[1] Cf. Freeman, Methods of Historical Study, pp. 31 ff.
[2] e.g. Bury, Roman Empire, Introd., p. vii; Freeman, Western Europe during the Fifth Century, p. 260.
[3] Cf. Lavisse, Histoire de France, I. ii. 325 and 326, ‘Chrétiens et païens s’accordaient pour reconnaître ‘en lui un sauveur’.
[4] Pacatus (Pan. Lat. ii. 28) celebrates his loyalty, while Prosper condemns it (Bury-Gibbon, iii. 138). Hodgkin, i. 380, accepts his fidelity.
[5] ‘An ego nunc receptas virtute tua Gallias, barbariam omnem subactam, pergam quasi nova et inaudita memorare? Quae in hac Romani imperii parte gloriosissima sint famae laude celebrata....’ Pan. Lat. iii. 3. Baehrens reads sint, though the indicative would seem more natural.
[6] Ibid., § 7.
[7] Ibid., § 4.
[8] ‘Tu, tu, inquam, maxime imperator ... extincta iam litterarum studia flammasti, tu philosophiam paulo ante suspectam ... non modo iudicio liberasti sed amictam purpura, auro gemmisque redimitam in regali solio conlocasti.’ Ibid., § 23.
[9] The phrase is Freeman’s. Syagrius fled to Toulouse after the battle of Soissons (486). But he was pursued by Alaric II, whose protégé he had been, and handed over in chains to the victorious Franks. Greg. Tur., Historia Frankorum, ii. 27.
[10] Jullian, ‘Les Premières Universités Françaises’, Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement, 1893.
[11] Freeman, Historical Essays, vii. 164.
[12] Ammianus, xv. 9. 7 (ed. Gardthausen). Cf. Plut. Solon, ii. 15; Pausan. x. 8. 6 (ed. Dübner). So Isidore of Seville, Migne, Patr. Lat. lxxxii. 537. Cf. Mela, ii. 77.
[13] Athen. xiii. 576a (ed. Kaibel).
[14] Lucan, Phars. ii. 298; v. 53 (Phocis), as against the majority, e.g. Strabo, iv. 1. 5 (Phocaea).
[15] Thuc. i. 13. 6; Seneca, Ad Hel. vii. 8; Silius Ital. xv. 168 ff.; Jerome, Praef. Lib. II, Ep. ad Galat., &c.
[16] Head, Historia Numorum (1911), p. 7.
[17] Pro Fonteio, 15. 34 ‘Urbs Massilia ... fortissimorum fidelissimorumque sociorum’. Cf. Phil. viii. 6. 18, 19 for a glowing tribute to Massilia’s friendship.
[18] Strabo, iv. 4. 5 τὴν πρὸς Ῥωμαίους φιλίαν, ἦς πολλὰ ἄν τις λάβοι σημεῖα.
[19] Ammianus, xv. 11. 14. Cf. Justinus (following Trogus), Hist. xliii. 4 ff. (ed. Benecke), on the traditional friendship of Massilia with Rome at the time of the battle of the Allia.
[20] Liv. xxi. 20, 25, 26; Polyb. iii. 95.
[21] Caesar, Bellum Civile, i. 34. Cf. Dio Cassius (ed. Boissevain), xli. 19; Paneg. Lat. (ed. G. Baehrens), vi. 19, 3; Orosius, vi. 15. 6, 7 (ed. Zangemeister).
[22] Caesar, Bell. Civ. ii. 22; Dio Cassius, l.c.
[23] Jullian, Hist. de la Gaule, i. 216, 217, 407.
[24] Justin, xliii. 5. 2; Thuc. i. 13. 6.
[25] Desjardins, Géograph. hist. de la Gaule Romaine, ii. 148.
[26] Strabo, iii. 2. 9 τὸν δὲ κασσίτερον ... καὶ ἐκ τῶν Βρεταννικῶν δὲ εἰς τὴν Μασσαλίαν κομίζεσθαι.
[27] ‘De Lapidibus’ in Bouquet’s Recueil des Hist., p. 654.
[28] Plin. Nat. Hist. xviii. 7. 12.
[29] Mela, iii. 2. 17.
[30] Pro L. Flacco, 26. 63 ‘Neque vero te, Massilia, praetereo ... cuius ego civitatis disciplinam atque gravitatem non solum Graeciae, sed haud scio an cunctis gentibus anteponendam iure dicam’. The Rhodians in Livy (xxxvii. 54) say that they have heard that the Romans respect and honour the Massilians as much as though they were the centre of Greek culture (umbilicum Graeciae).
[31] Cf. Strabo, iv. 1. 5.
[32] Strabo, iv. 1. 5. Cf. Jullian, ‘Les Premières Universités Françaises’ (Rev. internat. de l’Enseignement), 1893.
[33] ‘Sedem ac magistram studiorum ... habuit, locum Graeca comitate provinciali parsimonia mixtum ac bene compositum’, Tac. Agr. 4. Augustus sends L. Antonius, his sister’s grandson, to Massilia, ‘ubi specie studiorum nomen exilii tegeretur’, Tac. An. iv. 44.
[34] Casina, V. iv. 1.
[35] Val. Max. ii. 7.
[36] Strabo, iv. 1. 5.
[37] In later times it fell into effeminacy. Justin, xii. 523 c; Polyb. iii. 79; Liv. xxii. 2, xxxvii. 54.
[38] Livy, xxxvii. 54.
[39] Mela, ii. 77.
[40] Pol. 1321 a 37; Strabo, iv. 1. 5.
[41] Justin, xliii. 4. Cf. Macrob. Somn. Scip. ii. 10. 8.
[42] Strabo, iv. 1. 5 πάντες γὰρ οἱ χαρίεντες πρὸς τὸ λέγειν τρέπονται καὶ φιλοσοφεῖν, ὥσθ’ ἡ πόλις μικρὸν μὲν πρότερον τοϊς βαρβάροις ἀνεϊτο παιδευτήριον, καὶ φιλελληνας κατεσκεύαζε τοὺς Γαλάτας (Gauls), ῶστε καὶ τὰ συμβόλαια Ἑλληνιστὶ γράφειν.
[43] Ammianus, xv. 9.
[44] Justin, l.c.
[45] Livy, xxxviii. 17.
[46] Strabo, iv. 1. 5 σοφιστὰς γοῦν ὑποδέχονται τοὺς μὲν ἰδίᾳ, τοὺς δὲ κοινῇ μισθούμενοι καθάπερ καὶ ἰατρούς.
[47] Lucan, iii. 592.
[48] Cf. Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris. 19.
[49] Controvers. ii. 5. 13.
[50] Ibid. ii. 6. 12.
[51] Moralia, 897 (ed. Dübner).
[52] Gräfenhan, Gesch. der Philol. i. 276.
[53] Monnard, de Gallorum oratorio ingenio, p. 3; Wolf, Prolegom. 39, p. 174.
[54] Isidore, Etymolog. xi; Jerome, Prolog. in Lib. II, Ep. ad Galat., both of them quoting Varro.
[55] e.g. Neapolis (Napoule), Antipolis (Antibes), Athenopolis (Antea).
[56] Histoire littéraire de la France, i. 59, 60.
[57] ‘Compulit ut laicorum popularitas psalmos et hymnos pararet ... alii Graece alii Latine prosas antiphonasque cantarent’, Vita Caesarii, Migne, Pat. Lat. lxvii. 1008.
[58] Jung, Romanische Landschaften, 210. Cf. also Inscriptions, Le Blant, Nouveau Recueil, 60, 150, 326, 374, and L’Épigraphie chrétienne, p. 43.
[59] Justin, xliii. 3.
[60] Cf. Jullian, Hist. de la Gaule, iii. 33 ff.
[61] Suet. Tib. 4. Cf. C. I. L. xii. 689.
[62] Lavisee, Histoire de la France, I. ii. 210.
[63] Cf. Holmes, Christian Church in Gaul, 293, 381.
[64] Justin, xliii. 5. Cf. Strabo, i. 41.
[65] Recueil des Hist., Introd., xxv.
[66] Keil, Gram. Lat. i. 202.
[67] B. G. vi. 17. Cf. Minuc. Felix, vi. 1; xxx. 4.
[68] C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 2606. Cf. further C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 2607, 2608, 2609, Chalon-sur-Saône; 2631, 2636, near Autun; 2830, N. of Prov. Lugdun.; 3011-13, Melun; 3020, Troyes; 3183 ff., Berthouville; 3250, Caleti.
[69] C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 1125.
[70] C. I. L. xiii. 1. 2, passim.
[71] C. I. L. xiii. 1. 1, 3100.
[72] That the Gallic Mercury resembled his Roman namesake in this respect is proved by the fact that one of the names of the Celtic Mercury was Visucius, which comes from the root VID = know (Robert and Cagnat, Épigraphie de la Moselle, p. 59). And Caesar noted as one of the characteristics of the Gallic Mercury that he was ‘omnium inventorem artium’ (Bell. Gall. vi. 17), though in later times he comes to be connected chiefly with commerce (cf. Caesar, l.c.). See Daremberg-Saglio.
[73] Polit. 1269 b 26, 1324 b 9.
[74] Var. Hist. xii. 23.
[75] Ἐμπειρίᾳ τῇ ἐς τὰ πολεμικὰ ἀπέδεον. They charge μετὰ οὐδενὸς λογισμοῦ αθάπερ τὰ θηρία, Pausan. x. 21.
[76] Strabo, iv. 4. 4.
[77] Ael. Var. Hist. xii. 23.
[78] Athenaeus (quoting Posidonius), vi. 46 (ed. Kaibel).
[79] v. 31.
[80] B. G. vi. 13. 4.
[81] Hist. Litt. i. 41, 42.
[82] ‘Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in Galliam translata esse existimatur, et nunc qui diligentius eam rem cognoscere volunt plerumque illo discendi causa proficiscuntur’, Caesar, B. G. vi. 13. 11.
[83] Caesar, B. G. vi. 14.
[84] Desjardins, Géog. hist. de la Gaule, ii. 214, note.
[85] Caesar, l.c., and Diodor. v. 28.
[86] Caesar, l.c., and Diodor. v. 31.
[87] De Divin, i. 41 (90).
[88] iii. 2 (19).
[90] Hist. Litt. i. 41, 42.
[91] ‘Huius Gallorum philosophiae, quam Valerius Maximus (ii. 6. 11) “avaram et faeneratoriam” nuncupat, tenebras dissipavit lux e Graecia allata in Phoceensium coloniam, Massiliam’. De Gallorum Orat. Ingen. 2.
[92] Cambr. Mediaev. Hist. i. 185.
[93] Tac. Hist. iv. 54.
[94] Cf. Jung, De Scholis Rom. in Gall. Comata. 2.
[95] ‘Druidarum religionem apud Gallos dirae immanitatis, et tantum civibus sub Augusto interdictam, penitus abolevit (sc. Claudius)’, Suet. Claudius, xxv. 5.
[96] De Caes. iv.
[97] Nat. Hist. xxx. 1. 4 ‘Namque Tiberii Caesaris principatus sustulit Druidas’.
[98] Nat. Hist. xvi. 249; xxiv. 103; xxx. 13.
[99] Script. Hist. Aug. xxvi. 44 ‘Sciscitantem utrum apud eius posteros imperium permaneret’.
[100] Ibid. xxx. 14.
[101] Hist. de la Gaule mérid., i. 541.
[102] Lavisse, Hist. de la France, I. iii. 385.
[103] Caesar, B. G. vi. 14.
[104] iv. 1. 12.
[105] Migne, Patrologia Graeca, vii. 444.
[106] Script. Hist. Aug., Alex. Sev. 60.
[107] Auson. Prof. iv. 7; x. 27.
[108] Ausonius may be using ‘Belenus’ for ‘Apollo’ in a playful mood, as Mommsen thinks; but the name Belenus was exceedingly well known in Gaul, and indicates that Celtic civilization had left its mark. See Pauly-Wissowa, s.v.
[109] Technop. xiv.
[110] Ep. iii. 3. 2.
[111] His use of quia and quod instead of the infinitive construction; abstract for concrete nouns; the growing importance of prepositions; peculiar words like fatigatio (banter), eventilare (search through), humanitas (hospitality). See Dalton’s preface to his translation of Sidonius, and Baret’s introduction to his edition (pp. 106 ff.).
[112] Comment. in Ep. ad Galat. Migne, Pat. Lat. xxvi. 357.
[113] Historical Essays, Series III, pp. 74 ff.
[114] Hist. de la France, I. iii. 388.
[115] Revue celtique, 1870-2, p. 179.
[116] Gaule romaine, p. 129.
[117] Freeman, Western Europe in the Fifth Century, p. 143.
[118] e.g. lox (la ruche), hive; alauda, Fr. alouette; carrum, Fr. char; *cambitâ, Fr. jante (felly) (Körting, Lat.-roman. Wörterb., 1778); betullus, O.F. booul, M.F. bouleau (birch); braca, M.F. braie; camisia, M.F. chemise; landâ, Fr. lande (Körting, op. cit., 5419); probably jambe and javelot. See Schwan-Behrens, Grammaire de l’Ancien Français, p. 5. Paris, Fischbacher, 1913.
[119] C. I. L. xiii. 2638.
[120] Pirson, La Langue des Inscriptions lat. de la Gaule, p. 237.
[121] Romanische Landschaften, p. 272.
[122] Gröber, Grundriss der roman. Philol., i. 383.
[123] Lavisse, Histoire de France, ii. 1. 2, p. 59.
[124] Gothofredus, C. Th. ix. 23. 1, refers to a law by which ‘in Gallia vetita auri et argenti extra regnum exportatio’. So C. Th. vii. 16. 3 ‘Ne merces illicitae ad nationes barbaras deferantur’. ‘Merces illicitae’ are defined by Gothofredus as ‘vinum, oleum, liquamen (lye), ferrum, frumentum, sales, cos’ (mill-stone).
[125] Pan. Lat. vi. 6 ‘Ut in desertis Galliae regionibus collocatae (nationes) et pacem Romani imperii cultu (agriculture) iuvarent et arma dilectu’. Cf. viii. 9 ‘Arat ergo nunc mihi Chamavus et Frisius’.
[126] Gröber, Grundriss der romanischen Philologie, p. 383 (article by F. Kluge. A certain allowance must be made for nationalist bias).
[127] H. Paul, Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, i. 328 ff.
[128] De Bissula, iii.
[129] Cod. Theod. iii. 14. 1, ed. Mommsen and Meyer.
[130] Histoire de France, ii. 1. 2, p. 59. Cf. Süpfle, Gesch. des deutschen Cultureinflusses auf Frankreich, i. 1. 1.
[131] Oros. vii. 32, quoted Bury-Gibbon, iii. 350 n.
[132] Cf. Fauriel, i. 541.
[133] ‘Id tu Brute iam intelliges, quum in Galliam veneris: audies tu quidem etiam verba quaedam non trita Romae, sed haec mutari dediscique possunt’, Cic. Brutus, 171.
[134] ‘Tantum increbruit multitudo desidiosorum ut, nisi vel paucissimi quique meram linguae Latiaris proprietatem de trivialium barbarismarum robigine vindicaveritis, eam brevi abolitam defleamus interemptamque’, Sid. Ep. ii. 10. 1.
[135] Ep. iv. 17. 2.
[136] e.g. Franko (Fr. franc), Alaman (O.F. Aleman), &c.; sturm, O.F. estour; wahta, O.F. guaite (watch); helm, &c.; siniskalk, Fr. sénéchal; marahskalk, Fr. maréchal; alod, O.F. aleu (freehold); sparwâri, O.F. esparvier; haring, Fr. hareng; wald, O.F. gualt; *hapja, Fr. hache (hatchet); want, Fr. gant (glove); bald, O.F. balt; spëhon, O.F. espier, &c. Affre < Old Low Frank. aibhor (Körting, op. cit., 384); hâte (Eng. haste), Germ. *haist- (Körting, 4459); guise (Eng. wise), Germ. wīsa (Körting, 10403); orgueil, Germ. urgōlī (Körting, 9914). Schwan-Behrens, op. cit., p. 6. For the traces of Germanic in inscriptions see Pirson, op. cit., p. 236.
[137] Sidon. Ep. i. 2. 1.
[138] Ep. i. 2. 6.
[139] Ibid.
[140] Ep. ii. 1. 2.
[141] Ep. iv. 17.
[142] Ep. i. 2. 5 (§ 8).
[143] Ennod., Script. Eccles. Lat., p. 353.
[144] The acts and decrees of the Visigothic and Burgundian kings were in Latin, and they chose their secretaries from the Latin rhetoricians and poets. Sidonius speaks of documents drawn up by himself for the Gothic king (Ep. viii. 3). Thus the star of rhetoricians and grammarians rose high at the court of Theodoric.
[145] Cf. Camb. Mediaev. Hist., p. 291.
[146] Cf. Fauriel, Hist. de la Gaule mérid., i. 466.
[147] Ep. ii. 5; viii. 1.
[148] Sid. Ep. v. 7.
[149] Paulin. Euchar., verse 304.
[150] Paulin. Euchar., verses 289, 290.
[151] Vide 306:
and cf. 311 ff.
[152] Paulin de Pella, p. xxiii.
[153] Cf. Sidon. Ep. v. 14.
[154] Fauriel, op. cit., i. 559.
[155] ‘Ut ... populos Galliarum ... teneamus ex fide etsi non tenemus foedere’, Ep. vii. 6. 10.
[156] Gröber, Grundriss der röm. Phil., i. 387. In order to indicate the nature of the barbarous Gothic with which he is surrounded, the poet contemptuously quotes some Gothic that came into his mind. The interpretation is not certain. Massmann (Zeitsch. f. d. Altertum, i. 379 ff.) suggests ‘Hail! provide us with meat and drink’. In any case, their language is incompatible with Latin poetry.
[158] Ep. vii. 14. 10.
[159] Ep. ad Diversos, lvii (ed. Peiper).
[160] i. 44.
[161] Cf. Boissier, La Fin du Paganisme, ii. 59 ff.; Fauriel, Hist. i. 440.