[119] J. E. B. Mayor, Two Lives of N. Ferrar, by his brother John and Dr. Jebb, p. 261 (quoted by B. Kirkman Gray, A History of English Philanthropy, 1905, p. 54).
[120] A True Report of the Great Cost and Charges of the foure Hospitals in the City of London, 1644 (quoted, ibid., p. 66).
[121] See, e.g., Hist. MSS. Comm., Reports on MSS. in various Collections, vol. i, 1901, pp. 109-24; Leonard, Early History of English Poor Relief, pp. 268-9.
[122] Sir Matthew Hale, A Discourse touching Provision for the Poor, 1683.
[123] Stanley’s Remedy, or the Way how to reform wandering Beggars, Thieves, Highway Robbers and Pick-pockets, 1646 (Thomason Tracts, E. 317 (6)), p. 4.
[124] Commons’ Journals, March 19, 1648/9, vol. vi, p. 167.
[125] Ibid., vol. vi, pp. 201, 374, 416, 481; vol. vii, p. 127.
[126] Samuel Hartlib, London’s Charity Inlarged, 1650, p. i.
[127] Hartlib, op. cit.
[128] Firth and Rait, Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, 1911, vol. ii, pp. 104-10. An ordinance creating a corporation had been passed Dec. 17, 1647 (ibid., vol. i, pp. 1042-5).
[129] Ibid., vol. ii, pp. 1098-9.
[130] Stockwood, at Paul’s Cross, 1578 (quoted by Haweis, Sketches of the Reformation, p. 277).
[132] R. Younge, The Poores’ Advocate, 1654 (Thomason Tracts, E. 1452 [3]), p. 6.
[133] For these and other passages from Restoration economists to the same effect, see a striking article by Dr. T. E. Gregory on The Economics of Employment in England (1660-1713) in Economica, no. i, Jan., 1921, pp. 37 seqq., and E. S. Furniss, The Position of the Labourer in a System of Nationalism, 1920, chaps. v, vi.
[134] Das Kommunistische Manifest, 1918 ed., pp. 27-8: “Die Bourgeoisie, wo sie zur Herrschaft gekommen, hat alle feudalen, patriarchalischen, idyllischen verhältnisse zerstört. Sie hat die buntscheckigen Feudalbande, die den Menschen an seinen natürlichen Vorgesetzten knüpften, unbarmherzig zerrissen, und kein anderes Band zwischen Mensch und Mensch übrig gelassen, als das nackte Interesse, als die gefühllose bare Zahlung.”
[135] Defoe, Giving Alms no Charity, 1704, pp. 25-7.
[136] Petty, Political Arithmetic, p. 45.
[137] Sir Henry Pollexfen, Discourse of Trade, 1697, p. 49; Walter Harris, Remarks on the Affairs and Trade of England and Ireland, 1691, pp. 43-4; The Querist, 1737 (in The Works of George Berkeley, D.D., ed. A. C. Fraser, 1871, p. 387); Thomas Alcock, Observations on the Defects of the Poor Laws, 1752, pp. 45 seqq. (quoted Furniss, op. cit., p. 153).
[138] Arthur Young, Eastern Tour, 1771, vol. iv, p. 361.
[139] Harrison, The Description of Britaine, 1587 ed., bk. ii, chap. x, Of Provision made for the Poor.
[140] H. Hunter, Problems of Poverty: Selections from the ... Writings of Thomas Chalmers, D.D., 1912, p. 202.
[141] For the influence of Chalmers’ idea on Senior, and, through him, on the new Poor Law of 1834, see T. Mackay, History of the English Poor Law, vol. iii, 1899, pp. 32-4. Chalmers held that any Poor Law was in itself objectionable. Senior, who described Chalmers’ evidence before the Committee on the State of the Poor in Ireland as “the most instructive, perhaps, that ever was given before a Committee of the House of Commons,” appears to have begun by agreeing with him, but later to have adopted the principle of deterrence, backed by the test workhouse, as a second best. The Commissioners of 1832-4 were right in thinking the existing methods of relief administration extremely bad; they were wrong in supposing distress to be due mainly to lax administration, instead of realizing, as was the fact, that lax administration had arisen as an attempt to meet the increase of distress. Their discussion of the causes of pauperism is, therefore, extremely superficial, and requires to be supplemented by the evidence contained in the various contemporary reports (such, e.g., as those on the hand-loom weavers) dealing with the industrial aspects of the problem.
[142] W. C. Braithwaite, The Second Period of Quakerism, 1919, pp. 560-2. Defoe comments on the strict business standards of the Quakers in Letter xvii (Of Honesty in Dealing) in The Complete English Tradesman. Mr. Ashton (Iron and Steel in the Industrial Revolution, p. 219) remarks, “The eighteenth century Friend no less than the medieval Catholic held firmly to some doctrine of Just Price,” and quotes examples from the conduct of Quaker iron-masters.