[117] In endeavoring to reach St. Augustine for repairs, four of their vessels foundered at sea.
[118] This was the merchant ship “Success,” mounting twenty guns. The General sent one hundred soldiers on board of her and filled her with necessary military stores. Thus she became, in the language of one of her crew, “ready for twice the number of Spaniards.”
[119] For their passage and outfit, they had agreed to labor for the Trust for a given period.
[120] This little fleet consisted of the “Success,” Captain Thompson, of twenty guns and one hundred and ten men, with springs upon her cables,—General Oglethorpe’s schooner of fourteen guns and eighty men,—and the sloop “St. Philip,” of fourteen guns and eighty men. Eight York sloops were close in shore, with one man on board each of them, whose instructions were, in case the enemy were about to capture, to sink or run them on shore. Gentleman’s Magazine, vol. XII, p. 495.
[121] This attempt was made by the Spanish Commodore with a ship of twenty-two guns, and a settee with an eighteen pounder and two nine pounders in her bow. So stout was the resistance offered by Captain Thompson with the great guns of his ship, by Captain Carr and his company of Marines, and by Lieutenant Wall and Ensign Otterbridge in charge of a detachment from Oglethorpe’s Regiment, that the Spaniards were obliged to retire with loss. A snow of sixteen guns at the same time attempted to board the Guard Schooner, but was repulsed by Captain Dunbar.
See Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, p. 341. London, 1748.
[122] From the statement made by live Spanish prisoners captured and brought in by the Creek Indians, it appeared that Don Manuel de Monteano, Governor of St. Augustine, was the Commander in Chief of the Expedition, and that Major General Antonio de Redondo was Chief Engineer. He and two Brigadier Generals accompanied the forces which came from Cuba. The aggregate strength of the expedition was about five thousand men, of whom four thousand three hundred were landed on St. Simons.
Heavy scouting parties were sent out in every direction by General Oglethorpe to observe the movements of the enemy and retard any advance in the direction of Frederica, the defences of which were being strengthened as rapidly and as thoroughly as time and the forces at command would permit.
[123] In this charge Oglethorpe encountered one hundred and twenty Spanish Pioneers, forty Yamassee Indians, and an equal number of negroes. So violent was the onslaught that nearly the whole party was either captured or slain. With his own hands the General captured two prisoners. Captain Sanchio commanding this advance, was taken prisoner by Lieut. Scroggs of the Rangers, and Toonahowi, although shot through the right arm by a Spanish officer, drew his pistol with his left and killed his antagonist on the spot.
See Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, p. 305. McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 181.
[124] After locating his troops, Oglethorpe hastened back to Frederica to prepare the Rangers and the Marine Company for action at a moments warning.
[125] Captain McCall furnishes the following account of this affair:
Captain Noble Jones, with a detachment of regulars and Indians, being out on a scouting party, fell in with a small detachment in the enemy’s advance, who were surprised and made prisoners, not deeming themselves so far in front of the main army. From these prisoners information was received that the whole Spanish army was advancing: this was immediately communicated by an Indian runner to the General who detached Captain Dunbar with a company of grenadiers to join the regulars and Indians, with orders to harrass the enemy on their advance. These detachments having formed a junction, observed at a distance the Spanish army on the march: and taking a favorable position near a marsh, formed an ambuscade. The enemy fortunately halted within a hundred paces of this position, stacked their arms, made fires, and were preparing their kettles for cooking, when a horse observed some of the party in ambuscade, and, frightened at the uniform of the regulars, began to snort, and gave the alarm. The Spaniards ran to their arms, but were shot down in great numbers by Oglethorpe’s detachment, who continued invisible to the enemy; and after repeated attempts to form, in which some of their principal officers fell, they fled with the utmost precipitation, leaving their camp equipage on the field, and never halted until they got under cover of the guns of their battery and ships. General Oglethorpe had detached Major Horton with a reinforcement, who arrived only in time to join in the pursuit. So complete was the surprise of the enemy, that many fled without their arms; others in a rapid retreat discharged their muskets over their shoulders at their pursuers; and many were killed by the loaded arms which were left on the ground; generally the Spaniards fired so much at random that the trees were pruned by the balls from their muskets; their loss in killed, wounded and prisoners, was estimated at five hundred. The loss in Oglethorpe’s detachment was very inconsiderable. From the signal victory obtained over the enemy, and the great slaughter amongst the Spanish troops, the scene of action just described has ever since been denominated the bloody marsh.
History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 185, 187. Savannah, 1811.
Compare Spalding’s Life of Oglethorpe, Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, pp. 281-284. Savannah, 1840.
[126] The Spaniards regarded the loss of this officer as more severe than that of a thousand men.
[127] In these two engagements the enemy had sustained a loss of two Captains, one Lieutenant, two Sergeants, two Drummers, and one hundred and sixty privates killed; and one Captain and nineteen men captured.
[128] This was on the 8th of July.
[129] During the 9th and 10th of July all hands were employed on the works at Frederica, except the scouts and Indians; the latter brought in some scalps and prisoners.
[130] July 13th.
[131] St. Simon’s town was destroyed by the Spaniards prior to their evacuation of the island. To a writer in the London Magazine for 1745, who made his observations in the early part of 1743, are we indebted for the following notice of this place:—“At the South Point of this Island of St. Simon, are the Ruins of the Town of St. Simons destroyed by the Spaniards at their Invasion. By the remaining Vestiges it must have been a very uniform Place; and the Situation is quite charming, tho’ it now makes one melancholy to see such a Desolation in so new a Country. The only Building they left standing was one House which they had consecrated for a Chapel. How different the Proceedings of the more generous English even in their Parts who never leave behind them such direful Remembrances; but here religious Fury goes Hand in Hand with Conquest, resolv’d to ruin whom they can’t convert. The Fort has some Remains still, and seems to have been no extraordinary affair; tho’ no Place was ever better defended, and the Enemies seem, by their Works and Intrenchments to have thought themselves sure of keeping the Town, but found themselves wofully mistaken. Down the Beach to the westward is a Look-out of Tappy-work which is a very good Mark for standing over the Bar into the Harbour; and on the opposite Point of Jekyl Island is a very remarkable Hammock of Trees much taken notice of by Seamen on the same Account. Somewhat lower and more Northerly is the Plantation call’d Gascoign’s which underwent the same Fate with St. Simons. An Officer’s Command is station’d at South Point, who disposes his Centries so as to discover Vessels some Leagues at Sea, and upon any such Discovery an Alarm-Gun is fir’d, and an Horseman sent up with Notice to the Head-Quarters which is nine miles from this Place. If they appear to make for the Harbour, a perpendicular mounted Gun is fir’d as a Signal, which, by the Ascent of the Smoke is a Direction to a Ship a long Way in the Offing, and is a most lucky Contrivance. The road from hence to Frederica is cut through the Woods, and through the Marshes rais’d upon a Causeway.” Page 549.
[132] July 16th.
[133] For further account of this memorable defence, see—Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, vol. II, pp. 340, 342. London, 1748. McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 170, 190. Savannah, 1811. Hewitt’s Historical Account of the Rise and Progress of the Colonies of South Carolina and Georgia, vol. II, pp. 114, 119. London, 1779. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 180, 196. New York, 1847. Harris’ Memorials of Oglethorpe, pp. 250, 268. Boston, 1840. Wright’s Memoir of Oglethorpe, pp. 299, 317. London, 1867. Spalding’s Life of Oglethorpe, Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. I, pp. 275, 284. Savannah, 1840. Ramsay’s History of South Carolina, vol. I, pp. 144, 147. Charleston, 1809. London Magazine, vol. XI, pp. 515, 516, 568. Gentleman’s Magazine for 1742, vol. XII, pp. 494, 496, 550, 561, 693, 694. Gentleman’s Magazine for 1743, vol. XIII, pp. 84, 638, 639.
[134] The following estimate was made of the forces engaged:
Spanish Troops.
| One regiment of dismounted Dragoons | 400 |
| Havanna Regiment | 500 |
| Havanna Militia | 1,000 |
| Regiment of Artillery | 400 |
| Florida Militia | 400 |
| Battalion of Mulattoes | 300 |
| Black Regiment | 400 |
| Indians | 90 |
| Marines | 600 |
| Seamen | 1,000 |
| Total | 5,090 |
General Oglethorpe’s Command.
| His Regiment | 472 |
| Company of Rangers | 30 |
| Highlanders | 50 |
| Armed Militia | 40 |
| Indians | 60 |
| Total | 652 |
See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol I, p. 196. Savannah, 1811.
[135] Of the condition of this town in 1743 we find the following account in the London Magazine for 1745: “Our first Stage we made New Inverness, or the Darien, on the Continent near 20 miles from Frederica; which is a Settlement of Highlanders living and dressing in their own Country Fashion, very happily and contentedly. There is an Independent Company of Foot of them, consisting of 70 men who have been of good service. The Town is regularly laid out, and built of Wood mostly, divided into Streets and Squares; before the Town is the Parade, and a Fort not yet finish’d. It is situated upon a very high Bluff, or Point of Land, from whence, with a few cannon, they can scour the River, otherwise it is surrounded by Pine-barrens, and Woods, and there is a Rout by Land to Savannah and Fort Argyle, which is statedly reconnoitred by a Troop of Highland Rangers who do duty here. The Company and Troop, armed in the Highland manner, make an extreme good appearance under arms. The whole Settlement may be said to be a brave and industrious People; but were more numerous, planted more, and raised more cattle before the Invasion, with which they drove a good Trade to the Southward; but Things seem daily mending with them. They are forc’d to keep a very good Guard in this Place, it lies so open to the Insults of the French and Spanish Indians, who once or twice have shewn Straglers some very bloody Tricks.” Page 551.
[136] Samuel Cloake,—who was a prisoner on board the “Pretty Nancy” taken by the Spaniards from the English, and fitted out for the invasion of Georgia,—made oath that during the time they lay off the bar the Spaniards often “whetted their swords and held their knives to this deponent’s and other English prisoners’ throats, saying they would cut the throats of those they should take at Georgia.” Harris’ Complete Collection of Voyages and Travels, pp. 342, 343. London, 1748.
[137] The governor of South Carolina did not unite in these congratulations and thanks; but the people of Port Royal did, much to his chagrin.
[138] In the language of General Oglethorpe, “they were so meek there was no provoking them.”
[139] See General Oglethorpe’s letters of the 12th and 21st of March, 1743. Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 149, 151. Savannah, 1873. London Magazine for 1743, vol. XII, pp. 356, 357. London Gazette, July 9, 1743.
[140] This demonstration had the effect of restraining the Enemy within the lines of St. Augustine; and the active cruizing of the English Guard Schooner and Scout Boats held in check the privateers which were in the habit of annoying the navigation to the southward. “In fine,” writes a Charles-Town merchant to his correspondent in London, under date August 10, 1743, “Georgia is a Gibraltar to this Province and North America, however insignificant some People may make it.” London Magazine for 1743, vol. XII, p. 567.
[141] See McCall’s Georgia, vol. I, p. 203. Savannah, 1811. Gentleman’s Magazine for 1744, vol. XIV, p. 393. London Magazine for 1744, vol. XIII, p. 359.
[142] London Magazine for 1743, vol. XII, p. 305.
[143] A mixture of lime made of Oyster-shells, with Sand, Small Shells, &c., which, when harden’d, is as firm as Stone. I have observ’d prodigious Quantities of Salt Petre to issue from Walls of this Cement.
[144] See Lond: Mag: 1742, p. 461, 515, 516, 567.
[145] Shingles are split out of many Sorts of Wood, in the shape of Tiles, which, when they have been some Time expos’d to the Weather, appear of the Colour of Slate, and have a very pretty Look; the Houses in America are mostly Shingled.
[146] See Lond. Mag. 1744, p. 359.
[147] I have been told that in this Explosion near 3,000 Bombs burst, which, had they not been well bedded, would have done much Mischief.
[148] The Inhabitants begin to plant this charming Fruit very much, and ’tis to be hop’d will banish their numerous Peach Trees to their Country Settlements, which are Nurseries of Muskettos and other Vermin. The Season I was there, they had Oranges enough of their own Growth for Home Consumption.
[149] This was written in the beginning of 1743. See London Magazine for 1745, vol. XIV, pp. 395, 396.
Compare notice in “The North-American and the West-Indian Gazetteer.” London, 1778.
[150] Volume XVI, p. 484.
[151] A destructive fire had consumed nearly all the houses which time had spared. See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 446. New York, 1847.
[152] Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 168, 169. Savannah, 1873.
[153] Travels through North and South Carolina, Georgia, &c., pp. 55-60. London, 1792.
[154] MS. Order-Book of Col. S. Elbert.
[155] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, p. 151.
[156] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 131, 132. Savannah, 1811.
[157] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. II, pp. 137-139. Savannah, 1811. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, pp. 161-162. Philadelphia, 1859. White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, p. 468. New York, 1855.
[158] Watkins’ Digest, p. 470.
[159] Watkins’ Digest, pp. 598, 599.
[160] “Notes and Observations on the Pine Lands of Georgia,” &c. Augusta, 1801.
[161] Clayton’s Digest, p. 63.
[162] Lamar’s Digest, pp. 902, 978.
[163] Alluding to Frederica, in 1829, Sherwood says: “The Fort is gone to decay, but there are ten houses in the village.” Gazetteer of Georgia, p. 111.
[164] Frances Anne Kemble, who visited Frederica in the spring of 1839, thus records her impressions of the deserted spot: “This Frederica is a very strange place; it was once a town,—the town, the metropolis of the island. The English, when they landed on the coast of Georgia in the war, destroyed this tiny place, and it has never been built up again. Mrs. A.’s and one other house, are the only dwellings that remain in this curious wilderness of dismantled crumbling gray walls compassionately cloaked with a thousand profuse and graceful creepers. These are the only ruins, properly so called, except those of Fort Putnam, that I have ever seen in this land of contemptuous youth. I hailed these picturesque groups and masses with the feelings of a European, to whom ruins are like a sort of relations. In my country, ruins are like a minor chord in music; here they are like a discord; they are not the relics of time, but the results of violence; they recall no valuable memories of a remote past, and are mere encumbrances to the busy present. Evidently they are out of place in America except on St. Simon’s island, between this savage selvage of civilization and the great Atlantic deep. These heaps of rubbish and roses would have made the fortune of a sketcher; but I imagine the snakes have it all to themselves here, and are undisturbed by camp-stools, white umbrellas, and ejaculatory young ladies.” Journal of a Residence on a Georgian Plantation, &c., p. 285. New York, 1863.
[165] A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, &c., vol. II, pp. 215, 216. London, 1742.
[166] For notices of Abercorn, see—“An Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary Von Beck, &c., and of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius,” pp. 18, 20, 54, 66, 69. London, 1734. “An Account Shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia, in America,” &c., p. 35. London, 1741. Stephens’ “Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia,” &c., vol. I, p. 230. Vol. II, pp. 215, 216. London, 1742. “An Extract of the Rev. Mr. John Wesley’s Journal,” &c., p. 60. Bristol, n. d. “A State of the Province of Georgia, attested upon oath,” &c., p. 5. London, 1742. “A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia,” &c., by Tailfer, Anderson, and Douglas, p. 108. Charles-Town, 1741.
[167] See Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, by Robert Wright, p. 74. London, 1857.
[168] Memoir of General James Oglethorpe, by Robert Wright, pp. 284, 285. London, 1867.
[169] See A Journal of the Proceedings in Georgia, &c., by William Stephens, pp. 160, 161. London, MDCCXLII.
[170] See An Account Shewing the Progress of the Colony of Georgia in America, &c., pp. 48, 49. London, 1741.
[171] History of Georgia, vol. I, p. 255. Savannah, 1811.
[172] The following members of that Congress came from the Parish of St. John: James Screven, Nathan Brownson, Daniel Roberts, John Baker, Sr., John Bacon, Sr., James Maxwell, Edward Ball, William Baker, Sr., William Bacon, Jr., John Stevens, and John Winn, Sr. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 106.
[173] See McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 7. Savannah, 1816.
[174] The Medway, in the county of Kent, is a noble stream. Its trunk and branches cover thirty square miles of the surface of the county, and its length is nearly sixty miles,—of which forty are navigable. This river well deserves the name of Vaga, by which the Britons described its wanderings. The Saxons added the syllable Med, the sign of middle, because the river runs through the centre of the county, and thus gets its present name of Medway. Encyclopædia Britannica, 8th Edition, vol. XIII, Article Kent, p. 65. See also vol. VIII, p. 716.
[175] Marbury and Crawford’s Digest, pp. 150, 152.
[176] Under the writs of election issued by Sir James Wright in 1761, Thomas Carter, Parmenus Way and John Winn were returned as members from Midway and Sunbury in St. John’s Parish. McCall’s Georgia, vol. I, p. 286.
[177] DeBrahm says: “The Beach-Hill Congregation settled upon the Heads of the two Newport Rivers early in the year 1752, when they left Carolina in a great Body, they continued drawing their Effects and Cattle after settling all other Concerns in their native Province until 1755, many rich Carolina Planters followed the Example of that Congregation, and came with all their Families and Negroes to settle in Georgia in 1752: the Spirit of Emigration out of South Carolina into Georgia became so universal that year, that this and the following year near one thousand Negroes was brought in Georgia, where in 1751 were scarce above three dozen.” History of the Province of Georgia, &c., p. 21. Wormsloe, 1849.
[178] See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 21. Philadelphia, 1859.
In his letter to Lord Halifax, written in 1763, Sir James Wright says: “I judged it necessary for his Majesty’s service that Sunbury,—a well settled place, having an exceeding good harbour and inlet from the sea,—should be made a Port of Entry; and I have appointed Thomas Carr, Collector, and John Martin, Naval Officer for the same. There are eighty dwelling houses in the place: three considerable merchant stores for supplying the town and planters in the neighborhood with all kinds of necessary goods; and around it for about fifteen miles is one of the best settled parts of the country.”
[179] When visited by an English traveller in 1743, this island was inhabited by eight or ten families of Indians, who had considerable tracts of open land, and were largely engaged in the cultivation of corn. It abounded with game, “on which,” says the writer, “the good Indians regaled us, and for Greens boiled us the Tops of China Briars, which eat almost as well as Asparagus.” London Magazine for 1745, pp. 551, 552.
[180] McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 214, 215. Savannah, 1811.
[181] See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 453, 454.
[182] See Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, vol. III, p. 120. Philadelphia, 1823.
[183] McCall’s History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 255, 256. Savannah, 1811.
[184] See Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, p. 161, et seq. Savannah, 1873.
[185] Travels Through North and South Carolina, Georgia, &c., p. 5. London, 1792.
[186] His Observations were published in 1792.
[187] Idem, pp. 9, 10.
[188] See Watkins’ Digest, p. 144.
[189] See Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 92. Philadelphia, 1859.
[190] See Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, vol. III, p. 55. Philadelphia, 1823. McCall’s Georgia, vol. II, p. 41. Savannah, 1816.
[191] Sir Thomas Browne’s Hydriotaphia.
[192] See Letter of the 9th of February, 1775, signed by Lyman Hall, Chairman. White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, pp. 520, 521. New York, 1855. Sanderson’s Biography of the Signers, vol. III, p. 54. Philadelphia, 1823.
[193] The apparent tardiness and hesitancy on the part of the Colony of Georgia in casting her lot with her Sister Colonies at the inception of those movements which culminated in a declaration of independence, may be excused or accounted for when we remember that she was the youngest and the least prepared of all the Colonies, and recall the fact that Schovilites, leagued with Indians, were scourging her borders and awakening in the breasts even of the most patriotic and daring, gravest apprehensions for the safety of their wives and children. “The charge of inactivity vanishes,” says Captain McCall, “when the sword and hatchet are held over the heads of the actors to compel them to lie still.”
During the progress of the Revolution the term Schovilite which, at first, was used to designate not only the bandit follower of Schovil, but also every adherent of the Crown in the Southern provinces, was dropped, and that of Loyalist and Tory substituted. The Revolutionists were known as Whigs, Rebels, and Patriots. Many Loyalists who had fled from the Carolinas and Georgia secured a retreat in East Florida whence, having associated with themselves parties of Indians, under the name of Florida Rangers, they indulged in predatory incursions into Georgia to the great loss and disquietude of the southern portions of the Province.
History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 4. Savannah, 1816.
[194] See White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, pp. 517, 518. New York, 1855.
[195] Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. I, pp. 445, 446. New York, 1847.
[196] Journal of Congress, vol. I, p. 375. Stevens’ History of Georgia, vol. II, p. 151. Philadelphia, 1859.
Three days afterwards Congress appropriated $60,000 for the support of the battalions thus ordered to be raised.
[197] It is not improbable that some of these guns may have been brought from Frederica; for the Council of Safety had ordered all warlike stores at that place to be secured.
[198] In compliment to Captain Morris, commanding a company of Continental Artillery raised for coast defence. By this company was the fort garrisoned upon its completion.
[199] For the accompanying plan of Fort Morris, I am indebted to a recent survey made at my suggestion by Sam’l L. Fleming, Esq., of Liberty County.
[200] The following orders were issued by Colonel S. Elbert, for the fuller instruction of the Artillerists stationed at Sunbury. See MS. Order Book of Col. Elbert.
“Headquarters Savannah, 5th Dec’r, 1777.
“ORDERS TO CAPTAIN DEFATT OF THE ARTILLERY.
“You are to proceed immediately to the Town of Sunbury, in this State, where are a corps of Continental Artillery posted, which you are constantly to be employed in teaching the perfect use of Artillery, particularly in the Field. Both Officers and Men are hereby strictly ordered to attend on you for the above purpose, at such times, and in such places as you may direct; and the Commanding Officer of the Troops in that place on your shewing him these Orders, will furnish Men to do the necessary duty in the Town & Fort; so that there will be nothing to prevent Captain Morris and his Company from being perfected in the Business for which they were raised. Such pieces of Artillery as you approve of, have mounted on Field-Carriages; and for this purpose you are empowered to employ the necessary Workmen, and procure Materials. Your drafts on me for every necessary Expense, accompanying the Vouchers, will be duly honored.
“I am, Sir, your most Obdt Servt,
“S. Elbert, Col. Commd’g.”
[201] McCall’s Georgia, vol. II, p. 96. Savannah, 1816.
[202] See McCall’s Georgia, vol. II, p. 153. Savannah, 1816.
[203] During the year 1777 American privateers were busy off the Georgia coast and among the inland passages. They cruised as far south as St. Augustine and made frequent captures. In his communication of the 8th of October, Sir James Wright informs Lord George Germain that a short time previous a privateer from Sunbury, mounting ten guns, had taken five prizes; two of which were safely carried in. He urges upon the Secretary of War the expediency of stationing a twenty-gun ship or a frigate at Cockspur, two sloops of war in the Savannah river, and one at Sunbury.
From Sunbury, on the 1st of May, 1777, did Col. Elbert embark in transports his troops destined for the expedition against Florida undertaken at the instance of Governor Button Gwinnett.
Collections of the Georgia Historical Society, vol. III, pp. 246, 248. Savannah, 1873.
[204] He had been for some time stationed at Sunbury, and commanded not only the Continental troops there concentrated, but also all detached companies operating to the southward. Captain Morris’ artillery company constituted the permanent garrison of the Fort.
[205] The following lines descriptive of the desolations wrought by this invading force, are extracted from a quaint old-fashioned poem composed by John Baker, a son of Colonel John Baker, and found among the MSS of the latter:
[206] Bancroft’s History of the United States, vol. X, p. 294. Boston, 1874.
[207] Mr. John Couper, in a letter dated St. Simon’s, 16th April, 1842, and written when he was eighty-three years of age, gives the following anecdote of the famous and eccentric Captain Rory McIntosh who, at the time, had attached himself in a volunteer capacity to the infantry company commanded by Captain Murray, forming part of the 4th Battalion of the 60th Regiment. Captain Murray’s company was in the lines which Colonel Fuser had developed around Sunbury and its Fort. “Early one morning,” writes Mr. Couper, “when Rory had made rather free with the ‘mountain dew,’ he insisted on sallying out to summons the fort to surrender. His friends could not restrain him, so out he strutted, claymore in hand, followed by his faithful slave Jim, and approached the fort, roaring out, “Surrender, you miscreants! How dare you presume to resist his Majesty’s arms?” Captain McIntosh knew him, and, seeing his situation, forbid any one firing, threw open the gate, and said “Walk in, Mr. McIntosh, and take possession.” “No,” said Rory, “I will not trust myself among such vermin; but I order you to surrender.” A rifle was fired, the ball from which passed through his face, sideways, under his eyes. He stumbled and fell backwards, but immediately recovered and retreated backwards, flourishing his sword. Several dropping shots followed. Jim called out, “Run, massa—de kill you.” “Run, poor slave,” says Rory. “Thou mayest run, but I am of a race that never runs.” In rising from the ground, Jim stated to me, his master, first putting his hand to one cheek, looked at his bloody hand, and then raising it to the other, perceived it also covered with blood. He backed safely into the lines.” White’s Historical Collections of Georgia, p. 472. New York, 1855.