery of Owen and the Tikewery of Horsburg: here are the ruins of an older Kilwa. Lastly, and about 12 direct geographical miles farther south (S. lat. 8° 57′ 12″), is Kilwa Kisiwá-ni, the island upon which remnants of mosques and other buildings are found: the Geographer confounds it with Tekiri. Such are the half-dozen settlements which have in turn been known as Kilwa, a name confined in modern days to Kivinjya.

Kivinjya, the settlement, is surrounded by mangrove-swamps, with scatters of tall cocoas, which the wind snubs. The long narrow line, disposed somewhat in Brazilian style, shows nothing but country huts, except a large masonry-built Custom House called a Fort. There is a bazar garnished with the usual shops, which supply amongst other things Epsom salts, empty bottles, peppermint water, and Eau de Cologne. The prices were high—here the rupee becomes a dollar: we were asked 0.75 cents for a common umbrella worth 0.30, and $2.50 for 12 cubits of domestics. Provisions were scarcely procurable,—two ships lying in the offing had raised lean chickens from six to three per dollar; sheep are here brought from the Rufiji river, goats from the Washenzi of the interior, and black cattle from Chole Island.

The once wealthy and important trade of Kilwa is now in the hands of a few Arabs, 53 Hindus, and about 100 Hindostanis—Kojahs, Mehmans, and Borahs. Of the Banyans none had died by cholera: the Indian Moslems had lost 11 or 12. An old Hindostani kindly housed us in a neat, clean dwelling with matted floor, white mattresses rolled up in the corners, black-wood writing-desks in the niches, pictures of men with gigantic moustaches on the walls, an old wooden clock still ticking, and two noble tusks of Uhiao ivory, bearing the purchaser’s mark. The tenement was not so pleasant outside: it was invested with a mass of filth, the sea washed up impurities to the very palisades, and farther out the bay-water was covered with a brown scum of sickening taint. We were presently visited by the very civil and obliging Wali, Sayf bin Ali, an old traveller to Unyamwezi: the people being greatly demoralized, he ordered our lodgings to be guarded at night. Yarok, the Jemadar of Baloch, also confided to us his desire of becoming C. O.: the step was vacant by cholera, and many of his men had lost the number of their mess.

After seeing and smelling Kilwa I did not wonder that cholera during the last 15 days had killed off half the settlement. According to the people, it was the first attack ever known to East Africa: that which decimated Maskat in July, 1821, did not extend to Zanzibar. They agreed that it came down in vessels from Zanzibar: all held it highly infectious, as indeed under the circumstances it certainly was; hands would not ship on board our Batela, and at first no one would even visit us. They declared the disease to be dying out, yet the wealthier classes still clung to their mashamba, where the water is good and clean as it is filthy in the towns; and hyænas walked the streets at night.

Accustomed to face cholera since my childhood, I never saw even in Italy, in India, or in Sind, such ravages as it committed at Kilwa. Soil and air seemed saturated with poison, the blood appeared predisposed to receive the influence, and the people died like flies. Numbers of patients were brought to us, each with the ominous words, ‘He has the death;’ and none hardly had energy to start or wince at what would under other conditions have frightened them out of their senses. They sometimes walked two miles to see us; the only evil symptoms were dull congested eyes, cold breath, and a thready feeble pulse, which in the worst cases almost refused to beat. After the visit they would return home on foot, lie down and expire in a collapse, without cramps orcramps or convulsions, emesis, or other effort of nature to relieve herself. Life seemed to have lost all its hold upon them. Of course we were the only doctors, and our small stock of ether and brandy were soon exhausted; the natives, however, treated the complaint sensibly enough with opium and Mvinyo, spirits locally distilled, and did not, like the Anglo-Indian surgeon, murder patients with mercury, the lancet, and the chafing-dish.

There were hideous sights about Kilwa at that time. Corpses lay in the ravines, and a dead negro rested against the walls of the Custom House. The poorer victims were dragged by the leg along the sand, to be thrown into the ebbing waters of the bay; those better off were sewn up in matting, and were carried down like hammocks to the same general depôt. The smooth oily water was dotted with remnants and fragments of humanity, black and brown when freshly thrown in, patched, mottled, and parti-coloured when in a state of half pickle, and ghastly white, like scalded pig, when the pigmentum nigrum had become thoroughly macerated. The males lay prone upon the surface, diving as it were, head downwards, when the retiring swell left them in the hollow water; the women floated prostrate with puffed and swollen breasts—I have lately seen this included amongst ‘vulgar errors.’ Limbs were scattered in all directions, and heads lay like pebbles upon the beach: here I collected the 24 skulls afterwards deposited in the Museum of the Royal College of Surgeons, and which it is said (Journal Anthro. Soc. No. 28, xli.) Professor Busk is now investigating. They were gathered at random; doubtless they belonged to both sexes, and they represented chiefly the slave population. The latter is here mainly recruited by the Wahiao, the Wagao, the Wamwera, the Wangindo, the Makonda, the Wakomango, the Wadoka, the Wakhwinde, and the other tall stout races lying between Kilwa and the Nyassa Lake. It will not be easy to forget one spectacle,—the lower portion of some large strong man, whose legs had parted at the knees, came again and again, persistent as the flood, up to the very walls of our dwelling, and bowing with the ripple, it seemed to claim acquaintance with us.

There was no subsequent attack of cholera on the Zanzibar coast till early 1870, when one-third of the native population was reported to have been swept away. In six weeks, besides 13 out of the score which composed the European and American residents at Unguja, 10,000 people perished in the city, 30,000 on the Island: at Kilwa there were 200 daily deaths amongst the slaves, and the survivors found no purchasers at $1 a head. This visitation is supposed to have come from the interior, appearing first at Panga-ni; yet, curious to relate, it again went inland viâ Bagamoyo, and extended to Ugogo, where ivory was left on the road and caravans were stopped by ‘the death.’

Kilwa makes from £5000 to £20,000 per annum by the tax upon wild slaves. The market is supplied chiefly by the tribes living about the Nyassa Lake, the Wahiáo, as I have said, being preferred to all others, and some may march for a distance of 400 miles. After this long journey they reach the coast where they exported in the following numbers, according to the Custom House of Kivinjya:—

The next process is either the short voyage in Daus or native craft to Zanzibar Island, or the long passage to Turkish Arabia, the Red Sea, Persia, and the N. Zangian coast. At present they make some half the journey without being molested by British cruisers, but this portion of the treaty will probably be modified. Slaves liberated from the Daus were—and are still—taken to the Seychelles, a dependency of the Mauritius, or to Aden and Bombay, at a heavy cost to the Imperial Exchequer. The mortality of the captives on the march, throughout Africa as far as my knowledge extends, is immensely overrated, except in case of cholera or small-pox, at 1 : 5, or even 1 : 10. The fact is, that the mortality on the Kilwa-Nyassa line is excessive, because the negroes fight, and the ‘chattels’ run away. Where I am personally acquainted with it the loss of slaves on the down-march does not exceed that of freemen, and the latter when poor have less chance than the valuable property.

In the outer roads, at the time of our visit, lay a French six-gun schooner, l’Estafette, with loose rigging, no flamme, and only one white face visible on deck. ‘Frenchman good only to steal men,’ said the people of Kilwa: the vessel, however, was escorting a ‘free emigrant ship,’ in plain English, a slaver, which rode three miles out, and which was taking in ‘casimir noir’ for Bourbon. Many of the crew braved the danger of cholera, and came on shore. I saw the captain, and was not a little surprised when recognizing him some years afterwards on his own quarterdeck during a voyage to ——. He hinted that the spec. had been of the best that he had ever made, and no wonder. During the death-in-life above described Banyans and Baloch, Arabs and Africans, all began to sell their surviving slaves, and an A. B. adult could be bought for a maximum of $6—‘what a price for the noblest work of God!’ Kidnapping was also common,—three men were shown to me who had lately escaped from Angazijeh or Great Comoro.

A few words upon ‘free labour,’ the latest and most civilized form of slavery in East and West Africa. The Imperial Government, doubting nothing, authorized their colonies of Bourbon, Mayotte, and Nosi-bé to import from East Africa the Coolies, whom we export from Western India to the Mauritius. The plan was weak: constrained free labour is a contradiction, and the system was foully perverted by the people of Bourbon, at that time the least worthy, perhaps, of the colonies of France. They required a total of 100,000 head to begin with, and a biennial item of 10,000 for contingencies. Within 18 months about 47,000 were embarked for the African coasts, and the free emigration was managed thus wise. Slave owners taught their chattels a nod of assent to every question proposed, and brought them before the French agent, who, in his own tongue, asked the candidate if he was willing to serve as a free labourer for so many years. A ‘bob’ and a scratch upon a contract-paper consigned the emigrant to a ship anchored so far out that he could not save himself by swimming. The freemen sometimes threw themselves overboard, with the idea that once in the sea they would be carried back to their country: under these circumstances, the older slavers used mostly to shoot them in the water. The modern style of levanting was tried at Aden with great success by the Somal, who swim like fishes. The ouvrier libre was at once put in irons till the hour for sailing came. The usual price of slaves being on the coast $7 to $10, the agents satisfied the trader by paying $14: the scruples of the Portuguese governors were quieted by the usual fee, equivalent to the value of the purchase, and four additional crowns were distributed amongst the Custom House officers. Thus the total price of the engagé freeman was $32 (= £6 5s.). Arrived at Bourbon, Messieurs les Sauvages were politely informed that they were no longer slaves, and they were at once knocked down to the highest bidder. They were worked 15 or 16 hours a day; their pay was $2 per mensem, hardly sufficient to support life; and when they fell sick their miserable pittance was cut. The expiration of the engagement-period found them heavily in debt, without the hope of working off their liabilities; and seven years of hard labour at Bourbon might be considered almost certain death. When the idea of travailleurs libres was detailed to the Sayyid Said, he treated it as a mauvaise plaisanterie: the coast people also unanimously rejected the liberal offer of free men becoming slaves for $2 a month. The French Consul, M. de Beligny, was at first strongly opposed to the system: a few weeks at Bourbon changed, it seems, his opinion. His successor, M. Ladislas Cochet, energetically and conscientiously rejected all compromise. Bourbon might easily supply herself with Coolies, as the Mauritius does, by paying $4 per mensem, by treating the labourer well, and by ordering him a passage home after three or four years, whether in debt or not. It was, however, I believe, a mistake on our part to purchase the putting down of this system by permitting the French to enlist Coolies in Hindostan. This country wants every hand born within its limits: strangers viewing the densely crowded ports, the capitals, the chief cities and their neighbourhoods, are apt to believe the vast and wealthy peninsula over-populated, when it abounds in tracts of primeval forest, through which a man may march a fortnight without seeing a human being. Our first duty is evidently to the land which belongs to us.

I was the more careful minutely to report the free emigration system on account of an egregious deceit successfully passed off upon one of our officials. In 1856 a certain M. Lambert, agent at Aden for the house of Messrs Menon, Lambert, et Com^ie, of the Mauritius Steam Navigation Company, persuaded the Political Resident, Lieut.-Colonel Coghlan, that Zanzibar annually exported 49,000 slaves to Berberah, Zayla, Tajurrah, and the ports of Arabia and Southern Asia. This more than doubled the greatest number annually imported into the Island: and the latter no longer publicly exported slave-cargoes, although many ran away to seek fortune in India, whilst far more were kidnapped by the northern Arabs. In fact, it confounded Zanzibar Island with the whole coast of Eastern Africa, whose ports, especially those about Kilwa, were supported almost wholly by the slave trade. Lieut.-Colonel Coghlan had been long enough at Aden to know that Berberah, Zayla, and Tajurrah are slave-exporting as well as importing markets, and that every native craft sailing up coast always declares itself to be from ‘the Sawáhil,’ or, if that word be not understood, from Zanzibar. At the time when my first report was written an agent of the same Messrs Lambert was waiting passage at Kilima-ni with 1000 travailleurs libres: many of the wretches had died of the famine which had devastated the southern coast, and the speculator complained that he had lost $20,000 to $30,000. The same M. Lambert, in 1857, visited Tananarive, persuading poor Madame Ida Pfeiffer to accompany him: his object was not so much to ‘depose,’^[67] as to dispose of, the old Queen, who was to be succeeded by a person more amenable to Christianity and French influence: the premature discovery of the plot caused the death of the lady who twice journeyed round the world. She had proposed accompanying me to the Lake Regions; but to travel with a grandmother would have been too compromising. Another grandmother volunteered from India; in fact, it appeared then my fate to have fallen upon grandmothers.

The ‘emigration’ had been strictly forbidden by the Imperial Government between her colonies and Madagascar. But ‘Delhi is distant.’ Lately (1857) a Bourbon ship, commanded by a French captain, touched at Boyannah Bay to embark 100 engagés, and took on board some 87 Sakalawas, who had been stolen from the interior. These men rose up whilst the commander was on shore completing his tale, murdered the crew, beheaded and quartered the captain’s son, a mere boy, ran the ship upon a reef, and escaped. Even since that massacre another French ship from Nosi-bé sailed for Boyannah Bay and its ill-omened vicinity.

The climate of Kilwa is bad and depressing: the people appeared to suffer from severe sores, and their aspect was eminently unhealthy—want of cleanliness is undoubtedly part cause. All complain that the air is dry^[68] and costive, producing frequent agues and fevers, that sleep is heavy, not sound, and that in the morning they awake unrefreshed. Our small ailments increased, and my companion’s sight became much weaker. After a fine cool breeze, like that of the S. West monsoon, on the night of February 17 burst a furious storm, with large-dropped rains, more violent than during the regular wet season; the lightning was unusually pink (the effect of excessive nitrogen ?), the thunder seemed to roll close upon the roof, and the wind blew in the bamboo lattices of our dwelling-place. The outburst subsided on the morning of the 18th; the sky, however, remained overcast, and did not allow an observation of the sun. On the next day there were two fierce gales, with raw gusts strong enough to swamp a boat, and when they ended the weather became close and muggy with occasional chilling blasts. Heavy clouds ran before the wind, and steady rain set in from the south: the change of weather seemed to modify the cholera, and the health of the town at once improved.

On February 20 we proceeded to inspect the ruins of ancient Kilwa Kisimá-ni. A fine crisp breeze carried us out of the fetid harbour, through the floating carcases, and the larger craft that lay about a mile and a half from the land. The bay is here planted with four or five extensive Wigo, or fish weirsweirs, stockades submerged at high tide, and detaining the fish when the waters ebb. The people of Kilwa are ichthyophagists, and the slaves usually bring the supply at 3 P. M. in their little Ngarawas; now, however, the fishermen are dead, and the citizens avoid eating what is supposed to prey upon Mizoga, or carrion.

We hugged the shore to get dead water: here, according to the pilots, during the N. East monsoon there is a current setting to the east, and this trend, during the S. West monsoon, is deflected to the N. West. After expending six hours upon the 12.25 miles south of mainland Kilwa, we reached the Island, and landed on the N. Western side to inspect the Fort. An inscription over the entrance dates it from Muharram 23, A. H. 1231, therefore only 44 years old (1857); but evidently, like those of Unguja and Chak Chak, it is a Portuguese foundation restored. The building is now a mere dickey, with three shells of towers standing, and the fourth clean gone; the bastions are crenellated in the Arab fashion, and one has a port-hole for cannon. A few long iron carronades, possibly Lusitanian, lay upon the ground, and the entrance was shaded by a noble ‘Persian Almond,’ large leaved as the Almendreiras (Sterculiæ) which adorn Pernambuco.^[69] Huge sycamores and tamarisks were scattered around, and the luxuriant vegetation had in places breached the defences; the trees shaded the huts, and the carpeted earth benches upon which the Baloch garrison lolled and played at Báo—cups and counters.

As the next morning was windless, we set out in a four-oared boat to visit the western shore of the Island. The latter is a low flat breakwater of sand and coralline about five miles long, defending a fine deep sea-arm, land-locked on both sides: the entrance is from east to west. The northern arm has only seven to eight feet depth, ships therefore must prefer Pactolus Gap between Kilwa Island and Songo Mnárá. On the Barr el Moli, or mainland at the bottom of the bay to the south, is the Mavuji Creek, so called from the district through which it passes, and higher up, where hippopotami are numerous, it receives the Mtera streamlet. Ten days’ marching southwards (about 120 direct geographical miles) lead to the Rufuma river.^[70] The path crosses ‘Kitarika,’ a ridge of highland, to which extend the plantations of the Shirazi Wasawahili, who are here mixed with the Wamachinga tribe.

We found the shallow waters off the Island shore lined with Wigos, weeds, and mangroves, in which sandy breaks represented the old Bandars or ports. Southwards, at the bottom of the bay, appeared the islet of Sánje Kati, and opposite lay the Mlango, or gate where the depth diminishes from 80 to 6 fathoms, and leads to Sánje Májoma. This may be the Changa of the Kilwa Chronicle, whose ‘King’ Matata Mandelima expelled in early days Daud, the Sultan of Kilwa. We then landed again at a gap in the verdure, and ascending a slope of coralline rock, smooth near the water and rough above, we reached the sandy shore-line, and thence, turning south through trees and grass, we came upon the ruins.

The most remarkable are the remnants of the Nabháni mosque, which, blackened and decayed, represents the 366 of Kilwa Island in her day of pride: the well-cut gateway, the Mihrab decorated with Persian tiles, and the vestiges of ghaut-steps, and masonry lining the shore, showed a considerable amount of civilization. Around it lay the tombs of the Shirazi Shaykhs, shaped like those of Zanzibarian Mnazi Moyya, and strewed with small water-washed pebbles. This is an ancient custom of the country: a few days after the decease small stones are washed, perfumed, and sun-dried; finally, they are strewed with prayers upon the tomb. Some travellers have imagined that they take the place of the defunct’s rosary, which in old days was devoted to this purpose: it appears to me simply the perpetuation of a Bedawi practice which dates from the remotest antiquity. As usual, inscriptions, those landmarks of history, were wanting. The large old town beyond was even more ruinous than Changa Ndumi, near Mtangata, and vegetation occupied every dwelling: one of the mosques is said to have had 360 columns, of which we did not see a vestige—the trees had filled and buried them all. Another Msikiti (Masjid) stood deep in mangroves and was flooded by every high tide: here the islet is sinking, and it may return to its original condition, a group of three reefs, the southernmost being Songo Mnárá. The Shirazi fort was a parallelogram about 500 feet each way, with a curtain loop-holed for musketry, and square bastions—lodgings for the garrison—at the angles: the entrance was high, the northern wall was breached, and the interior preserved a dry masonry-revetted well, 40 feet deep by 2 across. Of these there are several on the Island: drinking water, however, is usually drawn from pits which are higher than sea-level. The Governor’s palace, a double-storied building with torn roof and rafters projecting from the walls, seemed to contain only corpses indecently buried in shallow graves: it resembled the relics about Tongo-ni, and doubtless the architects were of the same race. Kilwa, we are told, was a mass of wooden huts for some 200 years, till the reign of the Amir Sulayman Hasan, who, 198 to 200 years after Sulayman bin Hasan, built it of stone, embellished it with mosques, and strengthened it with forts and towers of coralline and lime.

The cultivators of the many Máshámbá prefer to sleep upon the mainland, yet here there is no mud: the air is said to be far purer than that of modern Kilwa, and the only endemic is a mild Mkunguru—ague and fever. One of the Fungwi or peasants welcomed us to his hut, and some twenty of his neighbours crowded to ‘interview’ us, and to sell cocoas at the rate of 30 per dollar. They declared that the cholera had been very destructive, but that its violence had lately abated: they could not supply us with milk because the herdsmen were dead. They boasted that none of their race had mixed with Muhadímo or servile Wasawahili, and without being uncivil, they were free, and by no means shy, evidently holding that maître charbonnier est maire chez lui.

In view of the ruins they recounted to us their garbled legendary history. The Island was originally inhabited by the Wahiao savages, from whom the present race partly descends, and Songo Mnárá was occupied by the Wadubuki, a Moslem clan. These were succeeded by the Nabhani or Ghafiri Arabs, the builders of the mosque just visited, and in the days of Ibn Batuta (14th cent.) we find that ‘the Sultan of Oman was of the tribe of Azud, son of El Ghaus, who is known by the name of Abu Mohammed, son of Nabhan.’ They died out, however, and left the land once more to the Washenzi. Then came the rule of the Wagemu, especially the Wasongo, a tribe of Shirazis.^[71] A certain Shaykh Yusuf from Shangaya^[72] bought land from Napendu, the heathen headman, by spreading it over with cloth, built the old fort, won the savage’s daughter, slew his father-in-law, and became the sire of a long race of Shirazi ‘Kings of the Zinj.’

The history of Kilwa is probably better known, thanks to its chronicle found by the Portuguese, than any place on the East coast of Africa. It is the usual document of Moslems and Easterns, amongst whom the man reigns, a roster of rulers, with a long string of their battles, marches, and sudden dethronings. Kilwa was to Southern what Mombasah was to Northern Zanzibar, a centre of turmoil and trouble. Founded in our 10th century, and probably upon a far older site, its rule eventually extended northwards to Mombasah, others say to Melinde, and south to the gold regions about Sofala. The first European visitor was Pedralves Cabral, the accidental discoverer of the Brazil: he anchored here on July 26, 1500. The great port was then ruled by a certain Sultan Ibrahim, murderer and usurper: the Shaykhs took the royal title, and were known to the Wasawahili as Mfalme, a term changed by El Masudi to Oklimen or Oklimin. ‘The rulers of Zenj,’ says the Nubian Geographer, ‘are entitled Oklimen, which means the son of the great master, that is to say, the God of heaven and earth: they call the Creator Tamkalanjalo.’ Cabral was welcomed by the chief; but his lieges, more perspicacious than their ruler, began at once to show their ill-will, and the voyager continued his progress towards India. Kilwa was also visited by João da Nova, by Vasco da Gama, who on his second journey, in 1502, took tribute from Sultan Ibrahim, and by Ruy Lourenço Ravasco, when en route for Zanzibar. In July, 1505, D. Francisco d’Almeyda, first viceroy of Portuguese India, landed a force of 500 men and fired the city. Sultan Ibrahim fled, and was duly deposed in favour of one Mohammed Ankoni, who had proved himself a friend to the Europeans: he preferred, however, placing the power in the hands of Micante (?), the only son left by the murdered Sultan Alfudayl (El Fuzayl). The small fort of Santiago was built, and the citizens consented to pay tribute and to acknowledge the sovereignty of D. Manoel.

Discontent soon showed itself: trade with Sofala had been forbidden to the citizens, and the latter fled to other cities on the coast. Mohammed Ankoni was presently murdered by the intrigues of the deposed Sultan Ibrahim; and the viceroy, D’Almeyda, sent Gonçalo Vaz de Goes with orders to punish the crime. The Captain of Kilwa, Pedo Ferreira, had raised the Wasawahili of Songo Mnárá Island, and preferred for the succession Micante to Ali Hosayn, the son of Mohammed. In December, 1506, Vaz de Goes landed at Kilwa, and restored its ancient prosperity by putting an end to the monopolies of trade, and the vexations caused by the cupidity of the Portuguese. After his departure, however, Ali Hosayn managed to obtain the Sultanship, and attacked with great loss the Shaykh of Tirendiconde, who had actually murdered his father. The pride and extortions of the new Sultan soon offended his subjects; he was deposed by orders of the Viceroy, and he died in obscurity at Mombasah.

Micante, once more confirmed as Sultan, proved himself a greater plague than Ali Hosayn, but he managed to secure the interest of Francisco Pereira Pestana. This ‘Captain of Kilwa’ aided in attacking the deposed Ibrahim, but the Portuguese garrison was reduced to 40 sound men. Hearing the danger of his subjects, D. Manoel ordered the Viceroy to raze the fort of Santiago, and to transfer Pestana to Socotra, which had just been occupied by the Lusitanians, and from which they expected great benefits in their wars with the Turks. Thereupon Ibrahim returned again to his own, Micante fled to the Querimba Islands, where he died in misery, and the former, made wiser by adversity, restored Kilwa to her old prosperity, and charged his sons never to fail in fidelity to Portugal.

In 1598 the capital of Southern Zanzibar was attacked by the Wazimba Kafirs, who afterwards commited such ravages at Mombasah. A traitorous Moor made conditions for himself and his family, and pointed out a ford over which the invader could pass at low tide. The savages fell upon the city at night, massacred those who could not save themselves by flight, destroyed the buildings, and carried off 3000 persons, male and female, who, according to Diogo do Couto, were incontinently devoured.

The Yu’rabi ruler, Sayf bin Sultan, after driving the Portuguese from Mombasah (1698), sent his powerful fleet to Zanzibar and Kilwa, which at once accepted his rule. A temporary return of the Europeans took place in 1728, when the Capt.-General Luiz Mello de Sampayo re-established the rule of his king from Patta to Kilwa. Ahmed bin Said el Hináwi rising to power (1744), contented himself with annually sending to the Zanzibar coast as far as Kilwa three or four ships, which brought away the rich exports of the neighbourhood—gold, ivory, and slaves. The name of Kilwa now rarely occurs in history. Late in the last century the French here attempted to form a slave depôt, which led to the out-station being re-occupied by Zanzibar. The Shirazis, however, held the land till the late Sayyid Said seized and deported to Maskat Muammadi, their last sultan, and thus the tribe was scattered abroad.

Such is the present state of a settlement which in 1500 the Portuguese found prosperous to the highest degree, and ruling the Zangian coast to Mozambique and Sofala. Every blessing save that of beauty has now passed away from it, and instead of ‘cet éternel nuage de fumée qui dort sur les toits, et le bourdonnement lointain de la ruche immense,’ we see the wild ‘smokes’ of the tropical coast, and we hear the scream of the seamew harshly invading the silence and solitude of a city in ruins.

Returning to Kivinjya, we consulted the Wali and the principal inhabitants about the feasibility of a march upon the Nyassa or Southern Lake—here, as at Zanzibar, not a soul confounded it with the Tanganyika. All agreed that it was then impossible. The slaves were dead or sold off, and porters would not be procurable on account of the cholera: perhaps, however, we might succeed by awaiting the arrival of the first caravans in June. This delay we could not afford, our time was becoming short, our means shorter, and the climate of Kilwa was doing us no good. Evidently the exploration of the Nyassa was a matter of too much importance to be tacked on to an expedition as its tail-piece.

Unwillingly but perforce we turned, on February 24, 1859, the Batela’s head northwards. Though the wet season did not set in till March 20, the weather was especially vile,—a succession of pertinacious calms, violent tornadoes of wind and rain, and cloudy weather with not enough of blue sky to make a ribbon. At last, after nine days of thorough discomfort, we ran into Zanzibar harbour before the mildest of sea-breezes.

As we approached the city file-firing was heard day and night: we thought that there was fighting, but it proved that the people were keeping their Thursday, our Friday eve, with all the honours. The place was full of armed men, and for a fortnight, during which the wildest rumours flew abroad, all was excitement and suspense. Although Mr Ezkel bin Yusuf, British agent at Maskat, had omitted to report the embarkation of Sayyid Suwayni on February 11, yet the invader was known to be en route. The European officials at Zanzibar stood undecided how to act except in the matter of pacification. The French Consul, whose protection had been sought by Sayyid Majid, held to the doctrine that all peoples (except the Spaniards?) have a right to elect their rulers. The loss of Lieut.-Colonel Hamerton was severely felt: the English Consul who succeeded him was a new man, reported generally to be not indifferent to self-interest. The U. S. Consul refused to take any part in the matter, declaring that if he was killed his nation would demand four lacs of rupees, one for himself, one for his wife, and two for the house.

Presently it was announced officially that the invading fleet had been dispersed by a storm, and that Capt. Fullerton, of H. M. S. Punjaub, sailing under orders of the Bombay Government, had persuaded Sayyid Suwayni to return. Congratulations were exchanged, salutes were fired, bullets whizzed about like hornets, the negroes danced and sang for a consecutive week, and with the least possible delay armed men poured in crammed boats from the Island towards their normal stations. But the blow had been struck: the cholera had filled the city with mourning; the remnant of the trading season was insufficient for the usual commercial transactions, and a strong impression that the attack from Maskat would be renewed, as indeed it was, seemed to be uppermost in every mind.^[73]

I have related in a former volume how the change at the British Consulate affected me personally. My report to the Secretary of the Royal Geographical Society had not been forwarded, and no one knew where it was. The sketch and field books which we had sent in case of mishap from the interior, were accidentally found stowed away in some drawer. A mistaken feeling of delicacy made me object to be the bearer of despatches which would have thrown a curious light upon certain intrigues, and no feeling of delicacy on the part of the person complained of prevented his devising an ignoble plot and carrying out the principle, ‘Calumniari audacter, semper aliquid hærebit.’ The Home branch of the Indian Government embraced the opportunity of displaying under the sham of inflexible justice—summum jus summa injuria—peculiar animus, and turned a preoccupied ear to explanations which would have more than satisfied any other. And thus unhappily ended my labours at Zanzibar and in Eastern Intertropical Africa.Africa.