FOOTNOTES:

[1]The stories and fables given in Appendix G afford a striking commentary on the working of the existing system of so-called government in Marocco.


APPENDICES.

APPENDIX A.

Observations for determining Altitudes of Stations in Marocco.

By John Ball.

The instruments provided for the measuring of heights during our journey in Marocco were, in the first place, two mercurial barometers belonging to Sir J. Hooker, which were unfortunately left behind at the last moment by his attendant who had them in charge. Mr. Ball carried an aneroid barometer, by Secrétan of Paris, which, during many mountain journeys before and since, has performed very satisfactorily; and Mr. Maw had a small pocket aneroid of ordinary construction, not deserving of much confidence.

At Sir J. Hooker’s request, Mr. Carstensen, then British Vice-consul, and M. Beaumier, French Consul at Mogador, both recorded observations of the barometer and thermometer twice daily (at 10 A.M. and 4 P.M. ) during the period of our stay in and near to the range of the Great Atlas. Mr. Carstensen’s instrument was a mercurial barometer, apparently a moderately good instrument; but, inasmuch as it showed itself more sluggish than M. Beaumier’s instrument, and the amplitude of its variations was less considerable, its records do not appear to deserve equal confidence. On rendering the measurements into millimetres, and correcting both instruments so as to bring the indications to 0° C. at the sea level, the observations with the mercurial barometer fall short of those of the other instrument by a mean difference of 5·5 mm., the chief cause of the discrepancy being apparently due to the scale of the former being unduly low. Comparing corrected observations for ten days of very settled weather, during which the utmost range of either instrument did not exceed 2½ millimetres, we have the mean pressure

By Carstensen’s instrument = 755·30 mm.
„ Beaumier’s „ = 760·80 mm.

The error of the last-mentioned instrument does not probably exceed 1 mm. in excess of the true pressure, and, if the observations of the mercurial barometer were used, it would be expedient to apply to them a correction of +4·5 mm. But, in addition to the circumstances already mentioned, it must be noted that Mr. Carstensen’s observations extend over but eighteen days; while M. Beaumier’s record covers twenty-six days, from May 11 to June 5 inclusive. For these reasons it has appeared best to make use exclusively of the record supplied by M. Beaumier. His instrument was an aneroid barometer of the construction adopted by its maker (Leja), called in Paris baromètre holostérique. The readings were recorded daily at 10 A.M. and 4 P.M., and are carried to intervals of the quarter of a millimetre.

The first questions that arise in applying observations to the determination of altitudes relate to the corrections applicable to each instrument. The corrected readings of Secrétan’s aneroid at Tangiers, and during the voyage between that place and Mogador, varied from 760 mm. to 761·5 mm., and may safely be assumed to be nearly correct; but, on arriving at Mogador, they fell considerably. Inasmuch, however, as on comparison with the mercurial barometer at the British Consulate the difference was inconsiderable, the fall was attributed to the condition of the weather at that time. It was only on our return to Mogador from the interior, when a direct comparison between Secrétan’s and Leja’s instruments disclosed a difference of 7·3 mm. between the readings, and a further comparison between the recorded observations of the mercurial barometer and M. Beaumier’s instrument showed a difference of about 5·5 mm. between the scales of those instruments, that it became clear that Secrétan’s aneroid had suffered some change at or about the time of landing at Mogador. A careful comparison of all the observations leaves no ground for supposing that this arose from any gradual process; and it seems almost certain that by one of those accidents to which the best aneroids are exposed, a casual blow, received about the time of landing at Mogador, caused the fall of 7 or 8 millimetres which was then observed. It is quite possible that more complete accuracy would have been attained by applying a correction of —1 mm. to M. Beaumier’s observations; but it was thought more convenient to treat the discrepancy between the instruments as altogether due to error in Secrétan’s instrument, and to apply to its readings in South Marocco the correction +7·3 mm. So far as regards the altitudes determined by comparison with the Mogador observations, the difference between the method adopted and that above suggested is quite insensible; but with respect to the altitudes given in the following table as determined between April 29 and May 10, wherein the barometric pressure at Mogador is assumed at 760 mm., it is clear that, if the error of Secrétan’s instrument has been overcorrected to the extent of 1 millimetre, the altitudes given in the table should be increased by some 12 or 13 metres.

The next corrections requiring consideration are those arising from the temperature of the instrument at the time of observation, and in reference to this point the best makers of aneroid barometers are much open to criticism. They assert, and with approximate accuracy, that in the best instruments compensation for the effect of temperature on the instrument is provided; but they forget that in order to compare the indications of the aneroid with those of the mercurial barometer, or to apply to them any of the formulæ used for calculating altitudes, it is necessary to know at what temperature the column of mercury stands, the length of which is assumed to be shown by the scale of the aneroid. In point of fact, the scale of the latter instrument, when carefully laid down, is determined by direct comparison with the mercurial barometer under varying pressures, and the proper course would be to inscribe on the case of the aneroid a record of the temperature at which that comparison was made. From inquiries made of some of the best makers it seems probable that the best approximate correction is obtained by assuming the reading of the aneroid to correspond with that of the mercurial barometer at the temperature of 15° C., and this has been applied in the annexed table.

The height of M. Beaumier’s instrument above the sea level being about 10 metres, a small correction of +0·9 mm. has been made in order to obtain the corrected reading adopted in the following table for the ‘Mogador barometer.’

As most of our observations at stations in South Marocco were necessarily made either early in the morning or late in the evening, while those at Mogador were registered at 10 A.M. and 4 P.M., the pressure at the latter place corresponding to the hour of each of our observations has been found by intercalation. There is of course an obvious possibility of error here; but, except on a few occasions, when the changes of pressure were considerable and rapid, the amount is probably trifling.

It is familiar to all who have given attention to this subject, that one of the chief causes of error in the results obtained from barometric observations for altitude arises from the impossibility, in the present state of knowledge, of obtaining with tolerable accuracy the temperature of the stratum of air lying between the lower and the higher stations. This is especially true in climates such as that of South Marocco, where the sky is commonly clear, and the air relatively dry. The cooling of the surface at night, and the heating in the sunshine by day, have an effect on the layer of air in contact with that surface, and still more on the traveller’s thermometer, which at the best is imperfectly protected from radiation, out of all proportion to the actual cooling or heating effect on the air not in immediate proximity to the soil. As far as circumstances permitted, it was sought to take observations about an hour after sunrise and very soon after sunset, so as to diminish to the utmost this source of error.

It remains true, in the writer’s opinion, that when all these sources of error in the determination of heights by means of the barometer have been put together, there remains one surpassing all the others in amount which altogether escapes our means of correction. The formulæ employed for the reduction of observations to numerical results are, and must be, based on the assumption that a condition of equilibrium between the forces acting on the instruments at each station has been attained; whereas the utmost that can be asserted is that there is a continual tendency towards such equilibrium, requiring a variable time to effect it. But before equilibrium can be attained new changes occur, and the process of adjustment recommences. Even as regards stations near enough to be within sight of each other, repeated observations, however carefully corrected, give sensibly different numerical results, and when the stations are widely separated the discrepancies become serious in amount. The best course for a traveller in a mountain country is to endeavour to ascertain as nearly as possible the altitude of some fixed station by taking the mean of several observations compared with his distant station, and then to determine the altitude of the higher points reached near to such fixed station by comparison with an assumed reading of the barometer at the latter as derived from intercalation.

The altitudes of the stations at Hasni and Iminteli, given in the following table, derived from several comparisons with the Mogador readings, are probably nearly correct. That of Arround, as derived from comparison with Mogador at a time when the oscillations of pressure were relatively great and rapid, does not deserve much confidence; and the mean of two comparisons with Hasni has been preferred, the more readily as this nearly agrees with the result obtained from a boiling-water observation.

For the reduction of our observations the formula proposed by Count St. Robert, and first published in the Philosophical Magazine for 1864, has been preferred, and, for convenience, the tables based on that formula, published by the same author in the Memoirs of the Academy of Turin for 1867, have been used.

It is true that in the construction of the latter tables a value has been assumed for the constant expressing the rate of diminution of density in the atmosphere corresponding to uniform increase of altitude that is not constantly correct; but it would appear that the error resulting from this is but trifling. In regard to the greatest elevation attained by us in the Atlas, the difference in the measurement obtained by using the tables from that ascertained by accurate computation from the formula does not exceed 5 metres.

It may here be remarked that the altitudes inserted in some letters from Sir J. Hooker to the late Sir Roderick Murchison, which were published in the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society for 1871, and also most of those given by Mr. Maw in a paper presented to the Geological Society in January, 1872, were roughly calculated at the time when the party were

Table of Altitudes, deduced from Barometric Observations in Marocco.

Date, 1871 Hour Place of Observation Observed Barometer Corrected Barometer Corrected Mogador Barometer Thermometer in Air, Fahr. Altitude in Metres Altitude in English feet Observations
April 11 10 P.M. Nahum’s house, Tetuan, second floor 754·4 752·6 61 84·8 278 Assumed pressure at sea level 760 mm.
12 6 A.M. Do. 756·2 *753·8 55 70·0 230



* As the river near its mouth can be only about 3 m. above the sea, a correction of -0·6 mm. is inferred for April 12.
7 A.M. Ford, Tetuan River 762 *759·6 60 4·78 16
10 A.M. Upper limit of Chamærops 730 *727·6 61 374·0 1.227
3 P.M. Ridge of Beni Hosmar 685·2 *682·8 60 926·0 3.038
10 A.M. Douar Arifi 748·5 †754·5 70 64·5 212 † See note as to corrections of Secrétan’s instrument after arrival at Mogador. Assumed special correction for April 29 +·05 mm.
30 9.15 A.M. Souk el Tleta 724 729·6 76 360·3 1.182 Assumed pressure at sea level 760 mm.
May 1 5 A.M. Camp, Aïn Oumast 724 729·6 54 345·5 1.134 Do.
1 P.M. Well under Hank el Gemmel 720 725·6 77 410·1 1.345 Do.
2 P.M. Summit of Hank el Gemmel 712·6 718·2 78 502·4 1.648 Do.
2 6.30 A.M. Camp, Sheshaoua 724 729·6 57 347·8 1.141 Do.
1.45 P.M. Aïn Beida 720 725·6 80 412·4 1.353 Do.
4 2 P.M. Marocco: Palace of Ben Dreïs, 40 ft. above Piazza 712·5 718·1 78 503·6 1.652 Do.
5 4 P.M. Do. 713 718·6 79 499·3 1.638 Do.
6 7 P.M. Do. 710·5 716·1 73 523·7 1.718 Do.
7 7 A.M. Do. 710 715·6 72 529·0 1.736 Assumed pressure at sea level 760 mm.
8 5 A.M. Do. 712 717·6 72 504·0 1.654 Do.
Do. 511·9 1.679 Mean of five observations.
11 P.M. Camp at Mesfioua 694·0 699·6 73 733·2 2.406 Assumed pressure at sea level 760 mm.
9 6 A.M. Do. 693·5 699·1 58 729 2.392 Do.
Noon Olive Grove below Kaïd’s house, Tasseremout 667·5 673·2 69 1,077·1 3.534 Do.
10 P.M. Camp by Ourika river, below village of Achliz 681·0 686·7 59 874·2 Do.
11 Noon Do. 681·5 687·2 71 887·0 Do.
Do. 880·6 2.889 Mean of two observations.
10 4 P.M. Camp, Ourika valley (Assghin) 669·5 675·2 72 1,044·4 3.427 Assumed pressure at sea level 760 mm.
11 6 P.M. Summit of pass to Reraya 664·0 670·05 759·7 62 §1,094·3 3.59
§ Comparison with Mogador observations reduced to sea level.
12 6 A.M. Camp Tassilunt, Reraya 674·0 679·35 760·4 56 §963·1 3.16
13 7 A.M. Camp Hasni, in Aït Mesan valley 652·0 656·5 761·45 57 §1,263·3 Do.
14 10 P.M. Do 651 656·04 760·9 59 §1,274·0 Do.
15 9 A.M. Do 647 653·77 758·8 56 §1,297·4 Do.
17 10 P.M. Do 651 654·83 762·2 60 §1,292·6 Do.
Do 1,281·8 4.205 Mean of four observations.
13 Noon Adjersiman, village in Aït Mesan valley 622 626 762·1 59 §1,687 5.535 § Comparison with Mogador.
2 P.M. Village of Arround 602 606·16 762·1 52 §1,950 Do.
15 6 P.M. House, Arround 597 605·5 756·6 49 §1,947·5 Do.
16 6 A.M. Do. 598 606·5 756·6 46 §1,926·4 Do.
Do. 1,941·3 6.37 Mean of three observations.
13 2 P.M. Arround, by comparison with Hasni 1.968
6,463 Differences by St. Robert’s method 686·2 m. and 690·2 m. respectively.
15 6 P.M. Do. 1.972
16 8 P.M. Arround, by boiling-water observation, at 202·2 Fahr. 757·1 40 §1,976·1 6.483 § Comparison with Mogador.
Same, height adopted on comparison of all observations 1.97 6.463
15 1 P.M. Highest olives in Aït Mesan 632·5 640·3 757·6 59 §1,488 4.882 § Comparison with Mogador.
16 9 A.M. Saint’s tomb below Tagherot pass 568 39 ‡2,393·2 7.852 ‡ By comparison with Arround.
2.30 P.M. 200 ft. below summit of Tagherot pass 498·5 25 ‡3,439·4 11.284 Do.
Estimated altitude of Tagherot pass ‡3,500·4 11.484 Do.
18 8 P.M. Camp, Sektana 646 684·1 764·3 58 §1,378·2
4,523 § Comparison with Mogador.
19 10 A.M. Do. 647 649·3 764·1 65 §1,379·1
10 P.M. Camp, Amsmiz 672 675·3 762·7 58 §1,018·8 Do.
20 9 A.M. Do. 672 674·9 763·1 72 §1,049·0 Do.
21 9 A.M. Do. 672·5 676·55 761·85 70 §1,024·2 Do.
Do. 1,030·7 3.382 Mean of three observations.
2 P.M. Iminteli, Amsmiz valley 647 651·4 761·6 64 §1,345·2 § Comparison with Mogador.
22 6 A.M. Do. 646·5 651·0 761·5 60 §1,344·0 Do.
23 8 A.M. Do. 646 651·6 760·15 65 §1,348·1 Do.
Do. 1,345·8 4.415 Mean of three observations.
Do. **1,348·8 4.425 ** Altitude by comparison with Amsmiz on May 21.
Iminteli ††1,346·5 4.418 †† Altitude adopted. Mean of four results.
22 9 A.M. Halt at base of Djebel Tezah 629 64 §§1,708 5.604 §§ Comparison with Iminteli.
2.30 P.M. Summit of Djebel Tezah 512·5 518·0 760·85 60 §3,359·7 11.023 § Comparison with Mogador.
Do. do. do. §§3,340·5 10.961 §§ Comparison with Iminteli.
Do. do. do. 3,350·1 10.972 Altitude adopted.
4 P.M. Upper limit of Quercus Ballota 565 59 §§2,490 8.17 §§ Comparison with Iminteli.
24 5.30 A.M. Kasbah at Amsmiz 666·5 672·3 759·9 61 §1,063·5 3.489 § Comparison with Mogador.
25 8 A.M. Kasbah at Mzouda 694 699·5 760·1 65 §721·3 2.367 Do.
2 P.M. Halt near Kasbah, Keira 688 692·7 760·1 70 §814·3 2.671 Do.
26 8 A.M. Camp Seksaoua 682·5 686·9 761·4 64 §879·5 Do.
27 6 A.M. Do. do. 683 687·2 761·6 60 §868·5 Do.
Do. do. 874 2.867 Mean of two observations.
29 6 A.M. Camp below Milhaïn 670 674 760·8 58 §1,035·3 3.397 § Comparison with Mogador.
5.30 P.M. Watershed between Aïn Tursil and Mtouga 656·0 661·15 760·7 52 §1,190·2 3.905 Do.
30 7 A.M. Camp by Kasbah, Mtouga 677·0 681·4 761·4 58 §940·3 3.085 Do.
8 P.M. Camp, Mskala 716·0 719·8 761·9 60 §466·3 Do.
31 8 A.M. Do. do. 715·5 718·5 762·7 65 §486·3 Do.
Do. do. 476·3 1.562 Mean of two observations.
5 P.M. Room 6 m. above Court of Kasbah of Shedma 720 722·8 762·9 68 §437·4 § Comparison with Mogador.
June 1 8 A.M. Do. do. do. 720·5 722·0 764·35 67 §446·1 Do.
Do. do. do. 441·8 1.449 Mean of two observations.
Court of the Kasbah 436 1.43 Do.
2 6 A.M. Camp, Aïn el Hadjar 744·5 746·4 763·7 58 §154·8
504 § Comparison with Mogador.
3 5.30 A.M. Do. do. 744·0 746·6 763·0 56 §152·1

travelling in Marocco, and before the necessity for a considerable correction to the readings of Secrétan’s aneroid had become apparent. The difference arising from this and other corrections applicable to the highest points reached by us is considerable, and requires a deduction of about 500 feet from the estimated height of the Tagherot pass, and about the same from the calculated altitude of Djebel Tezah. The corresponding error in the calculated altitudes for the low country stations, e.g. those between Mogador and Marocco, averages about 200 feet.

J. B.


APPENDIX B.

Itineraries of Routes from the City of Marocco through the Great Atlas.

The information respecting the routes here given was supplied by a Jew named Salomon ben Daoud, an inhabitant of the city of Marocco engaged in trading operations with the natives of the portions of the Great Atlas wherein the authority of the Sultan is recognised. In the absence of more accurate reports, it appears desirable to publish this slight contribution to the topography of a country altogether unknown to Europeans, excepting so far as we were able to visit a few of the places enumerated. To assist those who may hereafter seek to follow any of these routes, the names of places inserted in the French map of Marocco by Captain Beaudouin, or in the map annexed to this volume, are distinguished by an asterisk. The distances are reckoned by hours, one of which may be counted as equivalent to four miles in the plain, and to a somewhat lesser distance in the mountain. A day’s journey usually varies from eight to ten hours. The spelling of the names is made to agree with that adopted throughout this work, the vowels having the same sounds as in most European languages, and not those peculiar to our country.

ROUTE 1.
Marocco to Demenet, and Excursion from Demenet to places in the neighbourhood.

Marocco to Ain el Berda 3 hours.
 „  *Sidi Rahal 5 „
 „  *Oued Tessout (ford the river) 4 „
 „  *Tidli (a mountain) 2 „
 „   Draha 1 hour.
 „  *Demenet 3 hours.
18 „

This road is undulating, with hills and valleys, or hollows.

From Demenet cross over the river Emhasser, and proceeding for one hour on the mountain you will reach a place called Iminifri, on a high mountain, which contains an opening or pass only just large enough for one person to creep through on his hands and knees, the length of the pass being about 100 yards; and when through it you will find open ground on the top of the high mountain. There will be seen remains (ruins) of old Christian buildings, in which live many birds. From the upper part of this mountain overhanging parts (or cliffs) branch out downwards against the mountain, towards the River Tor, of 500 yards long; but these overhanging parts do not reach the water of the river.

[The places here spoken of apparently lie N.W. of Demenet—the El Acchabi of the French map. The river Tor is probably the Oued Lakdeur of the same map.]

ROUTE 2.
Demenet to the Sources of the Oued Tessout.

Demenet to Aït Cid Hassan (between mountains) 4 hours.
 „  *Aït Emdoual 1 hour.

In Aït Emdoual is a river one day’s journey long. There are inhabitants along the river. From this to Aït Affan one day’s journey over barren desert ground uninhabited.

From *Aït Affan to Ansai (contains some inhabitants) ? hours.
„ „ Aït Kassi 2 „
„ „ Tel Khedit 2 „

Tel Khedit is a mountain, and contains the source of the river Tessout; and on this mountain the snow remains both in summer and winter.

[This route agrees in many respects with the indications of the French map. The name Aït Chihatchen, there laid down south of Demenet, is probably the Aït Cid Hassan of the itinerary. It appears, however, that the importance of the mountain chain on the north side of the upper valley of the Tessout must be much exaggerated by the hill-shading on the map. The main chain of the Atlas is undoubtedly that on the southern side of that valley. The head of the valley is, on the French map, united to the province of N’tifa. A priori probability and the wording of the itinerary suggest that it all belongs to Demenet.]

ROUTE 3.
Marocco to N’tifa.

Marocco to Zourt ben Sessy 2 hours.
 „   Ras el Aïn 2 „
[Here is a mountain called Bou Surkar, or stony.]
 „  *Tamlelt 3 hours.
 „  *N’tifa 1 day.

[None of these places seem to be laid down on the French map, unless Tendalet be the same place as Tamlelt. N’tifa is properly the name of the province. The particular place so named by our informant, is probably the residence of the Kaïd, or Governor. It seems likely that this is very near the place marked Bezzou on the French map.]

ROUTE 4.
Demenet to N’tifa.

Demenet to Aït Mazan (valleys and hills) 3 hours.
 „  *N’tifa 3 „
6 „

On this road is found the Gum Euphorbium plant, or tree, and the trees producing the brown gum arabic. From N’tifa forward is the country of the tribe Aït Attab where there is little or no government among the people.

ROUTE 5.
Tour in the Mountains East and South-east of Marocco.

Marocco to Zourt ben Sessy 2 hours.
 „   Ras el Aïn 8 „
 „  *Tagana 2 „
 „   Aït Zehad (on the mountain in Mesfioua) 4 „
 „   Iminterrat 2 „
[Here are found some ruins of Christian buildings of old times.]
Marocco to Tasselt 2 hours.
 „   Tel Eizrat 2 „
 „   Tighidoun Idioum 4 „
 „   Aït Izzel (high mountain) 4 „
 „   Assefrag (Lasfaour) 6 „
 „   Imin Gagar 6 „
 „   Imin Zadin 2 „
 „   Tasghinout (Tasseremout?) 3 „
 „   Aït Absalem 3 „
 „   Tidiren 2 „
 „   Ohamma ? „
 „   Aïn Hehia 2 „
 „   Gries (Gers?) 3 „
 „   Ohida 3 „
 „   Tigardoun 2 „
 „   Tigola (Tougla?) 2 „
 „   Tabia (Aït Tieb?) 2 „
 „   Tamzart 4 „

These being the mountains of the Mesfioua country.

ROUTE 6.
Tour in the Mountains South of Marocco.

Marocco to Amreen (plain, orchards) 4 hours.
 „   Resmat 2 „
 „  *Ourika ? „

There is the river Ourika passing between mountains. Crossing, and going up to the left, the first village is Achliz. The chief, or sheik, who governs Ourika lives here, he being under the orders of his superior, Ibrahim el Graoui, who lives in Marocco. From Achliz you go to Azrou Miloul, and from this to Tourit. Here are salt wells or springs. From Tourit you go to Agadir which is on the top of the mountain, from this to Timluzen, and from this to the Zaouia. The before last stages from Ourika are all half an hour’s distance one from the other. From Tourit to Sissag on high mountains. [Apparently Sissag is the name of the Zaouia.] These are the villages on the left side of the river until Sissag. The villages on the right hand side of the river are as follows:—The first is Alzli; from this you go to Tafzhia, and from this to Anrar, and from this to Amsin; from this to Assgher, and from this to Arzballo; from this to Egremon, and from this to Ashni, and from this to Esurgraf; this mountain is covered with snow. These are the Ourika mountains near to Marocco town, besides the higher mountains which are above these we have mentioned.

[All the places here mentioned are in the Ourika valley. The left and right sides are those on the left and right of the stream to a person ascending the valley, contrary to the usage in European countries where those terms are supposed to refer to one following the course of the stream.]

ROUTE 7.
Description of the Roads of Ghighaya.

Marocco to Tahanout 6 hours.
 „   Tasslamat ½ hour.
 „  *Souk el Ad (of Moulai Ibrahim) 2 hours.

From this to El Anraz; here is a village called Amareen, three hours distant—it leads to Immaregen; and from this one hour’s journey will bring the traveller to a place called Agadir Tagadurt el Bour, and from this last is the commencement of the road or highway to the province of Sous.

[There can be no doubt that the district here rendered Ghighaya from the Hebrew, is the same as we wrote down as Reraya, the r in the latter name having a guttural sound without an equivalent in any European language known to us. The Souk el Ad, or Sunday Market, is of course somewhere near to the Sanctuary of Moülai Ibrahim. Although we fail to identify any of the villages named above, it seems probable that the place spoken of as Agadir Tagadurt el Bour, is the same as Arround, where we passed two nights.]

ROUTE 8.
Description of the Road between Ghighaya and Ourika.

Marocco to Tahanout. 6 hours.
 „  Tedroura 1 hour.
 „  Ourika 1½ „

This being a road to a mountain containing snow, in the country of Ghighaya. From Tranghert, six hours’ journey to a mountain called Ousertik, within the jurisdiction of the Governor, Kaïd Ibrahim el Graoui.

[The writer here gives an alternative route from Marocco to Ourika, slightly longer than the direct way given in Route 6, and then refers, obviously not from personal knowledge, to a mountain path connecting Ourika with one or other of the two valleys included in the district of Reraya or Ghighaya. Tranghert is probably a village in the western branch of the Ourika valley.]

Salomon ben Daoud.


APPENDIX C.

Notes on the Geography of South Marocco.

By John Ball.

Some remarks upon the geography of South Marocco seem to be called for from a writer who has ventured to put forth a new map, largely differing from those hitherto published; but the subject is encompassed with so much difficulty, and the amount of accurate information available is so limited, that a prudent writer must be content to regard most of his own conclusions as merely provisional, and liable to be modified or set aside by the results of further exploration, whenever this shall become practicable. In the mean time, some good may be effected by clearing the ground of some received errors that are absolutely disproved by facts now ascertained.

Little need here be said of the slight contribution to the knowledge of South Marocco that can be gleaned from the writers of antiquity. The earliest document bearing on the subject was doubtless the record of the voyage of Hanno, set up in the temple of Saturn at Carthage. This is known to us only by the version, rendered by an unknown hand into Greek, which, with all the accumulated errors of the translator and the subsequent transcribers, has reached us under the title of the Periplus of Hanno. From this record the particulars to be gleaned regarding this part of Africa are scanty and of an uncertain character. Commentators have, with much probability, identified the Solois promontory of Hanno (Λιβυκὸν ἀκρωτήριον λάσιον δένδρεσι) with Cape Cantin. But what are we to make of the next statement that, having passed the cape, they sailed for half a day east, or south-east (πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνισχοντα), before reaching the great marshy lake, ‘where elephants and other wild beasts abounded’? True it is that south of Cape Cantin there are two slight indentations, mere coves, where the land for a short distance trends to the south-east; but the general direction for a mariner along this part of the coast is SSW., as far as Mogador. Agreeing with the commentators that the ‘great marshy lake’ was probably near the mouth of the Oued Tensift, we are led to believe that Hanno disembarked settlers at no less than five stations on the coast of what is now the province of Haha. If we may rely on the correctness of the Greek text we must infer that these were settlements established by the Carthaginians before the date of Hanno’s expedition.[1] The next place reached by Hanno was ‘the great river Lixus, flowing from Libya, about which dwelt a nomadic people,’ who are called in the text Lixitæ (Λιξίται). It is further stated that the river is said to flow from great mountains in the neighbourhood, around which dwell the Troglodytes, referred to in our text, p. 301. The only assertion that can be confidently made about the Lixus of Hanno is, that it was quite a different stream from that afterwards known to the Romans by the same name, the latter being the modern Oued el Kous, falling into the sea at El Araisch, and which Pliny makes fifty-seven Roman miles from Tangier. The learned commentator, C. Müller, identifies the Lixus of the Periplus with the Draha; but, unless we assume that great physical changes have occurred during the interval, this supposition is scarcely compatible with the existence of a numerous population near the mouth of the river. It may possibly have been the river Akassa (the native name of the river of Oued Noun); but it appears far more probable that it was the Sous, the only one of these rivers which is believed constantly to discharge a large volume of water into the sea. It may be, indeed, that there is an etymological connection between the names Sous and Lixus, as there undoubtedly is between some names still current and those used by the Romans.

After Hanno, the next voyager along this coast of whom we known anything was Polybius. The original record of his voyage has, unfortunately, not come down to posterity, but a few particulars have been preserved by Pliny.[2] We learn incidentally that the Romans called Cape Cantin promontorium Solis, a name evidently suggested by the earlier name Solois of the Carthaginians, afterwards rendered in Greek by Ptolemy ἡλίου ἄκρον. Whether Polybius succeeded in reaching the Senegal, or some other river within the tropics, may be uncertain; but he undoubtedly visited many places on the Atlantic coast of Marocco. We hear for the first time of the rivers Subur (modern Sebou), and Salat (the Bouregrag, which falls into the sea at Sallee). He touched at the port of Rutulis, said to have been eight Roman miles beyond the mouth of the river Anatis, which was 205 Roman miles from Lixus (El Araisch). The river is doubtless the modern Oum-er-bia, and the port was the same which the Portuguese named Mazagan. The next port touched by Polybius was named Risadir, which has been with much probability identified with Agadir.[3] As for the rivers named by Polybius on the coast south-west of the Atlas, their identification with any known to modern geographers is purely conjectural.

Of Roman writers Pliny is the only one from whom any positive information as to the geography of this part of Africa is to be gained; but even this is very limited.[4] He complains that the reports as to the region beyond the narrow limits within which Roman power was established in his day were most fallacious, and censures the Roman authorities for indolently giving circulation to mendacious stories, instead of investigating the truth for themselves. In his day Sala (modern Sallee) was the most southern of the Roman settlements in Marocco. He describes it as ‘a town standing on a river of the same name, on the confines of the desert (solitudinibus vicinum), which was infested by herds of elephants, and still more by the tribe of the Autololes, through whose territory lay the way to the great mountain of Africa, the many-fabled Atlas.’ It appears elsewhere that Pliny had access to the manuscripts left by Juba, which, unfortunately, have not come down to posterity. That accomplished prince appears to have held control over the whole territory of Marocco as far as the base of the Atlas. It is to these lost pages of Juba that we probably owe the only fragment of moderately correct information as to South Marocco which is to be found in Pliny’s work.[5] The river Asana, whose mouth is said to be 150 Roman miles beyond Sala, is doubtless the Anatis of Polybius, and the Oum-er-bia of the Moors. The next river, which he calls Fut, is the Tensift. The distance assigned for the interval between the mouth of the Fut and the Atlas is excessive; but not largely so if Agadir be intended, that being the first place on the coast from which the high summits of the Atlas are habitually visible. The statement as to the existence of remains of vineyards and palm-groves about the ruins of ancient dwellings seems to lend probability to the belief that the Carthaginian settlements on this coast may have had a prolonged existence. The fall of the parent State would have had but an indirect influence on their destiny. Verbal resemblances are so often misleading that little weight can be attached to them; but it is natural to compare the word Dyris, said by Pliny to be the native name for the Atlas, with that now used by the natives—Idrarn—this being the plural form of Adrar, which means generically a mountain, both in the Shelluh and in several other Bereber dialects.

Besides what Pliny may have learned from King Juba as to the geography of the coast of South Marocco, he had access to contemporary testimony as to some part of the interior of the country. Suetonius Paulinus (the same who at a later date played a conspicuous part in Britain) being appointed governor of the provinces of N.W. Africa, then recently incorporated in the Roman Empire, resolved to penetrate southward beyond the Great Atlas, whether with a view to intimidate the native tribes, or for the mere satisfaction of carrying the Roman eagles into a new region. He appears to have left a written account of his expedition, which, like so much else of ancient geographical literature, has been lost. The particulars preserved by Pliny are unfortunately so vague as to be almost valueless.

In ten days from his starting point, wherever that may have been, we are told that he reached the highest point of his march. He reported the mountain to be covered with dense forests of trees of an unknown kind, and declares the summit of the range to be deeply covered with snow, even in summer.[6] From the summit of the Atlas Suetonius descended, and marched on through deserts of black sand, out of which rose here and there rocks that had the aspect of being burnt, to a river called Ger. Although it was the winter season the heat of these regions was found intolerable. The neighbouring forests abounded in elephants and other wild beasts, and with serpents of every kind, and were inhabited by a people called Canarians.

The controversies to which this passage has given rise are not likely to be definitively decided. The balance of opinion leans to the belief that Suetonius ascended the valley of the Moulouya, and traversed the Atlas by the pass now called Tizin Tinrout, leading to Tafilelt. This was the pass traversed by Gerhard Rohlfs in 1864, and to his narrative alone we can refer for information respecting it and the country extending southward towards the Great Desert. The existence in that part of W. Africa, on the south side of the Great Atlas, so far from the influence of the Atlantic climate, of vast forests capable of maintaining elephants and sheltering a native population, would apparently be irreconcilable with existing physical conditions, and is not readily admissible in the Roman period. Whatever vigorous vegetation exists in the region traversed by Rohlfs adjoins the banks of the stream; and, though sand may encroach here and there, and sun-burnt rocks are seen there, as elsewhere on the south side of the Atlas, the description is not what would occur to any one following the course of the stream. It seems, further, highly improbable that a prudent general, such as Suetonius Paulinus, would have undertaken to lead an aggressive military force along the tortuous valley of the Moulouya, some 250 miles in length, enclosed for the most part between lofty mountains; and it is also to be noted that at the period of his expedition the Romans held no station in the valley of the Moulouya, if indeed they ever penetrated far into it.

The few particulars quoted above lead to the conclusion that the Roman general in his southward march beyond the Atlas did not follow the course of a stream, but was compelled to cross a tract of desert before reaching the river of which he speaks, which, therefore, probably flowed from E. to W. On the whole, it seems to me that the brief record is more easily reconciled with the supposition that Suetonius Paulinus made Sala (Sallee), the farthest Roman station in Western Africa, his base of operations; that he marched thence across the open country towards SSW., and gained the summit of the Atlas range at the pass between Imintanout and Tarudant.[7] Between the course of the Sous and that of the Akassa, or river of Oued Noun, there are extensive tracts of sandy desert, where, even in winter, his troops may easily have suffered from heat and thirst; and the river (called Ger) may have been the main branch, or one of the tributaries of the Akassa flowing from the range of Anti-Atlas. The former existence of great forests, frequented by elephants, on the flanks of that range, is far more probable than on the parched southern slopes of the interior, where, as Rohlfs tells us, the rocks and hills are now absolutely bare of tree and shrub vegetation. Finally, it is more natural to look for the ancient Canarians in the country near the Atlantic coast than in the interior.

The solitary argument of any weight in favour of the Moulouya and Tafilelt route seems to be derived from the fact that in descending southward from the pass at the head of the Moulouya valley the traveller follows the course of a stream which now bears the name Gers, or Ghir. But it must be remarked that this name exists elsewhere in Marocco, there being at least three streams so denominated, and further that it is nowadays borne by the river of Tafilelt only during a short part of its course. Rohlfs, who is here our only authority, tells us that the stream first met in descending from the pass of Tizin Tinrout is called Siss.[8] After following this for seven or eight hours, it is joined by another stream which he called Ued Gers. The united stream bears the latter name for a distance of some six hours’ ride, and then resumes the name of Siss, which it bears throughout its subsequent course till it is lost in the sands of the Sahara.

The long period that intervened between the decline of Roman power and the establishment of Mohammedan rule in Marocco, is a blank to the historian and the geographer. It can scarcely be doubted that Roman authority and Roman institutions spread themselves throughout a great part of the open country between the Atlas and the Atlantic, although there is but little direct evidence to that effect.

Little reliance can be placed on the statement of Leo Africanus that the people of Barbary were converted to Christianity 250 years before the birth of Mohammed, or about A.D. 320, for, in a country so split up into independent tribes, the new faith must have made way irregularly and at various periods; while it is most probable that it never struck root among the mountain tribes of the Great Atlas. But the positive assertion of the same writer, that when the Arabs arrived in Marocco they found the Christians masters of the country, probably holds good of all except the mountain tracts.

Whether any reliable information as to South Marocco is to be gleaned from the writings of the eminent Arabian geographers who lived between the tenth and fourteenth centuries, I am unable to say; but it seems sufficiently certain that the period of European exploration leading to practical results commenced in the fourteenth century. The Genoese, the Catalans, and the Venetians appear to have despatched several expeditions along the coast, most of them intended to reach the gold-producing regions of tropical Africa. The Portuguese, who were destined to outstrip all their rivals in maritime exploration, were the first to establish themselves on the western coast of Marocco; and, at one time or other, they held most, if not all, the Atlantic seaports. Much information doubtless lies concealed among the mediæval records of Italy, Spain, and, especially, of Portugal; but up to the present time nothing has been published to show that any European was able, from personal knowledge, to give an account of the interior of Marocco, before Marmol, who, having been taken prisoner by the Moors, passed several years at Fez and elsewhere in North Marocco, about the middle of the sixteenth century. The earliest known document showing a moderately correct knowledge of the coast is a map (number 5 in the series), contained in the celebrated Portulano of the Laurentian Library in Florence, bearing the date 1351.[9] In this map, which, from internal evidence, must be of Genoese origin, the general outline of the Marocco coast is correct, and the positions of the few places laid down unmistakable. The now abandoned town of Fedala (Fidalah), Mefegam (Mazagan), and Mogodor here appear for the first time. Of early Portuguese maps there must be many not now known to geographers, and it was certainly from Portuguese authorities that Gerard Mercator partly derived the materials used in both editions of his Atlas. In the Atlas Minor, published by Hondins in 1608, a map of South Marocco is given in page 567, wherein for the first time an attempt is made to represent the positions of cities and mountains, and the courses of rivers in the interior of the country. The outline of the coast is here less correct than that given in the much more ancient Medicean map; but there is far more of detail, especially as to places which were evidently well known to the Portuguese. Thus, as mentioned in the text, we here for the first time find the island of Mogador with the name ‘I. Domegador.’ The places laid down in the interior appear for the most part to be taken (but with numerous errors) from the work of Leo Africanus; but the chartographer has spoiled his map by making the river Sous flow from SE. to NW., instead of from NNE. to SSW. Mountains are scattered pretty uniformly over the map; but what is made to appear as the loftiest mass, and is marked ‘Atlas M.,’ with a town named Tagovast at its foot, stands S. of Tarudant about the western extremity of the range of Anti-Atlas. The accompanying letterpress, page 566, is to a great extent derived from Leo Africanus, but with additions from other sources. It is curious to read that Tarudant, now a place which no Christian stranger dare approach, was then resorted to by French and English merchants.

The name of the remarkable man, who stands almost alone as a geographical authority for the interior of Marocco, has already been mentioned; but it is impossible to dismiss him so lightly. Leo Africanus, to give him the name by which he is known to posterity, was a Moor of Grenada, born in the latter part of the fifteenth century, who, with his kinsfolk, fled to Fez at or about the time of the siege of Granada in 1492. In those days Fez was the head-quarters of Arabic culture; Leo was an earnest and successful student, and, as a man of learning and intelligence, was taken into favour by Mouley Ahmet, the founder of the dynasty still reigning in Marocco. Either in company with the new ruler, or with his protection and authority, he travelled through almost every part of the empire, as well as nearly all the rest of Northern Africa, and evidently made copious notes. He wrote, in Arabic, various works on history and grammar which have not been preserved, and, in the same language, the original version of his description of Africa. It would appear that he carried this with him, in manuscript, when, in 1517, he was made captive by Christian corsairs, who took him to Rome. Leo X., hearing that a learned Moor had been brought a captive to Rome, sent for him, and treated him with kindness and liberality. A suggestion that he should undergo the rite of baptism seems to have encountered no obstinate prejudices, for he soon complied, receiving at the font the Pope’s own names, Giovanni Leone, and perhaps becoming as earnest a Christian as the Pontiff himself. He afterwards lived many years in Rome, acquired the Italian tongue, and translated his work on Africa into that idiom. This remained for some time unpublished, until it fell into the hands of Ramusio, who included it in his famous work ‘Delle Navigationi et Viaggi,’ of which the first edition, in three folio volumes, was printed in Venice in 1550. It is not easy to account for the numerous variations between the original text and the versions which appeared in various languages during the century following the original publication; but in the absence of satisfactory explanation it seems safest to accept the text of Ramusio as alone authentic.

Like most modern readers, the members of our party, when they resolved to visit Marocco, knew nothing of the work of Leo Africanus beyond the fact that he is occasionally referred to by writers on North Africa. The time for preparation was far too short for extensive reading, and we took with us only the works of Jackson and Gerhard Rohlfs. It has, however, since that time been a matter of frequent regret that we had not the opportunity, while travelling in the country, of referring to the only writer who had actually seen the greater part of it with his own eyes, and as to whose general truthfulness there is no room for suspicion. It is impossible here to enter into the many interesting details that abound throughout the text; but it is worth while to point out the more important changes that are disclosed between the condition of South Marocco as it was more than three and a half centuries ago, and that of the present day.