[785] In Codex 2171 nov. acqu. of the Nat. Libr., Paris, ed. by G. Morin in Anecdota Maredsolana, vol. i. 1893. Cf. præf., ii., viii., xiii., etc. [See also Le Liber ordinum de l’Eglise d’Espagne du Vᵉ au XIᵉ siècle, published by Dom. M. Férotin, 1904. Trans.]

[786] Joh. Seldenius, De Synedriis et Præf. Jurid. Vet. Ebreorum., Amstelod., 1679, lib. 3, c. 15, 204-247.

[787] F. Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, Gotha 1879. Introduction.

[788] Le Quien, Oriens Christ., ii. 453.

[789] Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 286.

[790] Le Quien, op. cit., 452, 476.

[791] A. Mai, Nova Collectio Veterum Script., iv. 15-34.

[792] Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, 10, Hatur. The Patriarchs mentioned above are also omitted.

[793] Le Quien, op. cit., ii. 479 and 445-466.

[794] When the name of St John Chrysostom occurs more than once in the Byzantine, Egyptian, and Syrian calendars, it commemorates certain events connected with him besides the day of his death (14th September). Such dates are the 7th May and the 13th November, the 27th January is the day of his return to Constantinople, i.e. his translation by Proclus under Theodosius II., in 448, and is celebrated by the Greeks and Syrians. The meaning of the other two days is unknown; See Morcelli, i. 223; ii. 41.

[795] A. Mai, Nova Collectio Veterum Script., iv. 92-122.

[796] Wüstenfeld, Synaxarium, etc., 97.

[797] Op. cit., 120 seqq.

[798] Morcelli, Calend. Eccl. Const. i., 227.

[799] Morcelli (op. cit., i. 15), declares it is the oldest, and older than the Menologium Sirleti in particular.

[800] Muralt, Chronogr. Byz., i. 475.

[801] Both appear in the Calendar of the Syrian Church: Jacobus Zebedæi on the 30th April, Jacobus Alphæi on the 9th October, and Jacobus frater Domini on the 23rd October and 28th December.

[802] Printed in Morcelli, i. 69-105.

[803] Gams, Series Epp., 904.

[804] Nova Collectio Script. Vet., v., Romæ, 1821, 58-65.

[805] E.g. in Aurelian of Arles, † 553 (Migne, Patr. Lat., lxviii., 596): “In martyrum festivitatibus, etc.”

[806] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxviii., 881. Mone, Lat. und. Griech. Messen aus dem 2-6 Jahrhundert, Frankfurt, 1850.

[807] Projectus, deacon of Bishop Evasius of Asti, appears to belong to the Lombard period, and his veneration dates from about the time of Luitprand (713-743).

[808] Calendarium Romanum nongentis annis antiquius, ed. F. Joh. Fronto, Parisiis, 1652. The title Calendarium is not well chosen.

[809] Liber Pontif., ed. Duchesne, i. 420.

[810] Op. cit., 402, Vita Gregorii, ii.

[811] Introduction, 98.

[812] [Much light has recently been thrown upon these calendars and their relation to one another by Dom. Henri Quentin, op. cit. Trans.]

[813] Beda, Hist. Eccl. iii., 24. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcv. 290.

[814] Printed in the Acta SS. Boll., March, vol. ii. Both recensions are placed side by side in Migne, Patr. Lat., xciv. A “Kalendarium Anglicanum” is in the same vol., 1147 et seqq. Bede’s words under the 7th Feb. are remarkable: “Britaniis in Augusta natale Augusti Episcopi et martyris.” The feast of All Saints is given on the 1st Nov. as well as the feast on the 13th May, whose transference to the 1st Nov. only took place later under Gregory IV. (827-844). No explanation has been given of Andrew with 2597 companions on the 19th August.

[815] Wandelbert, ed. Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxi. 577. See also cxix. 10, 11.

[816] And the same is true of the other works mentioned: e.g., Florus has admitted Gereon and 315 companions on the 10th October, who are omitted by Bede, but he knows nothing of Ursula. Wandelbert mentions on the 21st October flocks of virgins amounting to some thousands murdered by the tyrant in Cologne, whose trophies adorn the banks of the Rhine. Gereon has Cassius, Florentius, and Victor as his companions (Migne, Patr., Lat., xciv. 1067, 1078; cxxi. 614).

[817] Edited with an introduction, English translation, and notes by Whitley Stokes in the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, i., Dublin, 1880.

[818] Edited by the same under the title, Felire hui i Gorman: The Martyrology of Gorman, among the publications of the Bradshaw Society, London, 1895. See also Analecta Boll., xiii. 193. Bellesheim, Gesch. der kathol., Kirche in Irland, i. 239 seqq.

[819] Dümmler (Das Martyrologium Notkers, etc., in the Forschungen z. deutsch. Gesch., xxv. 201), incorrectly dates it from between 860-870.

[820] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxiii. 146-178.

[821] Ib., 182-202.

[822] Ib., 292-419.

[823] Ib., 143, 144. Mosander, before Rosweyde, had edited the larger Ado by itself without the smaller.

[824] “Quod ego diligenti cura transscriptum ... in capite hujus libri ponendum putavi.” Transscriptum cannot be understood of mere copying (describere) but of re-editing. The Roman Calendar makes no mention of Old Testament names, Jeremias, Moses, etc., nor of Alban, Servatius, etc. Accordingly this Mart. Rom. Parvum has not the importance which Achelis (p. 112) attributes to it.

[825] Bäumer, 474.

[826] H. Læmmer, De Martyrol. Rom., 19.

[827] Bœhmer-Will, Regesta Archiep. Mogunt., i. 67, 68. The martyrology of Rabanus is printed in Migne, Patr. Lat., cx.

[828] Migne, Patr. Lat., cxxxi. 1070. See also Binterim, Denkw., v. 62. “Cujas causæ nos utpote barbari et in extremis mundi climate positi sumus ignari.”

[829] Læmmer, op. cit., 10-17.

[830] Benedict, xiv., De Servorum Die Beatificatione, i. 43, and iv. 2, 17. N. Paulus, Martyrolog. u Brevier als histor. Quellen, Katholik, 1900, i. 355.

[831] [The reader will find much information bearing upon English heortology in the following works:—A Menology of England and Wales, by R. Stanton, 1887, London, Burns & Oates; Die Heiligen Englands, by F. Liebermann, 1889, Hannover, Hahn; The Bosworth Psalter, ed. by Gasquet and Bishop, 1908, London, Bell & Sons. Trans.]

[832] Edited by Ferd. Piper, Berlin, 1858.

[833] Lanfranc, i. 9. Migne, Patr. Lat., cl. 472-478.

[834] Hartzheim, iv. 106, for A.D. 1307. The correct date, according to Binterim, is 1307. Conc., vi. 118, note 1, 1308. Joerres regards the sixth canon as not authentic, Röm. Quart. Schr., 1902.

[835] Hartzheim, vi. 498.

[836] J. Braun (Innsbr. Zeitschr. für Kath. Theol., 1901, i. 155 seqq.) contends that white was not the only liturgical colour in antiquity, and rests his contention on some representation (not miniatures) of the fifth to the ninth centuries in which yellow, brown and other colours appear. But “white” is not to be taken as meaning always “snow-white,” and the natural colour of silk and wool would border on yellow. The representations may have grown darker through age, or been painted over at a later date. At any rate the proofs on which he relies are not sufficiently strong to overthrow the received view which is based on many statements in original sources.

[837] Sicardus, Mitrale, 2, 5 (Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxiii. 77): In colore pro qualitate temporis alternatur, albo utimur in resurrectione ... rubeo in pentecoste. The passage in Johannes Abrinc., De Off. Eccl. (Migne, Patr. Lat., cxlvii., 62) is defective and obscure. It seems only to refer to the high priest of the Old Testament.

[838] Durandus, Rationale Div. Off., 3, 18. The Ordo Rom. xiv., c. 49 seqq. of the thirteenth century mentions five colours: white, red, green, violet and black.

[839] Innocent III., De S. Alt. Myst., i. 65; Migne, Patr. Lat., ccxvii., 799-802.

[840] For the history of liturgical vestments, see J. Braun, S.J., Die Priesterlichen Gewänder des Abendlandes, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1897, and a larger and more recent work by the same author, Die Liturgische Gewandlung im Occident u. Orient, etc., Freiburg im Breisgau, 1907. [Also J. Wilpert, Die Gewandlung der Christen in den ersten Jahrhunderten, Cologne, Bachem, 1898. Trans.]

[841] See Thalhofer, Liturgik, ii. 82, who points out this meaning in Micrologus.

[842] “Sacramenta” is found, amongst others, in Innocent I., Epist., 17, c. 5, 12; 25, c. 4.

[843] Tertull., De Exhort. Cast., 11; Apol., 2; Ad uxor., 2, 8; De Præscr., 4; De Virg. Vel., 13; De Corona, 2; De Carne Christi, 2, etc. Tertullian uses “sacrificium,” De Cultu Fem., 2, 11, etc. Cyprian, Epist., 12, 2; 15, 1; Ad Cæc., 9 and 17, etc. Ambrosius, De Obitu Valent., 2, 113; In Psalm., 38, c. 25; 118, c. 48; Epist., 39, 4.

[844] De Civ. Dei, 10, 6-20; Cont. Faustum, 20, 18; Enarr. in Psalm., 33, c. 6; 106, c. 13; Epist., 54, 4; 149, 15; 159; Sermo, 137, 8; 310, 30; 311, 18; 345, 4, etc.

[845] Baronius, Annales, ad an. 34, c. 59.

[846] Epist. I. ad Gundobadum, c. i., and Epist., 3.

[847] Test. De Anima, c. 9.

[848] The formula in question runs: Ἀπολύεσθε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, i.e. “Depart in peace,” or, Πορεύεσθε ἐν εἰρήνῃ, or, Ἐν εἰρήνῃ προελθῶμεν. Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 79, 131, 370, 449. “Ite missa est” literally means: Go, it is the dismissal.

[849] Peregr. Silviæ, ed. Geyer, c. 24 seqq.

[850] “Missa autem quæ fit ... hoc est oblatio”; the passage seems to have been corrected. The other passage adduced by Professor Funk (Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1904, 56) to prove the contrary—“fit oblatio in Anastase maturius, ita ut fiat missa ante solem”—ought to be translated: “the Mass took place earlier, so that its conclusion came before sunrise.” Missa here = the dismissal at the end of Mass.

[851] Cassian, De Cœnobiorum Institutis, 2, 7, 13 and 15; 3, 7; 11, 15.

[852] See Leo I., Sermo, 41, c. 3; Epist., 156, c. 5. Once, in Epist., 9, c. 8, we find “missa.” But the general employment of the term cannot be inferred from its use in one isolated instance.

[853] “Missa catechumenorum” meant originally not that part of the Mass at which the catechumens assisted, but the dismissal of the catechumens.

[854] For missæ in the sense of the canonical hours, we may cite Gregor. M., Epist., 2, 12; 3, 63; 11, 64; Migne, Patr. Lat., lxxvii. 1187; in the sense of the Mass: Epist., 4, 39; Hom., 50, 8; as a general term for both, Epist., 3, 63; 4, 18, etc. As regards St Benedict’s usage, Fr. Lindenbauer, O.S.B., draws our attention to Mattins. It means dismissal at the hours: Regula, c. 17 (Migne, lxvi. 460), but Mass, ib. c. 35, 60.

[855] Acta S. Ludgeri, c. 20. Migne, Patr. Lat., xcix. 779.

[856] Agathense 506, can. 30: “missæ vespertinæ.”

[857] E.g., Braccarense, ii., can. 64; Agath., can. 47.

[858] Epist., 1, 20, c. 3-5.

[859] As by Prof. Funk, Tüb. Theol. Quartalschr., 1904, No. 1.

[860] It was published by B. Georgiades from a MS. discovered in the Monastery of Chalki (Constantinople, 1885-86), then by Bratke, Bonn, 1891, and by Bonwetsch, Hippolyts Werke, vol. i., Leipsig, 1897.

[861] In Cyril of Scythopolis, the Arabian bishop, George of Horta (before 724), and Photius, Bibl. cod., 222, 163 b, ed. Bekker, and perhaps also in Germanus. The passages are collected in Bonwetsch, op. cit., xv. seqq., and partially in Gallandi, Bibl. Vet. Patr., II. Such minute indications of time in so ancient a writer were too precious to be passed over.

[862] The Liber Generationis (Migne, Patr. Lat., iii. 651 seqq., Corp. Inscr. Lat., and Frick, Chron. Min., i. 1-77) is certainly a part of the Chronicle of Hippolytus, as Mommsen has conclusively proved (Abhandl. der Sächs. Akademie d. Wissensch., 1850, i. 586 seqq.).

[863] That interpolations of this kind were formerly made by unskilful hands is shown by the addition to the MS. belonging to Mount Athos, by the Slav translation: Καὶ Γάϊου Καῖσαρος τὸ τέταρτον καὶ Γαίου Κεστίου (instead of Sentii) Σατορνῖνου, the consuls for the year 41 A.D., which Bonwetsch has placed in the text, although within brackets.

[864] Leo Allatius, De Dominicis et Hebdom. Recent. Græcorum, Cologne, 1648, 1400 quoted by Daniel, Cod. Lit., iv. 212 seqq. Alt., 181-221. Nilles, II. xvii.-xxi.

[865] The adjective is formed after the analogy of ἄκερως.

[866] Anselm speaks of him, Epist., 3, 43 and 77; 4, 114. Migne, Patr. Lat., clviii. Eadmer refers to him, Hist. Novorum., 5, 492 and 497. Migne, clix.

[867] It is found in MSS. among the works of the elder Anselm, to whom it was at first ascribed. Fr. de Buck and others set it down to the nephew, but in the earliest codex at Canterbury, belonging to the twelfth century, it is expressly described as a work of Eadmer’s. See Thurston et Slater, Eadmeri Mon. Cant. Tractatus de Conceptione S. Mariæ, Frib. Brisg., 1904.