Bucher, who called my attention to this article, told me the Chief desired the whole official press to speak in this tone of the Pope—a good old gentleman, who does not understand German, and who has fallen into bad hands. He at the same time gave the following notes, requesting me to “smuggle them into the press somewhere:” “In the course of the debate in the Reichstag on the Statistical Bureau, the Federal Commissioner, Privy Councillor Michaelis, asserted that under the new order of things the Foreign Office had become entirely superfluous for Prussia. That is an extraordinary statement, which calls for rectification. The debate on the Budget in the Prussian Diet showed that there are still in existence eight Royal Prussian Legations, and that for the transaction of the business connected with them, the Foreign Office is still designated the Prussian Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and appears as such in the Prussian Budget, the title of its officials to be regarded as Prussian officials having been expressly vindicated. It is an open secret that the opposition to the Prussian Statistical Bureau is due to other causes. This institute has done its work, and submitted its results without considering whether the latter harmonise with this or that theory—in other words, it has acted in a scientific spirit. Now, for a considerable time past it has been observed with disfavour in certain quarters that the results obtained by the Statistical Bureau do not always tally with the infallible and all saving doctrines of Free Trade. The opinion is indeed gaining ground in ever-widening circles that the preachers of economic infallibility would do well to test and amend their teachings by the light of such facts as are now being collected in Berlin, instead of emulating their ecclesiastical colleagues the Jesuits by calmly putting every heretic out of the way.”

April 22nd.—Aegidi told me this morning that the Chief wished to see the following subject discussed in the press. Prince Leopold of Bavaria, in consequence of his betrothal to the Austrian Archduchess Gisela, was to enter the Austrian army. During the war with France he had distinguished himself by his gallantry and other high qualities. Therefore, in spite of the pleasure caused in Germany by his betrothal, it would be a matter for regret if he were to be lost to the German, and particularly to the Bavarian army. Up to the present, there had not been any such intimate personal connection between the Bavarian army and the dynasty as existed for instance in Prussia and Saxony, and it must therefore be hoped that the rumour would not be confirmed, or that the decision might still be altered.

Aegidi added that he had just sent a paragraph to this effect to Zabel (then chief editor of the National Zeitung), but that he had declined to publish it....

May 4th.—Aegidi assures me that an article in the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, written by himself, reproduces the ideas of the Prince, in several places “almost literally.” After alluding to the nomination of Cardinal Hohenlohe as German Ambassador to the Curia, and with the erroneous interpretation placed upon it by certain newspapers, the article goes on to say: “It is not the business of a diplomatic agent to have his own plans of campaign, to deliver battle or gain victories, nor to exercise influence through threats, stratagems, or persuasion. He is only the intermediary between the Governments and Courts that hold intercourse through him, the mouthpiece of his Government, whose instructions he must carry out skilfully and conscientiously. In the present instance the aim of the German representative at the Vatican cannot for a moment be to persuade or win over the head of the Catholic Church, and still less to bring the great struggle between the civil and ecclesiastical powers to an issue by diplomatic talent and resolution. The first task of the representative of Germany at the Vatican would doubtless be to prevent the Pope from being misled with regard to German affairs. Were such a representative—thoroughly acquainted with the questions at issue, and well informed both as to persons and things—to succeed in this respect it would be a great gain. It must not be forgotten that such subjects as are generally included in foreign politics do not come in any way within the province of his diplomatic mission. The envoy to the Papal See has nothing whatever to do with territorial questions or other worldly interests, but only with affairs of Church and State. Nor can these be settled in Rome, or be dependent upon any decisions arrived at there. They must, on the contrary, be regulated by legislation, with the co-operation of Parliament; and it is in that way that they will be regulated. It is none the less desirable to prevent numerous conceivable misunderstandings which may arise in connection with such important matters, and in particular to forestall wilful misrepresentations, thus averting unnecessary friction. These considerations will doubtless have exercised a decisive influence in the choice of an intermediary exceptionally suited for the post. The Pope, however, did not approve. As reported yesterday, in reply to the official communication announcing that Cardinal Prince Hohenlohe had been selected for the post of Ambassador of the German Empire, and inquiring whether the appointment would be agreeable to the Pope, the Cardinal Secretary of State declared that his Holiness could not allow a Cardinal to undertake such an office.”

May 5th.—The following paragraph appears to-day in the Magdeburger Zeitung, the Weser Zeitung, and the Hamburger Correspondenten: “St. Petersburg, April 29th. It will be remembered that M. Kapnist, the Russian agent to the Curia, was some time ago invested by the Pope with the Order of Pius. It is now reported from Rome that the cross of the Order is set in brilliants of exceptionally high value—the estimate varies between fifty and a hundred thousand francs. Such a distinction excites all the more surprise as M. Kapnist’s mission is by no means concluded.” This was probably written by Aegidi, who asked me yesterday to have the news circulated in papers to which I have access, but in such a way that the source of the paragraph should not be recognised. I wonder what object the Chief, from whom he received this instruction, can have in view in circulating this report. In a letter written by D. on the 27th of April, which reached here on the 30th, it is stated that the story circulated by the Italie, as to Kapnist’s Order being set with brilliants was unfounded, and that altogether he had received no distinction greater than was due to his rank. And yet four days later the above instructions are given!...

May 9th.—A communication was yesterday despatched to S., which contains the following passage: “You will have seen from the ciphered despatch of Consul-General Rosen, dated the 21st of April, and forwarded viâ Vienna, that M. de Kallay in Belgrade denies being the author of the report of our alleged intervention on behalf of Servia, in the Zwornik question. Different versions of his communications seem to have reached Vienna and Constantinople, as would appear from the statements made by Count Andrassy to your Excellency, and by Count Ludolf to Herr von Radowitz. Similarly, the false reports that have reached the newspapers can be traced to the same source. As they are obstinately maintained, it has been necessary to publish the following démenti in the Staatsanzeiger. An instruction has been issued from the Foreign Office, to contradict a report from Belgrade, dated the 28th ultimo, and published in the Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung of the 2nd instant, which is in every respect unfounded. The report in question maintains, in opposition to the Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, that the Berlin Cabinet intends to intervene in the Zwornik question on behalf of Servia. The correspondent observes: ‘I am informed, on an authority which it is impossible to doubt, that Prince Bismarck, in the last Note sent by him to Herr von Radowitz, expressly directed him to support the Servian demands.’ This statement is wilfully false in every particular. No Note, no instruction, no communication of this or a similar kind has been sent. When this audacious invention was first circulated, an official inquiry which was instituted into the affair showed that its author, whom we shall not name for the present, was closely connected with certain non-German official circles. Doubtless the correspondent knows the source of the rumour, and will be able to judge for himself what he should think of its trustworthiness.”

May 10th.—I noted down the following from a despatch sent to Rosen yesterday: “Count Andrassy tells me that M. de Kallay (the Austro-Hungarian agent to the Servian Government) has reported from Belgrade that the Regents give it to be understood that the German Consul-General has said that Servia would ultimately get Zwornik, but must avoid any step that would cause uneasiness.”

Read two reports from Paris, both dated the 6th instant. The following is an extract from the first: “As I have already stated on a former occasion, we ought not to decline off-hand the proffered understanding with the Bonapartists, especially as, on the one hand, they have no intention of intriguing against the present Government, and, on the other, they are the only party which openly seeks our support and includes reconciliation with Germany in its programme, while all the other groups and sections avoid every intercourse with us, and inscribe la revanche on their banners. I consider the candidature of the Duc d’Aumale to be as great a danger as that of Gambetta, and the so-called respectable Republic which would be represented by Casimir Perier and Grévy would form only a transitional stage to Gambetta. Therefore the most desirable development of the political situation appears to me one which would, on the one hand, leave us time to come to an understanding with the Government as to the speedy payment of, and security for, the three milliards, and, on the other hand, hasten as much as possible the inevitable change of system, so that the presence of our troops in the country might afford us an opportunity of exercising a decisive influence upon the crisis.” The following passage from the other report is of importance: “M. Thiers then explained to me the general outline of his scheme for the payment of the war indemnity. He wishes to raise a loan of three milliards. Of that amount not more than one hundred millions per month can be called up without placing too great a strain upon the Money Market. Those sums would be paid direct into the German Treasury by the banks entrusted with the operation. The payments could begin in the summer of the present year. The greater part of the first milliard, which is due on the 1st of March, would therefore be paid over before that date. This payment in advance should therefore be met on our side by a corresponding evacuation of French territory. I forbear to enter into the objections which I raised to M. Thiers’ proposals, as they are too obvious to be overlooked.”

May 16th.—This afternoon Bucher, under instructions from the Chief, handed me the following sketch for an article which was to be dated from Vienna: “I do not know whether the little flirtations of the authorities here with the Poles have been noticed abroad. The summons to the recalcitrant Galician members calling upon them to appear in the Reichstag within fourteen days under pain of losing their seats, was sent so late that the interval covered the marriage festivities, and these gentlemen were able to take part in them as members of Parliament. On the 21st of April, the day on which they were declared to have lost their seats, the Emperor nominated Dr. Ziemialkowski, the Burgomaster of Lemberg, whose revolutionary past is well known, as Minister without a portfolio, and in the Speech from the Throne referred to this appointment as evidence of his constant consideration for Galicia. Shortly before this the Archbishop of Lemberg and the Bishops of Tarnau and Przemysl thought good to send an address to the ‘Primate,’ Count Ledochowski. It will be remembered that at the time when Poland was still a kingdom the Primate sometimes acted as Interrex. The ceremony of inauguration of the Cracow Academy, which was founded by the Hohenwart Ministry, took place on the 7th of May, and was attended by the Archduke Karl Ludwig, the Patron of the Institution. The festivities and speeches on this occasion were of such a demonstrative character that the local journals, notwithstanding the full reports which they published, omitted a number of exceptionally piquant details, particularly in a speech of the new Minister Ziemialkowski. We may perhaps form some idea of that speech from the following passage in an election address which he delivered in 1870: ‘Very soon,’ he said, ‘the civilisation of Europe must measure swords with Asiatic barbarism. From this struggle Poland will arise once more like the Phœnix from its ashes. It is true, indeed, that in the present formation of Europe Poland, with a population of sixteen millions, situated between the German Empire with forty millions and Russia with sixty millions, could not maintain herself alone. She therefore must unite with Hungary and Austria and form a federation which would justify us in claiming that it had its origin in a political necessity.’ In Polish affairs one is thoroughly accustomed to these castles in the air, but it would really seem as if Prussia and Germany ought to keep a sharp look-out.”

May 19th.—A report from St. Petersburg, dated the 14th instant, says: “The news that Count Schuvaloff has been to Berlin and was received by your Serene Highness has not failed to cause some surprise here. It was reported immediately that Schuvaloff had been sent to Berlin with a special mission and, as I learn from a well-informed source, even Prince Gortschakoff’s own mind was not quite at rest with regard to this rumour. The explanation is that the varying influence of the Chief of the Third Department is unpleasant to the Chancellor, all the more so as Prince Gortschakoff is aware that Schuvaloff dislikes him, and the two Ministers are not always in agreement on questions of principle.”

May 21st.—We hear from St. Petersburg: “Prince Gortschakoff hopes soon to receive communications respecting the International.... The tête-à-tête with Austria is certainly the best means of proceeding in the matter. At this time of day a repressive treatment of the disease is not in itself enough. The origin of the evil must be discovered, and with it the antidote. Russia has resolved to suppress with the utmost energy all disorders in which this dangerous association is involved. The further communications to be made by me on the result of the conference proposed by Count Andrassy are awaited here with interest.”

Bucher has left here to-day to join the Prince at Varzin.

May 26th.—The following very academic, but none the less noteworthy, dissertation written by Aegidi, as he says on instructions from Varzin, may be read in to-day’s Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung: “The attitude of the Conservative element in a country is of the greatest consequence for its sound development. If there be no party which can adopt into its programme the demands and requirements of a new period, the altered conditions and principles of the present time, then the two conceptions, conservative and reactionary, must be fatally confounded together. The friends of the new order of things, whose aims have been to a certain extent achieved, and who would therefore be glad to make common cause with Conservatives in securing and consolidating the existing order, cannot go hand in hand with reaction. They therefore occupy an unstable position between the reactionary element and those who want to go still further; but they remain at all times in closer sympathy with the latter than with the former. Thus the State at every new stage is deprived of the requisite steadying influences, and drifts into a current which can only favour a determined reaction.

“Who will deny that the forces which promote change gave a salutary and necessary impulse to public life? It is, however, an old political axiom that the State also requires, and to as great an extent, those forces that tend towards permanence and moderation. As a rule, however, their chief service is considered to be to oppose change; and such opposition is, indeed, frequently beneficial; but their most useful work should be an entirely different character. The true strength of the Conservative element in a State is to recognise at the proper moment the essential features of the situation, to exercise its judgment with an open mind and absolute freedom from visionary aspirations, to acknowledge the rights and the true inwardness of the living present, to keep immediately practical objects in view, and, as a party devoted to the maintenance of what exists, to secure for every stage of development a period of consolidation. Not in opposition to the new era, but rather in union with its moral and positive forces, can Conservatism find its true mission. By counteracting vain tendencies to return towards the past, as well as to anticipate the future, the Conservatives should consider themselves as the party of the immediate present, and endeavour to secure for it the fulness of its rights.”

Bucher, writing under yesterday’s date, requests me to secure the insertion in one of the papers of a paragraph stating that he is engaged with the Prince at Varzin, as he has been on similar occasions during the past three years. He added: “This has been ignored on the present occasion by the tame press, doubtless not unintentionally.” (This, no doubt, means at the instance of Aegidi, who would like to replace Bucher at Varzin.) Bucher reports that the Chief is in “very good humour, rides a great deal, and enjoys his plantations.”

June 16th.—A despatch addressed to the Imperial Chancellor from St. Petersburg on the 10th instant says: “I have only been able to have a very short conversation with Count P. Schuvaloff since his return from Karlsbad. He thanked me once more for having been the means of obtaining for him the very interesting interview which he had with your Serene Highness. According to what he said on this subject, he received the impression that your Serene Highness quite dissociated the labour question from the treatment of the International. The former should be thoroughly studied, and regulated as far as possible by legislative action. At the same time, he did not think your Serene Highness considered it desirable to take energetic measures against the latter just now. Your whole attention was absorbed in the struggle with the Catholic Church, and it appeared to him that your Serene Highness did not wish unnecessarily to turn against the Government so useful a weapon as the Socialist movement might ultimately prove to be against clerical encroachments. Count Schuvaloff found no confirmation whatever in the conversation which he had with your Serene Highness for the supposition circulated here by Prince Gortschakoff that your Serene Highness was opposed to a friendly understanding between Rome and Russia.”

According to another report of the same date, “Gortschakoff had accepted Antonelli’s assurances (see above), and had not signed the protest proposed by Prussia against the title of Primate” (Ledochowski’s), Tolstoi, the Minister of Education, had “remonstrated” with him for not doing so, and “most strongly urged him to act in concert with Prussia.”

July 10th.—Bucher sends me from Varzin the following sketch of an article: “A South German newspaper recently called attention to the expediency, in view of the Pope’s state of health, of an understanding between the Governments to promote the election of a successor of moderate views. We hear that a suggestion to this effect has been made by the German Imperial Government, but that it has up to the present been received with favour by only two of the great Powers. The reserve manifested by the others may in several cases be explained by the circumstance that they consider their relations with the Catholic Church to be so settled and assured by law that they may regard the action of the Curia with indifference, while others, perhaps, believe Germany to be in greater difficulties than themselves. This view is only so far correct that the ecclesia militans, which is in a latent state of war against every country with a regular system of government, is engaged at the present moment in attacking Germany with exceptional fury. But Germany, even if left isolated, would be able to repel these attacks, and would be in no embarrassment if it became necessary to put an end to the intimate relations which have hitherto existed between Church and State, and to substitute for them the relations which obtain in England and the United States. Pessimists might even say that it would be all the better if the present Pope, who chastises with rods, were followed by one who would scourge us with scorpions. The German Government, however, desires to be at peace with the Catholics, and desires the Catholics to be at peace among themselves.”

This sketch, “which is the result of this morning’s conversation at the breakfast-table,” is to be used for an article in the Weser or the Magdeburger Zeitung. For the rest there will not be much journalistic work just now, as the Prince is displaying a rather marked indifference to newspaper business. Aegidi has been at Varzin for a few days, and expressed a strong desire to relieve Bucher there. The Princess, however, does not like him, and he therefore left on the 8th instant for his father-in-law’s, without having improved his opportunities for spying and eavesdropping on behalf of Keudell.

July 11th.—This afternoon received two communications from Bucher. (1) A suggestion for an article referring to that of Bamberger, “The Genius of the Imperial Chancellor and the Genius of the Imperial Diet” (Lindau’s Gegenwart, No. 24). It must be pointed out that “probably the reason why the Jews, the former Jewish members of the Reichstag, Lasker, Bamberger, Friedenthal, the representatives of Hamburg, and perhaps a few more, have spoken and voted against the Jesuit laws, was because they felt a dim presentiment that, in an outburst of general indignation against themselves and their race, a demand may be made for exceptional measures against them and their tactics,” (2) “The Prince is now held responsible for the weakness of the Jesuit Bill, but very unjustly. He only demanded the introduction of such a Bill, but had nothing to do with the drafting of it. The first draft, which was made in the Imperial Chancellerie, was modified and weakened in the Ministry of State, and we believe we are correct in saying that the Chancellor was by no means pleased with it, and made no secret of his displeasure during Herr Wagner’s visit to Varzin after the Cabinet Council. The Chancellor, however, declined to prepare a draft himself, on the ground that at Varzin he had neither the necessary materials nor the opportunity of personal communication with his colleagues, and also because he relied upon the Reichstag to put backbone into it. The result proved that he was right in his calculations.” Sent No. 1 to the Weser Zeitung, and No. 2 to the Kölnische Zeitung. The former was not printed, which is not to be wondered at, considering the influence of the Jews in the journalistic world....

July 13th.—Sent to the Kölnische Zeitung the following letter, based upon a report from Paris: “Hopes are entertained in the Orleanist camp that, after the indirect abdication contained in the manifesto of the Comte de Chambord, they will be able to proclaim the Comte de Paris as King. This hope is not, however, shared by the more thoughtful members of the party, although MacMahon is understood to show a leaning towards the Duc d’Aumale, and many persons are even of opinion that when Thiers hands over the reins of power his successor will not be an Orleans, but some one very different—namely, Léon Gambetta. If all signs are not deceptive, the cause of the sons of Louis Philippe is just as certainly lost as that of the Comte de Chambord. They can make no further progress by legal means in presence of the very considerable accession of strength which the Republican minority in the National Assembly obtained at the elections, and they have hardly courage enough for an attempt to use force, which might, perhaps, have succeeded two months ago. The centre of gravity now lies in the Republican party, with whose assistance Thiers has hitherto held his ground, and which the recent elections have further strengthened, as against the monarchical parties. But Thiers’ position is very seriously menaced by the reappearance on the scene of Gambetta, who will probably in a short time induce the Left to desert him. Gambetta’s first object would then be to form a purely Republican Cabinet, and that may be expected to develop into a Grévy régime, which would one day suddenly give place to a Gambetta dictatorship. Such a turn of affairs would not be favourable for German interests. Thiers and Favre (of whom the latter would be the first to fall a victim to the Parliamentary Left) are unquestionably the statesmen who now and in the future would suit us best. As to Gambetta, we know that he observed recently to an acquaintance that the Republic would enable France to prosecute a successful war of revenge against the Germans, and that he intended to promote this end by every means in his power; and that even to-day France was in a position to wage such a war if it were conducted in a more revolutionary spirit. Of course he will not immediately proclaim such views and intentions in the National Assembly. On the other hand, it is expected that his support of the income tax will win for him the gratitude of the poorer classes, the artisans, the small bourgeoisie, and the peasants, amongst all of whom he has even now a large following. By such means he and his friends will find their way into the Paris Municipal Council, which is to be elected on the 23rd instant. He has also no little influence with the army. In the first place, the leading officers, like Faidherbe, are on his side; while all those who were appointed by him during the war regard him as their natural champion against the reductions in rank which the Government contemplates; and, finally, he must have numerous friends among the soldiers themselves, to judge from the voting of the troops stationed in Paris at the last elections, when he received 1,700 of their votes, while Cissey, the Minister of War, who had formerly been in command of an army corps, got no more than 1,200 to 1,300.”

Bucher sends me the following paragraph from Varzin for circulation in the press: “It is stated in a quarter, which, from its proximity, might be expected to know better, that the domains granted to Prince Bismarck in the Duchy of Lauenburg now return an annual income of 40,000 thalers, which may be easily increased to three times that amount when the leases fall in. The truth is that the domains in question now yield an annual return of 34,016 thalers, inclusive of 3,500 thalers for the rent of some shooting, and over 2,000 thalers for the rent of certain manorial privileges which will lapse later on; and that there is absolutely no land from which an important increase of returns is to be expected, as the whole estate consists of forest, which, after the deductions to be made on the cessation of the rights above mentioned, will yield only an annual income of about 28,000 thalers.”

July 18th.—R. had a conversation with Schuvaloff on the 30th ultimo, respecting the social question, and is to continue the discussion of the subject. The Chief has made marginal notes on several of the Count’s observations, and amongst other things he calls attention to the fact that savings banks founded by employers have existed for a long time past in Germany, those established by Krupp and other large manufacturers being particularly worthy of note. The Government would be glad to do everything in its power to promote such institutions, which indeed have already occupied the attention of the Legislature. It is true that these savings banks are not a preventive against strikes. They exercise, however, a very beneficial influence on the more sensible section of the labouring classes. Courts of arbitration were also useful. Finally, the Government has long had the intention of supplementing the criminal law, particularly with respect to associations under foreign control, and to the intimidation of workers who do not wish to join a strike. These questions must however be treated in a systematic way, which has been impossible up to the present, owing to the protracted illness of the Minister of Justice. The Prince himself does not wish to enter upon this task in the amateur fashion common in Russia.... A thorough preliminary study on the part of the various Ministries concerned will also be necessary in connection with the proposed conference between ourselves and Austria, if they are to lead to any practical result. The Ministries in question include that of Justice, as well as those of the Interior, of Commerce and Industry, and of Public Works. The latter has already discussed the social-political question with certain authorities on the basis that the State can only undertake to deal with the labour difficulty so far as it may be rightly considered to come within its province. Questions that lie within the competency of the Legislature are first to be considered in the Ministries of the Interior and of Justice. The position of the preliminary inquiries renders it impossible to fix a date for the meeting of the German and Austrian Commissioners, although there is every desire to hasten it. For the rest, the Prussian Legislature has already adopted various measures for the better maintenance and regulation of the institutions and funds for the relief of the working classes. Tribunals of commerce and arbitration for settling differences between employers and employed are also under consideration, and indeed have been provided in certain instances by means, in particular, of the Prussian Trade Regulations and the other laws extending the same, such as the Mines Act and the Roads and Canals Construction Act.

July 19th.—Received the following letter from Bucher:—

“Verehrtester Herr Doctor,—No chance for you up to the present. (I had asked for more work.) He reads the newspapers with the impartiality of a rentier, amuses himself and sometimes gets a little angry, but does not show the slightest inclination to interfere. (A circumstance which does not worry me.) When the Karlsbad cure is finished and I am relieved by Wartensleben on the 1st of August, the prospect will improve. The letters are becoming intolerable, and he is thinking of issuing a sort of proclamation against them. Perhaps you could spare him that trouble if you could secure the insertion in some remote but widely circulated paper of a communication to the following effect which should be dated from Stolp:—

“‘Notwithstanding the notice in the N. A. Z. that, &c., there is a rapid increase in the number of private letters addressed to Prince B. with requests for assistance, loans, appointments, purchases of estates, redemption of pawned goods, recommendations of all descriptions and proposals of the most various kinds for the improvement of the world, together with offers of manuscripts for which it has been impossible to find a publisher, &c. Attempts are made to force the Imperial Chancellor to open and read these letters himself by registering them, or marking the envelopes “Private,” “Important,” “Please to read personally,” or by claiming special introductions. Others address themselves to the Councillor of Embassy Bucher, and expect him to disturb the repose which is so necessary for the cure by communicating the contents of epistles, which usually begin with the stereotyped formula: “Although I know that you have little time and the Prince still less, I trust it will nevertheless be possible to make an exception in the present instance.” The Prince has therefore given instructions recently that no letters addressed to him privately are to be taken in, unless they can be recognised as coming from relations or friends.’

“The communication should be given as if coming from an inhabitant of Stolp who had been here on a visit, but without exactly saying this. Yours very truly,” (In English.) This was immediately prepared for the Kölnische Zeitung, in which it appeared a few days later.

July 29th.—A report of the 27th instant contains the following passage: “Count Tauffkirchen, who recently arrived at Munich on leave from Rome, gave W. some particulars of what he had ascertained shortly before his departure respecting the alleged Bull ‘Præsenti cadavere.’ As already known, a Bull of Pius VI. of the year 1797 prescribes a term of ten days which must elapse before the election of a new Pope can be proceeded with. On the other hand, the Bullarium Romanum, volume xiii., page 92, contains a Bull of Pius VII., dated the 6th of February, 1807, which modifies this provision and prescribes formalities to be observed in the election of a Pope in case of political disturbances. It provides that the interval of ten days need not be kept if more than half the Cardinals (that is, at the present time, 125) decide otherwise. It is not necessary to wait for the foreign Cardinals, although they must be invited. The Cardinal Dean (Patrizzi), the Capi d’Ordini (de Angelis and Antonelli), as well as the Camerlengo, have to decide where the election is to be held. It is probable that the next election will take place in accordance with these directions.”

August 10th.—Sent the Kölnische Zeitung the following letter, dated from Rome, which I wrote from information contained in a despatch: “The Nazione publishes a series of articles entitled ‘L’Esclusiva al Conclave,’ which proves that the civil powers—and not only Austria, France, Spain and Portugal as hitherto, but also the King of Italy and the German Emperor, have an unquestionable right to enter an effective protest against the election of candidates for the Papal dignity who do not appear to them to be suitable. In the course of this argument, the journal in question alluded to the Emperor William as follows: The creed professed by the bearer of the supreme authority in a State can exercise no influence upon the relations of that State, or upon his own relations with the Church. The Emperor is a Protestant, but as the ruler of several millions of Catholics, and as their lawful representative, he would be perfectly within his right if he desired to exercise his influence on the election of a new Pope. It would be unnatural to deny him this right while not contesting it to the King of Spain, whose rule does not extend over a larger number of Catholic subjects; or to the King of Portugal, who has much fewer Catholic subjects than the German Emperor. The latter’s position does not involve any sacramental or dogmatic question, but simply and solely a civil and legal relation, namely, the representation of his Catholic subjects. Besides, after the Reformation, the electors who took part in the election of the Catholic German Emperor included three Protestant princes. On the consecration of the Emperor by the Bishops of Mainz, Cologne, and Trèves, the Protestant electoral princes joined in the symbolic rites. Indeed, the bishops received from their hands the crown which they placed upon the Emperor’s head, and those princes attended the Catholic Mass on the occasion. They thus took part with Catholic bishops in Catholic rites. Every one must recognise that the German Emperor, in exercising by means of his veto an indirect influence upon the election of the Pope by the Conclave, performs an act which has far less of a spiritual character than the direct co-operation of the Protestant electors in the coronation of the old Catholic Emperors. Towards the end of the article, the writer says that Pius IX. has already repeatedly violated ancient and venerable principles of the Church. If he questions the right to reject unpopular candidates, which is based upon the fundamental laws of the Church, he runs the risk of his successor not being recognised, and of thus giving rise to a ruinous schism. So far the Italian organ. It is quite another matter whether the German Emperor and his counsellors propose to take advantage of the Esclusiva in question.”

August 15th.—On the 12th instant Eckart, of Hamburg, again sent the Foreign Office a report of the contents of some of the Russian periodicals. This includes a reference to an article by an “American,” or, more correctly, an Englishman, named Dixon, who indulges in a number of silly statements as to the intentions of Germany respecting the Baltic Provinces of Russia. These are to be refuted, and I am doing so in a communication to the Kölnische Zeitung, which runs as follows: “In the July number of the Russian monthly Besseda, we find an article by the much talked-of and prolific writer Hepworth Dixon, in which the Russians are urgently warned against the German agitation for the Baltic Provinces, which must necessarily lead to the next European war. According to Dixon it resembles the former agitation for the separation of Schleswig-Holstein from Denmark, which after modest beginnings ultimately swept German statesmen forward in spite of themselves. It is true that up to the present the more sensible section of the German people will not hear of it. The leading statesmen in particular, including Prince Bismarck, are thoroughly and in principle opposed to it. Experience teaches, however, that fanatics are always more energetic and active than those who weigh the consequences of their acts; and it may therefore be regarded as certain that the agitation in Germany, which is maintained by skilful agents from the Baltic, will continue to spread and lead finally to a war with Russia. The Golos finds it incumbent to commend to the consideration of the Russian public these silly lucubrations of a writer who obviously knows still less of Germany, its requirements and aspirations, than he does of Switzerland, upon which he recently published some few hundred pages of moonshine. That is really quite unnecessary. The only grain of truth in Mr. Dixon’s wisdom is that no leading German statesmen and no sensible people in Germany give a moment’s thought to Curland and Livonia in the same sense as they once did to Schleswig-Holstein. The agitation, which was not initiated with much skill, and was from the very beginning hollow, has not increased, but on the contrary has long since died out, with the exception of some faint echoes in opposition newspapers, whose faith in the cause they plead is itself slender. Every one with the least insight into the facts knows that ‘German’ Russia, with its one German to every ten inhabitants, cannot for an instant be assimilated to Schleswig-Holstein, nor Russia herself to Denmark; and furthermore, that we have not the least right to interfere in the administration of those provinces, nor the slightest interest in their conquest, which would only extend our straggling Eastern frontier, and render it less capable of defence. We have entirely omitted from our consideration the circumstance that we have in Russia a friendly neighbour, whose good will, which has been of great advantage to us in a recent very critical period, we desire to cultivate further. It might, however, have occurred to Mr. Dixon, if he were not a lightning thinker of superficial judgment and meagre knowledge.”

August 18th.—A few days ago Balan, who now performs the functions of Secretary of State, wrote to Prince Reuss, who is at present staying at Nordernay, respecting the approaching visit to Berlin of the Emperors Alexander and Francis Joseph. “As Prince Bismarck had let him know that he considered it desirable to ascertain the views of the German Ambassadors to both Courts respecting the manner in which the question of precedence was regarded by the Courts of St. Petersburg and Vienna,” he begged Prince Reuss to inform him. Reuss replied as follows under yesterday’s date: “As your Excellency is aware, the Emperor Alexander had at first fixed upon the 6th of September as the date of his arrival. This plan was altered, and the Emperor told me that if it were agreeable to his Majesty he would arrive in Berlin on the evening of the 5th. Count Schuvaloff explained to me that the motive of this alteration was the desire of the Emperor to arrive somewhat earlier than the Emperor Francis Joseph. That the question of precedence was involved was evident from the statement of the Count that whilst he was at Stuttgart the Emperor Alexander had also arrived somewhat earlier, in order to secure precedence of the Emperor Napoleon. I also gather that the Emperor Alexander attributes a certain importance to his earlier appearance, as indicating that he is the older friend. I do not believe however that he would be inclined to insist upon having precedence during the whole period of his visit.”

A letter of the 16th instant from Berne says: “My assumption that the appointment of Herr von Niethhammer as (Bavarian) Envoy to Switzerland may be regarded as a kind of demonstration against the Imperial Government seems to be confirmed. That gentleman hopes for a Gasser Ministry, and in competent quarters here he praises the King of Bavaria, who is not disposed to sink to the level of the small Princes who come to Berlin. Moreover, he expresses views of such an absurdly Particularist and Ultramontane character that he frequently excites somewhat contemptuous surprise, and gets snubbed for his pains. As to Prince Gortschakoff, who has been elsewhere described as the ‘garrulous’ Chancellor, he gives it to be understood everywhere that he considers it desirable for Russia to draw nearer to the Vatican in the same measure as others draw away from it, and that he seems to have already succeeded in this policy.”

Bucher, writing from Varzin, sends me the following paragraph for Brass: “In case the Prince’s health permits him to travel, he will proceed to Berlin at the beginning of September, going from there to Marienburg, and returning thence to Varzin.”

August 27th.—This evening read the answer of the Emperor Alexander to the invitation to meet the German and Austrian Emperors in Berlin. It is written in very cordial terms, and runs as follows:—

September 8th.—To-day the Chief gave a great diplomatic dinner in honour of the members of the suites accompanying the Russian and Austrian Emperors. Of our people, Von Thile, Von Keudell, Von Bülow, Philippsborn, and Bucher were present. The latter, with whom I had a long tête-à-tête in the evening, said: “I have seldom seen such a collection of weird faces as those Russians. The Hamburger is a regular Stock Exchange Jew. Jomini looks like a professor—you know there are professors who understand how to make themselves agreeable to ladies. There were also some strange specimens among the Austrians. I said so afterwards to the son, Herbert (so I understood him, but Bucher always speaks in a whisper and not very clearly), and he replied: ‘Yes, you are right, although many people would not trust themselves to say it aloud—but it is true all the same.’”

This evening we remained till 11 o’clock at the Ministry, where I had to write another article for the Kölnische Zeitung on the election of the Pope, which was directed, amongst other things, against the assertion of the Catholique that this election was of world-wide significance. Afterwards Bucher and I had a bottle of red wine at Friedrich’s, when he gave me a great deal of interesting news. Keudell, he said, had long been on the look-out for a substantial embassy, and the Chief has now given him Constantinople. He, Bucher, fancied that this was done because Keudell was of little further use to the Prince, as he was taking leave at every moment—town leave while the Reichstag was sitting. Constantinople was selected because a great luminary was not required there. Keudell would not do much as an Ambassador, as he had no ideas of his own. Here he frequently borrowed one from the Chief, and made use of it for his own purposes; but on the Bosphorus, far away from the Wilhelmstrasse, he would have to stand on his own legs, and, in any emergency, he would hardly be equal to it. He could hold his tongue, and that was of some value; but his political acumen was confined to his own personal affairs, in regard to which he always knew how to improve his opportunities. I then mentioned that on one occasion when I was speaking of the East Prussians, Keudell’s fellow countrymen, and said that all those with whom I had had any dealings were thoroughly selfish, the Chancellor tersely added: “Jewish horse dealers” (Pferde Juden). Referring to Aegidi, Bucher repeated what he had formerly said, namely, that he was brought to us by Keudell in order to act as his correspondent, spy, and intermediary after his departure, keeping him posted in current affairs and in the ideas of the Chief, and getting his praises sung in the newspapers as often as possible....

Bucher then mentioned that during the last week at Varzin the Chief had almost given up riding, but had, on the other hand, driven about the country a great deal, and that, too, in a basket carriage without springs, a very unpleasant conveyance when it bumped over the roots of fir trees which project across the paths. He had never seen the Prince look so cheerful as on the day of his silver wedding. In the morning, as they were about to go to church, they could not find a dress-coat for his Highness, but, just as he was preparing good-humouredly to submit to his fate, they discovered a very ancient garment of the kind required in some forgotten wardrobe, which he then donned for the festive occasion. Finally, in the evening, he brewed for himself and the company a potent beverage, composed of two bottles of port, one of old arrack, and one of champagne, which he quaffed gaily long after Bucher had had more than enough, and gone off to bed. After the second glass the Countess fell so fast asleep in her rocking-chair that she could be heard—breathing aloud....

September 15th.—A Ministerial crisis has been in progress in Munich for weeks past, and it is said that Gasser has a fair prospect of becoming Premier. His wife, a Von Radowitz and a friend of the King with whom his Majesty is in constant correspondence, is credited in a report of the 1st instant with “no inconsiderable share in the Cabinet crisis which the Sovereign has provoked.” According to a report from B. of about the same date, Von Daxenberger, the Councillor of State, is disposed to support Gasser’s candidature. At least it is said there that “he is in closer agreement both in political and religious questions with Bray than with the present Minister”; that in speaking to B. he had “endeavoured to represent Gasser as a man of moderate views, whilst he was inclined to depreciate Lutz.”

To-day I forwarded to the Kölnische Zeitung a letter dated from Munich for which Bucher conveyed to me the Chief’s instructions. It stated that the Ministerial crisis was not yet at an end, and asserted positively that the Secretary of State, von Lobkowitz, the prospective Minister of Finance, was especially active in promoting a Gasser Cabinet. On the other hand, the report that the Councillor of State, Von Daxenberger, is also working in the same direction seems less worthy of credence. “No argument on the subject,” was the Chief’s instruction.

October 10th.—Arnim recently (date not noted) sent the Chancellor a rather lengthy statement of his opinion that Thiers should not be supported any longer, as he was only strengthening France for the benefit of Gambetta. He also hinted that we might give our support to others, in which case there would be plenty to make overtures to us. The Ambassador said he had severed his connection with B., who had shown himself quite incapable, but he was now employing another agent of the same description, who seemed in general to justify the confidence placed in his cleverness and powers of hearing. Prince Czartoryski had recommended to his political friends in the province of Posen, as Parliamentary candidate, the parish priest of Zduny, a man of strong clerical and nationalist sentiments, and a friend of Kozmian. Further, a French political agent, named Orlowski, was stationed at Dantzig, where he passed himself off as a commercial traveller. Samuel, the Chief of the French Secret Police, was now staying at Lunéville. Ladislaus Witkowski, a Jesuit, who spent several years in Rome, and who was made a Knight of the Legion of Honour on Czartoryski’s recommendation, had been sent by the Prince to the Grand Duchy of Posen, in order to promote an agitation among the peasantry. Witkowski was thirty-eight years of age, tall and stout, grows a beard, and wears plain clothes. He would probably put up at Kozmian’s. In Paris, he resided with the Jesuit, Jelowicki, who has recently paid several visits to Posen, and appeared to act as a channel for communication between Rome and the Grand Duchy. Witkowski might also have instructions from Samuel.

November 8th.—This evening received from Bucher, who has returned to Varzin with the Chief, the outline of a communication to be dated from Stolp, and sent to the Kölnische Zeitung, and which should run somewhat as follows: “Permit me to constitute myself ‘An Occasional Correspondent’ from Pomerania, as I have accidentally come into possession of more detailed information than the professional correspondents seem to possess. There are no indications at Varzin of an approaching departure. I cannot say whether a very active correspondence is maintained with Berlin, but when the Prince, in speaking at his own fireside of a reform of the Upper Chamber, declares it to be of necessity for our public life, it is hardly likely that his colleagues will be unacquainted with his views in this respect. Furthermore, if one bears in mind certain conversations which are understood to have taken place, at the Parliamentary soirées, during the debate on the Inspection of Schools Bill, some idea can be formed of the direction of the intended changes. It may therefore be assumed that, as the Upper Chamber is only a poor imitation of the English House of Lords, for which neither our history nor the position of our landed aristocracy affords any justification, its future character will have to be rather that of a Senate or Council of State combining greater intelligence and usefulness.”

December 16th.—During the past few weeks wrote a number of minor newspaper paragraphs upon the Chief’s instructions, as transmitted to me by Bucher from Varzin, and latterly from here. To-day again I wrote a somewhat longer article for the Kölnische Zeitung, for which Bucher brought me down directions. It ran as follows: “Last week a number of obscure and confused reports were circulated in a portion of the press respecting the intentions of the Imperial Chancellor on his return from Varzin. According to one of these rumours, Prince Bismarck proposes to resign the office of President of the Ministry of State, and, of course, also that of Minister for Foreign Affairs. Another declares that he is thinking of withdrawing from all co-operation in Prussian internal affairs. It should be pointed out in reply that the foregoing ‘of course’ is in direct contradiction to the facts. We have it on the best authority that the Prince has no idea of resigning the office of Minister for Foreign Affairs, and, consequently, does not intend to retire from the Prussian Ministry of State. In view of the close connection existing between Prussia and Germany, such a course would be inconceivable, unless he were at the same time to give up the Chancellorship of the Empire. On the other hand, the rumour in question is correct to the extent that the Prince desires to be relieved of the Presidency of the Prussian Council of Ministers. Therefore, in future, if the Emperor approves, the Prince will hold the positions, first of German Imperial Chancellor, together with that of Chief Prussian Representative in the Federal Council, and will remain Minister for Foreign Affairs, and as such retain his seat in the Prussian Ministry. The Prince’s reasons for resigning the Presidency of the Prussian Council of Ministers and restricting his share in the administration of Prussia are, in the first place, the absolute impossibility of continuing to devote the necessary energy to the duties of the various offices which he has hitherto held without danger to his health, which, by the way, is now happily restored. Under the ‘collegial’ system which prevails in the Prussian Ministry, the Presidency requires the undivided attention of a statesman in robust health. The same applies equally to the office of Foreign Minister for the Empire, as well as to the other duties devolving upon the Prince as Imperial Chancellor. As it is, it will be a severe effort for him to perform the duties of those offices which he proposes to retain, and he could scarcely continue to do so in a satisfactory manner if he were not so ably assisted and represented, as he has hitherto been, by the leading officials of the Empire. Another reason, which may have decided the Prince to ask to be relieved of the Presidency of the Prussian Council of Ministers may be the desire to bear, in future, a smaller share of responsibility than he has hitherto done, for the policy and decisions of the departmental Ministers, who, in consequence of the collegial system[7] above mentioned, are very largely independent of the President. The Mühler Ministry may be remembered as illustrating the drawbacks of this system. It allowed an official department to be utilised for the furtherance of ultramontane interests, and its real character was only detected by the Minister President after it had placed all sorts of difficulties in the way of his policy. The relations between Prussia and Germany will not be rendered less intimate by the alteration which the Prince has in view. As Foreign Minister, he has hitherto been the intermediary between Prussia and the rest of Germany. In that capacity, he has held direct communication with the King as German Emperor and has instructed the Prussian representatives in the Federal Council. All these duties and powers must unquestionably, and will, therefore, continue to be, performed and exercised by him after his resignation of the Presidency of the Prussian Council of Ministers.”

December 18th.—According to a letter from a trustworthy source in Munich, King Lewis recently sent Prince Adalbert a note, of which the following is the substance: The Prince had taken the initiative in the matter of the Gasser Ministry, therefore the discredit attaching to the failure of that attempt must fall upon him. Consequently, his Majesty must in future imperatively forbid all interference by the Prince in State affairs.