There are several pools of stagnant salt water in the town, which, I conceive, in a great measure, promote the advance of the summer fevers and agues. The burying-places are outside the walls, and are of considerable extent. In lieu of stones, small mud embankments are formed round the graves, which are ornamented with shreds of cloth tied to small sticks, with broken pots, and sometimes ostrich eggs. One of the burying-places is for slaves, who are laid very little below the surface; and in some parts the sand has been so carried away by the wind, as to expose their skeletons to view. Owing to the want of wood, no coffins are used; the bodies are merely wrapped in a mat, or linen cloth, and covered with palm branches, over which the earth is thrown. When the branches decay, the earth falls in; and the graves are easily known by being concave instead of convex. The place where the former Sultans are buried is a plain near the town; their graves are only distinguished from those of other people by having a larger proportion of broken pots scattered about them. It is a custom for the relations of the deceased to visit, and occasionally to recite a prayer over the grave, or to repeat a verse of the Koran. Children never pass within sight of the tombs of their parents without stopping to pay this grateful tribute of respect to their memory. Animals are never buried, but thrown on mounds outside the walls, and there left. The excessive heat soon dries up all their moisture, and prevents their becoming offensive; and the hair remains on them, so that they appear like preserved skins.

May 15th.—I was attacked with severe dysentery, which confined me to my bed during twenty-two days, and reduced me to the last extremity. Our little party was at this time miserably poor, for we had only money sufficient for the purchase of corn to keep us alive, and never tasted meat, unless fortunate enough to kill a pigeon in the gardens. My illness was the first break up in our little community, and from that time it rarely happened that one or two of us were not confined to our beds. The extreme saltness of the water, the poor quality of our food, together with the excessive heat and dryness of the climate, long retarded my recovery; and when it did take place, it was looked on as a miracle by those who had seen me in my worst state, and who thought it impossible for me to survive. I was no sooner convalescent, than Mr. Ritchie fell ill, and was confined to his bed with an attack of bilious fever, accompanied with delirium, and great pain in his back and kidneys, for which he required repeated cupping. When a little recovered, he got up for two days, but his disorder soon returned with redoubled and alarming violence. He rejected every thing but water; and, excepting about three hours in the afternoon, remained either constantly asleep, or in a delirious state. Even had he been capable of taking food, we had not the power of purchasing any which could nourish or refresh him. Our money was now all expended, and the Sultan’s treacherous plans to distress us, which daily became too apparent, were so well arranged, that we could not find any one to buy our goods. For six entire weeks we were without animal food, subsisting on a very scanty portion of corn and dates. Our horses were mere skeletons, added to which, Belford became totally deaf, and so emaciated as to be unable to walk.

My situation was now such as to create the most gloomy apprehensions; for I reflected that, if my two companions were to die, which there was every reason to apprehend, I had no money with which to bury them, or to support myself; and must in that case have actually perished from want, in a land of comparative plenty. My naturally sanguine mind, however, and above all, my firm reliance in that Power which had so mercifully protected me on so many trying occasions, prevented my giving way to despondency; and, Belford beginning soon to rally a little, we united, and took turns in nursing and attending on our poor companion. At this time, having no servant, we performed for Mr. Ritchie and for ourselves the most menial offices, Mr. Ritchie being wholly unable to assist himself.

Two young men, brothers, whom we had treated with great kindness, and whom we had engaged to attend on us, so far from commiserating our forlorn situation, forsook us in our distress, and even carried off our little store of rice and cusscussou, laughing at our complaints, and well knowing that our poverty prevented the redress which we should otherwise have sought and obtained.

During the period of Mr. Ritchie’s illness, a Kafflé of Tuarick arrived, on their way to Mecca; they had with them a Marāboot of most extraordinary talent and sagacity, about fifteen years old. This young saint was said never to look up, but to have his eyes either fixed on the Koran, or on the ground. I managed to ride out to visit this exalted personage, and found him a fat silly boy with sore eyes, very dirty and ragged, and surrounded by Hadge Mahmoud and a few others, with about the same share of intellect as himself, who were listening with great admiration to his remarks.

The Sultan, on the arrival of this Kafflé, rode out in state to see them, and supplied them with provisions during their stay. They were about one hundred and fifty in number, and with the exception of two tents of canvas, all the rest were of leather, supported by sticks and the people’s baggage.

I shall speak at a future period of the Tuarick, their dress, language, &c.

Rhamadan (the month in which Mohammed is said to have had his first communication with the angel Gabriel) was announced on the 23d of June, when the new moon appeared. The strictest fast was immediately commenced before day, about three o’clock, until sunset at seven P.M., sixteen hours; during this time no one drinks or eats, smokes or chews tobacco, and even smelling perfume is considered as wicked, as is swallowing the saliva.

The excessive heat which raged at this period (see Meteorological register at the end of the volume) was the occasion of many very serious illnesses amongst our friends and neighbours. Mr. Ritchie being very unwell and in bed, was, in a manner, privileged to take food or drink; but as Belford and myself were now much recovered, we were obliged to be very cautious, only eating by stealth, and when no one was likely to interrupt us. We had at this time a servant, who was a very inquisitive fellow; and our artifices to get him out of the way on these occasions would, by any but a blockhead like himself, have been soon discovered: however, we not only got safely through, but were fortunate enough to obtain credit for keeping the fast with great strictness, and without exciting the slightest suspicions of our stolen meals.

Hadje Mahmoud, a most religious old man, became very troublesome to me, and was continually begging that I would call in some Marāboot to pray over, and write prayers on Mr. Ritchie’s head and hands: his delirium he attributed to the devil, and foretold that it would not cease until we had put a sword, or some implement of iron, under his head, Iblis being much alarmed at that metal. All these plans I resisted as well as I could; but found much difficulty in overcoming a strong desire he had to bring a plate with the names of God written on it, which were to be washed off, and the inky water given to the invalid to drink. Our poor patient, meanwhile, regardless of what was passing, longed and asked only for a little milk, which unhappily we were not able to procure; the Sultan, although he had fifty goats, made so many excuses and difficulties about affording us any, that we were obliged to give up all hopes of gratifying him.

Great preparations were now making all over the kingdom, to forward an expedition which the Sultan intended to send against the tribe of the Tibboo Borgo, a country about a month S.E. Bodies of Arabs arrived from Sockna, and the towns in that direction; a party of horse also came from Benioleed, and Morzouk was all confusion. Sidi Aleiwa, the Sultan’s eldest son, was to take the command. All the men assembled to accompany him were quartered on the town’s-people, who were obliged to feed them and their cattle twice a day.

I shall here mention the names of certain persons who came to see us, and were really friendly towards us, in order to distinguish them from numberless other visitors, who, at first, were very regular in their attendance, but who vanished as soon as our sugar and coffee were expended. Mohammed El Lizari حمداليزهاري and Yussuf his brother were our two principal and real friends, and were the sons of a Mamluke long since dead.

On Mukni’s coming to this country, he reduced them from a state of affluence to complete poverty, leaving them their palms, the only possessions of which he could not deprive them. The friendship which these good men evinced for us was perfectly disinterested; and when we were poor and nearly starving, they most humanely and considerately conferred on us many acts of real kindness. Mohammed, the elder brother, was obliged to prepare himself to go on the slave hunt, much against his inclination, and was appointed to take charge of the young Aleiwa.

Old Hadje Mahmoud, whom I have before mentioned, was another of our friends, but rather less disinterested than the two former: he was credulous, superstitious, and rather time-serving; but being our neighbour, did us now and then a good office. His kindness, however, certainly slackened after our poverty became but too apparent.

Mohammed ben Abd Alla was, for a length of time, our most constant visitor. He was a Mamluke, born at Naples, and apostatised when about ten years old. He remained some time at Tripoli; and, when about eighteen years of age, was sent by the Bashaw as a present to the former Sultan. He recollected but little of his native language; was shrewd and lively, and was certainly employed by the Sultan as a spy upon our actions. Having fully ascertained this circumstance, we employed many tricks to deceive him, in which we completely succeeded. One of his great points was, to discover for what reason we came so far into the country, and whether we really were very great men, as we were reported to be.

A report had been circulated that Mr. Ritchie was married to the King of England’s daughter, and that I recently had married his Majesty’s niece. As Mohammed affected to be acquainted with all our affairs, we always denied our high connexions in such a manner as to confirm, rather than to contradict, the reports. Our wealth he imagined to be very considerable, until he found we ceased to eat meat, and then his suspicions of our real situation were awakened. As he became excessively importunate in his questions, I at last undertook to frighten him, and after one or two preparatory conversations, got him out on the sand one night when there was no moon. I began talking of King Solomon and his seal, and related to him as many horrible stories of ghosts as I could conjure up. I told him that Mr. Ritchie and myself were Freemasons, and that we understood the writing which was on our Lord Solomon’s seal. On this subject I also invented tales, to convince him that Freemasons were acquainted with every thing. I took him home with me, and (Mr. Ritchie being on that evening pretty well) desired him to mention some words to me, which I would, with his hand over my mouth, convey across the room. I accordingly spelt the words with my fingers, and Mr. Ritchie, to Mohammed’s great astonishment, repeated them aloud. A few repetitions of this plan made a sensible alteration in our inquisitive friend, who, from that time, gradually ceased to intrude on us. Mohammed was particularly proud of his high blood (being a Mamluke), boasting that his father (though an unbeliever) was a very great man, and much in the confidence of the King of Naples, whose revenues he collected, and had a large army under his orders. He also recollected his having fine laced clothes, and riding a horse. We were often much puzzled to guess who this great personage could be, when one evening, by way of surprising and delighting us, he, with great gravity, informed us that his father was a caporale, or, in plain English, a corporal!

On the 12th of July, the army all being in readiness, amounting to about 300 horse and 800 foot, with nearly 2000 camels, set out for Gutrone, from whence they were to make their final departure. Mukni accompanied them; and the town was left in a state of quiet we had never before observed. The charge of the castle was committed to old Hadge Mahmoud, who locked the females up every evening at sunset. Mukni, who was not considered to be a very religious person, was much blamed for setting out during the fast of Rhamadan; and some, who knew we should not betray their opinions, said, that his only reason for choosing such a time was, that he might have an excuse for eating, which is allowed by the Koran to travellers and sick persons; provided they make amends when they are able, by fasting in some other month.

Many people came to us to beg for medicines; and Mr. Ritchie being unable to attend to their wants, I became their physician, having a medical book constantly at hand to refer to in difficult cases. My medicines sometimes succeeded, and I must say, that where I could not afford relief, I never attempted any experiments which could injure my patients. I shall here state the most prevalent disorders, with the method of cure employed by the inhabitants:

I saw one instance of elephantiasis. The man afflicted with it was a native of Morzouk. His right leg was very much swoln, and he said it had been in that state for more than a year, and was still increasing in size. He said it gave him no pain, but much incommoded him in working. His complexion appeared sallow and shrivelled; but his leg was red, and the skin shining.

I was now considered as a doctor, and my character, in consequence, became established; although my knowledge was certainly confined within a very narrow compass, and extended no farther than bleeding, blistering, and preparing a simple dose of physic.

On the 22nd of July Mukni returned, having seen his son safe on his way. Rhamadan’s sun was now set; and on the 23rd instant, early in the morning, the moon was visible. It would be impossible to describe the joy which this sight occasioned, after thirty days’ fasting. Every body was in motion, screaming, dancing, firing guns, eating and drinking.

Mr. Ritchie was now beginning to recover, and was able to sit up a little, after having been confined fifty-eight days to his bed. At noon, having ornamented myself and my poor lean horse as well as I could, I joined the procession which was to ride round the town. The Sultan and his two youngest sons, covered with rich clothes, rode first, with flags, led horses, and music. All the people, who remained behind from the army, were dressed in their finest habits; and we thus proceeded to a small building near the tombs of the former Sultans. On arriving there we dismounted, and I entered with the Sultan and one or two more. The Kadi stood in a niche, from which he could be seen by all the people on the plain, and recited the usual prayers; after which he read many passages from the Koran, expressly relating to Rhamadan. All the prayers being finished, every one embraced his neighbour, and congratulated him on the happy termination of the fast. Such kissing I never before witnessed. All who were capable of crowding into this house kissed the hand of Mukni, and welcomed him with the word of joy, Mabrook el Aïd! “Welcome the feast!” I was allowed to salute his shoulder, perhaps because he knew I would not pay that compliment to his hand. We then remounted, and rode round the town in great state, leaving the Kadi to kill a fat sheep as a sacrifice. I was much amused at sight of the little boys, all dressed in their fathers’ clothes, which trailed along the ground as they walked, and had a most ludicrous appearance. Some had only a rich jacket on, which hung on them like a great coat; and all wore turbans over their usual red caps. Every donkey was in requisition, and those which had the longest backs bore the greatest quantity of elegant riders. The joy depicted on every countenance, the fineness of the weather, and the novelty of the scene, was really very striking. Clothes were worn on this day which had never been used but on similar occasions; and many a Kaftan revisited the light, which had belonged to the great grandfather of the wearer. This feast is the Bairam of the Turks, and lasts three days; during which, the people, in their finest garments, receive and pay visits of ceremony. Every afternoon the Sultan rides out in state. Even the most needy manage on this grand occasion to get a little camels’ flesh, and sometimes mutton.

The great people (as commanded by their religion) give food to the poor, who take care to come in immense crowds to demand it. We were obliged to expend two of our remaining dollars, and to distribute camels’ flesh. However, it really was appropriated to those who most wanted it; as I sent for the negroes who accompanied our Kafflé from Tripoli, and who were without friends or money, and divided it amongst them. One necessary attendant on charity is, that the person who bestows it should go and boast of his good deeds to all the world. I was found much fault with by our neighbour for not sitting outside the door to distribute the flesh, (Mr. Ritchie being too weak to attend for that purpose), so that every one should see me—a piece of ostentation which our neighbour did not omit; and in only giving pieces about the size of a walnut to each applicant, of whom there were great numbers, he certainly extended his charity farther than we did.

Many parties of Tuarick came with their slaves and goods, during the last month, (July), from Kashna, Aghades, and Ghraat. They are the finest race of men I ever saw; tall, straight, and handsome, with a certain air of independence and pride, which is very imposing. They are generally white, that is to say, comparatively so; the dark brown of their complexions only being occasioned by the heat of the climate. Their arms or bodies, (where constantly covered), are as white as those of many Europeans. Their costume is very remarkable, and they cover their faces as high as the eyes, in the manner of women on the sea-coast. Their original motive for so doing is now forgotten; but they say it must be right, as it was the fashion of their forefathers. This covering extends as high as half way up the bridge of the nose, from whence it hangs down below the chin on the breast, much in the same way (but longer) as crape or lace is hung to a lady’s half mask. This cloth is generally of blue glazed cotton; but yellow, red, white, and many other colours are worn according to taste, or the ability of the wearer to purchase them. The beard is kept close clipped, so as not to interfere with the covering which is tied behind; their red caps are generally very high, but some wear yellow or green ones, fitted close to the head: others have no caps at all, but leave their hair to grow, and plait it in long tresses. All wear turbans, which are never of any fixed colour: blue is the most common and cheap; but gaudy hues are preferred. A large loose shirt (having the sleeves the same size as the body), called Tobe, is the common dress; it is of cotton, generally blue, or blue and white, and is of their own manufacture, although some wear those of Soudan, which are considered the best that are made. The merchants generally dress very gaudily while in the towns, wearing kaftans of bright red cloth, or very gay silk and cotton striped, which they procure from the Tripoline traders. A leather kaftan is also much worn, of their own manufacture, as are leather shirts of the skins of antelopes, very neatly sewed, and well prepared. Their trowsers are not made so full as those of the Moors, as they would in that case be much encumbered in riding their maherries: they rather resemble those called Cossack trowsers, and are made of cotton stuff, dark blue being the most common. Their sandals are the most elegant part of their dress, being made of black leather, with scarlet thongs to brace them to the feet. The ornamental needle-work on the inside of the sole is really admirable. They all wear a whip, hanging from a belt passed over the left shoulder by the right side. Their swords are straight and of great length, and they wield them with much ease and dexterity. From the left wrist is suspended a dagger, with the hilt towards the hand; it has a broad leather ring attached to the scabbard, and through this the hand is passed. No Tuarick is ever seen without this appendage, and a light elegant spear, sometimes entirely of iron, inlaid with brass; others are of wood, but are also highly ornamented. These weapons are about six feet in length, and are thrown to a great distance. In making war, they have three longer and heavier spears, and a strong lance, which are fastened behind the saddle. A long gun is also generally carried; and these people are considered sure marksmen. They are, if possible, more superstitious than the natives of Fezzan; some of them being literally covered with charms against disorders and accidents, which they wear round their arms, legs, necks, across the breast, and in fact wherever they can find a place for them. Their spears and guns have also their due allowance, and in the folds of the turbans are always hidden a number of holy writings. Some wear large silver cases tied round the head, containing charms against the devil. Their language is the Breber, or original African tongue, still spoken in the mountains behind Tunis, in some parts of Morocco, and at Sockna, where it is called Ertana. On a future occasion I shall give a small vocabulary of it. They are very proud of the antiquity of their language, which some have told me was spoken by Noah, in preference to any other. They never kiss the hand as other Mohammedans do, not even that of the Sultan himself, but advance, and, taking the hand, shake it, and then retire, standing erect, and looking him full in the face—a striking contrast of manners to that of the natives of Fezzan. No people have more aversion to washing than the Tuarick generally have; some, after having equipped themselves in a new suit of blue, become so stained for a time as to appear of the same complexion as their garments. Even in performing their necessary purifications, which require that a man should wash in a particular way before his prayers, they avoid water, and make use of sand. Many attempts were made by us to discover the reason why they kept themselves in such a dirty state; but to all our inquiries we obtained nearly the same answers: “God never intended that man should injure his health, if he could avoid it: water having been given to man to drink, and cook with, it does not agree with the skin of a Tuarick, who always falls sick after much washing.” There are some, however, who do wash, and ridicule the dirty ones; but these are comparatively few. They are Moslem, and their prayers are in Arabic, of which language many do not understand a syllable; those who do pray (and there are many who do not) only repeat their belief, viz. “There is no God but God, and Mohammed is his prophet,” and know very little besides of their religion. They inhabit that immense tract of country, known in maps under the name of Sahara, or the Great Desert, and are of numerous tribes, some of whom have no settled habitations, but wander like the Arabs, and subsist by plunder. They are not cruel on these occasions, provided they meet with no resistance; but should the party attacked attempt to defend themselves, their death is certain.

The Tuarick, or more properly tribes of them, are always at war with the Soudan states, and carry off from them incalculable numbers of slaves. They are so completely masters of their weapons, and so very courageous, that they are much dreaded, which enables them to traverse unmolested, and in very small bodies, countries full of armed people. Each tribe has some peculiarity in its dress, or manner of riding and making war. The nearest Tuarick to Fezzan are at Ghraat, which is ten days from Morzouk, and from Oubari, the most western village in the Wadey Shiati. Near Sebha (see map) it is seven days west by south.

Ghraat, غرعت is a walled town, having houses in streets, and built of stone and mud, in the same manner as Morzouk. It is twenty days from Tuat, طوات and five days from Ganat, which place is not, as has been generally supposed, a town, but merely a country producing dates, and having a few scattered huts and gardens, the wells of which are salt.

Ghadams, غدامس is twenty days north-west of Ghraat. At about the distance of five or six miles from the latter, is a town called El Berkaat, البركعت famous for the quantity and fineness of the grapes produced there. It is also a walled town, but rather smaller than its neighbour, which may be about the size of Sockna.

Ghraat is built partly on a plain, and partly on a steep hill side. It is closely surrounded by high mountains, which are perfectly barren: the plains are not sandy, but gravel. The Sheikh is there called Sultan, and his name is Bel Gassem. He receives but a precarious revenue, and that only from the settled inhabitants, who are called Ghratïa. The Tuarick show no respect to him, and pay no duties. They are generally wanderers, leaving only a few of each tribe in the country; but they never settle any where else. They are of the tribes Heggār, حقار, Booghrasāten, بوغراساتن, Menghrāata, منغرعت, and Haïoon, حيون; which last people are famed for sanctity, and there are but few of them who have not performed the pilgrimage to the Holy House. They are settled in the country, and seldom go to the negro kingdoms to trade. The Sultan has not the power of life and death; cannot alter or make laws; and is directed by an assembly of the elders of the people, who always try offences of a criminal nature, and then submit their sentence to him for his approval. He cannot even resolve on any measure of importance without first obtaining the permission of those elders. Neither in his dress, mode of living, or habitation, is he distinguished from the common people; and he walks about and trades by himself without attracting any notice. The Sultanship is hereditary, and not being a very desirable office, occasions no wars for the succession.

The Ghrātïa allow strangers to sit and converse with their wives and daughters, who seldom are known to abuse the liberty allowed them. They are said to be fine looking women, and inclined to corpulency. These people are reputed to be rich, from their constant trade with Soudan, and from having no one to deprive them of their gains. Provisions of all kinds are exorbitantly dear. The dates are not plentiful, and of a very inferior quality. They grow but little corn, and procure more from Morzouk in exchange for slaves, gold, or other merchandize.

The Tuarick of the tribes frequenting Ghraat are insatiable and unwearied beggars, generally securing possession, and then begging the thing taken as a present.

There is annually in the spring a great market, to which dealers from all the neighbouring countries resort in great numbers. The Ghadamsines bring swords, guns, powder, flints, lead and iron ware, also a few articles of clothing. The Soudan traders bring slaves, cotton cloths, skins, gold, civet, shears, daggers, water skins, Goroo nuts, &c.: the Fezzan merchants a mixed cargo of such goods as they procure from Tripoli or Egypt. Slaves and camels, dates and corn, are always the principal articles of commerce, and in great abundance. All traders have a tribute exacted from them by the Tuarick of the country. Clothing, some powder, or any small article, franks a Kafflé; and if a single trader goes, the same is expected from him: friends only being allowed to pass free. This tribute is called “safety money,” and once paid, the merchants are exempt from farther demand. The Mamlukes of Morzouk, or people sent by them, do not pay any thing, it being the interest of the Tuarick, who constantly come to the capital, to keep on terms with them.

The manner of riding amongst these people is very singular. They have swift, tall camels, called Maherry (the Herie of travellers), with which they perform extraordinary journeys. The saddle is placed on the withers, and confined by a band under the belly. It is very small, and difficult to sit, which is done by balancing with the feet against the neck of the animal, and holding a tight rein to steady the head. They manage these creatures with great dexterity, fighting when mounted on them, and firing at marks while at full speed, which is a long trot, in which, the maherry can continue at about nine miles an hour for many hours together. They do not much esteem horses, and never buy them but for the purpose of exchanging them for slaves in Soudan.

We had many visits from these extraordinary people, who came to see us as curiosities, and minutely examined every thing we would allow them to handle. The report which they had heard of our great knowledge, and of our being able to look steadfastly at the sun, or in other words, to take celestial observations, brought large parties to our habitation, on whom we not unfrequently played a few tricks. Phosphorus astonished them beyond all measure; kaleidoscopes, and the camera obscura, also excited great amazement; but the compass was quite beyond their comprehension, so much so, that they generally were afraid to touch it. Our arms were more suited to their taste, and they took much pleasure in handling them. The pistols with stop locks were looked upon with great reverence, and a sword which I had, with a pistol in the handle, was considered so valuable, that I might have purchased with it a couple of Negresses. Our having a stock of medicines was a sufficient inducement for all our visitors to find themselves very ill, and to imagine not one, but every disorder of the country. One man had bad eyes; if he succeeded in getting something to relieve them, the whole party all began immediately to blink, and affect to be half blind, hoping also to get some medicine. Another had a liver complaint; the rest then were all so ill as to be unable to walk or to speak without a great many ejaculatory oh’s; and so on, until they had exhausted the whole chapter of ailments. We at first gave them medicine, but soon discovered it was a preconcerted plan to impose on us, and that when one set had obtained what they wanted, another brought forward a friend or two, who were exactly in the same miserable and suffering state as themselves, and equally disposed to deceive us. One begged a little physic to keep in store, another some sugar just to taste, a small piece for their wives as a curiosity, and a few lumps into the bargain for their children: a little writing paper for charms, a handful of tobacco, one of our nice knives, or a pair of scissars, or a little powder to show when they got home, with many other et cæteras, until our patience being completely exhausted, we were obliged, very unceremoniously, and much to their astonishment, to push the whole party out of the house. Many amusing incidents occurred on the score of medical knowledge, which showed the implicit confidence reposed in us.

During Mr. Ritchie’s illness, an old man, aged eighty, came to consult us about his back, which was very much bent, and had been so for many years: he had seen us give a liniment to a person who had sprained his ankle, which got well in a few days; and his request was, that some of the same medicine might be given him to strengthen his back, which, he said, was becoming very inconvenient to him. One of the Tuarick, who had taken a very strong dose of salts, brought a friend to interpret for him, as he understood but little Arabic, and begged to be told what he was to do to stop the effects of the dose, lest, not rightly understanding me, he might be in danger of dying on the road. A Negress of the Sultan’s chief man being sick, sent her armlet to Mr. Ritchie, by which he was to discover her disorder, and to send her the requisite medicine. The Sultan’s own women were continually sending little bottles for something to cause them to bear children, and their emissaries sometimes whispered whether it was a boy or girl that was desired. Mr. Ritchie prescribed for the whole of the Sultan’s establishment, which, with the males and females, might amount to at least a hundred. Numbers came or sent daily with such an air of authority, as led us to suppose that Mukni had spread a report of his paying liberally for Mr. Ritchie’s attentions, which was not the case; on the contrary, we were all day weighing out doses for the slaves, who never even thanked us for our trouble; and when we were poor and destitute of every comfort, Mukni never gave us the slightest assistance: if, however, any of his family required charms for their disorders, the writers were liberally rewarded, and the effect of the medicines always attributed to those charms. When I commanded at the laboratory, I took good care to give such doses as were not easily forgotten, and, in consequence, none of his household ever after sent for medicine, unless really ill. Many of the women required a great deal of explanation, as to how any thing taken into the stomach could relieve a head-ache. Purgatives were always despised in comparison with emetics. The allowance which would suffice for a strong European took no effect with them; but when a double dose was given, it pleased so much, that many requests were made for “Just such another dose as was given to such a one, which made him so sick that he almost died.” The prevalent disorder when a man wanted medicine for novelty’s sake was, being “ill all over.”

By the 20th August, Mr. Ritchie had tolerably recovered. Mukni had several times, during his illness, talked publicly of his great friendship for us, declaring, that if we were in want even of a thousand dollars, he would immediately lend them: but his conduct was in direct contradiction to his professions; for although he visited Mr. Ritchie during his illness, he never offered him the least assistance, or even bestowed such trifling articles of nourishment as I requested. Once, and once only, when rice was not to be bought, he, with great parade, sent a quart, on which the poor invalid dined for eight days.

It became indeed but too apparent that he expected and wished us all to die, in which case he would have seized on, and appropriated all our effects and merchandise to his own use: of the latter, we had a great quantity, which Mr. Ritchie would not allow me to dispose of, lest it should lower us in the eyes of the natives; but I thought it could be of little consequence when compared with our lives, which were so perpetually endangered by want and privation. We had in vain tried to dispose of our horses; they were so lean, (and we had no money with which to buy any provision to fatten them) that no one would even look at them.

I had managed to keep my own in rather better case than the others, by giving him our travelling baskets, and occasionally stealing a little food for him, but still he was not sale-worthy. In this situation were our affairs, when in one of our visits to the Sultan, Mr. Ritchie ventured to ask from him the loan of some money: his answer, though a negative, was couched in very plausible and friendly terms; and he assured us, by the name of God, that we were welcome to all he had in the world, but that the Bashaw had lately exacted so much from him, that he had not a single dollar remaining. It happened, however, that on the preceding day, he had, to our certain knowledge, received 4000, which were deposited in the very chest against which he leant, whilst he uttered these falsehoods. Finding that nothing was to be gained at this visit, we retired in utter disappointment, not knowing where else to apply.

Belford, at this time, was attacked with giddiness and deafness, and fell into a very weak state. Our situation was daily becoming more deplorable in all respects; our rate of living was reduced to one saa, or quart of corn per diem, with occasionally a few dates, amongst four of us. Mukni’s spy, about this time, came and made some very mean offers, (but which Mr. Ritchie thought proper to reject) about purchasing our cloth and gunpowder, and we plainly perceived he was negotiating for the Sultan. We had endeavoured, indeed, to sell some of our merchandise, by offering it somewhat cheaper than the people of the country; but no one would actually buy, or even propose for it, and we then became convinced, that Mukni was the cause of all our distresses; he, however, still continued to call on us, proffering kindness which he never intended to fulfil.

Being now reduced to the last extremity, and Mr. Ritchie not thinking it right to draw for money on the Treasury, I drew a bill on my own private account, for £20, with which we proceeded immediately to the Sultan, hoping it would have the desired effect: Mr. Ritchie having at the former interview explained to them, that if he accommodated us with 80 dollars, and sent the draft to his (the Sultan’s) wife, who was then resident in Tripoli, she would instantly receive the amount from the British consul. He still, however, refused to assist us; when on a sudden, artfully pretending to mistake 8 for 80, he exclaimed, “Well! I did not think it necessary to draw a written agreement for so small a sum; I will, however, advance you the eight dollars you require, and you may return them when convenient.” Farther explanation to a man determined not to understand was wholly useless, and our poverty not allowing us to refuse the sum, however small, we accepted it; and immediately employed part of our newly acquired riches in treating ourselves with a little meat.

Though we knew not where to procure farther pecuniary aid, we were, for the moment, happy, and soon after had reason to be more so. We had, on coming to Morzouk, lent to our neighbour, Hadje Mahmoud, 20 dollars, of which he paid us 10; and now, in the moment of need, brought us the remainder. At this critical period, it acquired tenfold value, and was of course received with thankfulness and delight.

In this unexpected improvement of our circumstances, we determined to fatten our horses for sale, and to purchase some fowls and a milch ewe, as a resource against future illness. We frequently rode out to the gardens near the town, and Mr. Ritchie became again tolerably well, though I observed, with much regret, that his late and frequent disorders appeared to have very materially depressed his spirits, insomuch, that he almost constantly remained secluded in his own apartment, silent, unoccupied, and averse to every kind of society.

At the end of this month, a large Kafflé of Arabs, Tripolines, and Tibboo, arrived from Bornou, bringing with them 1400 slaves of both sexes and of all ages, the greater part being females. Several smaller parties had preceded them, many of whom also brought slaves. We rode out to meet the great kafflé, and to see them enter the town—it was indeed a piteous spectacle! These poor oppressed beings were, many of them, so exhausted as to be scarcely able to walk; their legs and feet were much swelled, and by their enormous size, formed a striking contrast with their emaciated bodies. They were all borne down with loads of fire-wood; and even poor little children, worn to skeletons by fatigue and hardships, were obliged to bear their burthen, while many of their inhuman masters rode on camels, with the dreaded whip suspended from their wrists, with which they, from time to time, enforced obedience from these wretched captives. Care was taken, however, that the hair of the females should be arranged in nice order, and that their bodies should be well oiled, whilst the males were closely shaven, to give them a good appearance on entering the town. Their dresses were simply the usual cotton wrappers, and even these, in many instances, were so torn, as scarcely to cover them. We observed one girl (of what country I know not) who had her back and shoulders burned in little sprigs, in a very curious manner, so as to resemble figured silk; it had a very pretty appearance, and must have been done when she was quite an infant. Some of the women carried little children on their backs, some of whom were so small, that they must have been born on the road.

The Tibboo, who bring the slaves from Bornou, are of the tribes on the road; and some are from Fezzan. They never trade to Soudan, on account of the distance; but prefer exchanging their slaves for horses, which they sell to great advantage in the interior: for though there are horses in Bornou, they are not much esteemed; but those of Tripoli are greatly valued. The Tibboo ride on saddles, resembling in some respects our English ones; but they are smaller, and have a high peak in front: their stirrups resemble ours, but they do not put the whole foot in them, only the four small toes, the great one remaining out; their shoes are all contrived for this purpose, by having a separate division for a great toe, and are made in the same manner as childrens’ mittens. Their bridles are also in our style, being much lighter than those of the Arabs. They are more careful of their horses than of their families, sparing no expense to fatten them; this is done by cramming them with large balls of meal or dough, which are considered highly nourishing. A fine horse will, in the Negro country, sell for 10 or 15 Negresses; each of which, at the Barbary ports, is worth from 80 to 150 dollars.

All the traders speak of slaves as farmers do of cattle. Those recently brought from the interior were fattening, in order that they might be able to go on to Tripoli, Benghazi, or Egypt: thus a distance of 1600 or 1800 miles is to be traversed, from the time these poor creatures are taken from their homes, before they can be settled; whilst in the Interior they may, perhaps, be doomed to pass through the hands of eight or ten masters, who treat them well or ill, according to their pleasure. These devoted victims fondly hoping that each new purchaser may be the last, find perhaps that they have again to commence a journey equally long and dreary with the one they have just finished, under a burning sun, with new companions, but with the same miseries.

The females are always considered as bearing fatigue much better than the males; perhaps because their small allowance of food and water more easily suffices them. I have always observed that the men were more miserable in their appearance, and walked with more difficulty than the women.

Having been enabled to collect a great deal of information from Bornou traders, respecting that country, I shall here detail it; but I have to request my readers to bear in mind, that I only report what I have heard, and refrain from giving any opinion as to the Course of the Niger, having so often found how little the accounts concerning it are to be credited. I certainly have formed my own conjectures; but may be mistaken, as better theorists than myself have been, on that most interesting subject.

COUNTRY OF BORNOU,
AS COLLECTED FROM TRADERS.

Bornou is a large tract of country, 40 days’ journey, or about 700 miles, south of Fezzan. It is bounded on the east by Baghermi, on the west by Kano كنّو, and to the northward by Kanem. Few traders ever go due south of Bornou, and are therefore unable to speak of the countries in that direction. There are many contradictions respecting the principal town, called Birnie برني; or more properly, Birnie Jedeed or new Birnie, to distinguish it from another town, called Gedeem or old.

These towns are five days east and west of each other, and the River Tsād runs near them both. The old town is the most to the westward, and is now nearly forsaken. In consequence of its vicinity to the Fellāta, who were masters of Soudan, it was constantly exposed to Ghrazzies, or incursions for the purpose of carrying off the natives; and even single inhabitants were often seized and dragged from their labour by small marauding parties, who lay in ambush for them. It was therefore determined about eight years since, to build a new town more in the centre of their country, and to forsake what had been their capital from the earliest times in which they were known.

Thus it is that the accounts received are often materially different: those who have visited the old town, giving their distances from it, whilst more recent traders speak only of the new one. All the distances I have laid down are from the last.

From Birnie to Baghermi is ten days to the borders, S.E. Looggan, a town of Bornou, is half way, or five days; and the Tsād runs past it, across the road, in such a way, that those going to Baghermi must necessarily pass it. This river runs from S.W. to N.E. is of great breadth, and is crossed by heavy goods being carried on rafts, floated on large gourds, which are impelled forward by swimmers, who hold or push with one hand whilst they strike with the other. Smaller rafts are used to carry four or five men, or some light goods; these, according to my informants, are formed with cross spars and gourds. The men sit astride on this machine, having their legs in the water, and so propel themselves forward with their hands and feet. A lighter vehicle is used for one man, and is merely a spar on two flat gourds, carried on by paddling with the feet and a small oar.