184. See Critiques and Addresses by Thomas Henry Huxley, LL.D., 1873, p. 167. As the author substantially adopts Professor Huxley’s conclusions, he thinks it unnecessary to enter into the grounds on which they are based.

185. Diod. Sic., Lib. ii. cc. 21, 22, 38. The reasons for supposing the Cassiterides to be the Scilly Islands are thus stated in Camden’s Britannia: They are opposite to the Artabri in Spain; they bend directly to the north from them; they lie in the same clime with Britain; they look towards Celtiberia; the sea is much broader between them and Spain than between them and Britain; they lie just upon the Iberian sea; there are only ten of them of any note; and they have veins of tin which no other isle has in this tract.—Camd. Brit. p. 1112, ed. 1695.

186. Strabo, Geog. Lib. iii. 4.

187. In Celticis aliquot sunt (insulæ) quas quia plumbo abundant uno omnes nomine Cassiterides appellant.—Pomp. Mela.

Ex adverso Celtiberiæ complures sunt insulæ Cassiterides dictæ Græcis a fertilitate plumbi.—Plin.

Siluram quoque insulam ab ora, quam gens Britannia Dumnonii tenent, turbidum fretum distinguit: cujus homines etiamnum custodiunt morem vetustum: nummum refutant: dant res et accipiunt: mutationibus necessaria potius, quam pretiis parant: Deos percolunt: scientiam futurorum pariter viri ac feminæ ostentant.—Solin. Poly. c. 22. Cassiterides insulae spectant adversum Celtiberiæ latus: plumbi fertiles.—Ib. c. 23.

188.

189.

190. Sed summum contra sacram cognomine, dicunt quam Caput Europae, sunt Stanni pondere plenae Hesperides: populus tenuit quas fortes Iberi.—Prisc. Per.

191. Cave Hunting, by W. Boyd Dawkins, M.A., 1874, p. 191.

192. See The Beauties of the Boyne, by Sir William R. Wilde, 1850, p. 228, for an account of the Irish skulls.

193. Cave Hunting, p. 214. For the facts on which these conclusions are based, reference is made to this work and that of Sir William Wilde.

194. The author does not import anything from the Bards, as it is difficult to say how far they contain genuine tradition, or have been manipulated by Geoffrey of Monmouth. The author confines himself as much as possible to Welsh documents before his time, and the so-called Historical Triads he rejects as entirely spurious.

195. The Leabhar Gabhala, or Book of Conquests, is, strictly speaking, the work of Michael O’Clery, one of the compilers of the Annals of the Four Masters, but it is founded upon older documents, and upon a more ancient Book of Invasions, a fragment of which is contained in the Leabhar na Huidhri and the Book of Leinster, and complete editions in the Books of Ballimote and Leacan. A full account of it will be found in O’Curry’s Lectures on the MS. Materials, p. 168. It is much to be desired that this ancient tract should be published.

196. This account of these legendary colonies is abridged from Keating, who takes it from the Book of Conquests.

197. Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, p. 30.

198. See Irish Nennius, p. 221.

199. Chron. Picts and Scots, p. 45.

200. This seems clearly implied. Gillacaoman, in a poem quoted by Colgan, A.SS. p. 198, also identifies the Nemedians with the Tuatha de Danaan. Two of the three bands of the Nemedians who left Erin, according to the Book of Conquests, seem obviously the same—the one under Fergus Leth Derg settling in a district in Alban called Dobhar and Iardobhar, and the Tuatha De Danaan coming to Erin from the same district.

201. O’Curry, Lectures on MS. Materials, p. 223.

202. O’Curry’s Lectures on Manners and Customs of Ancient Irish. Introduction by Professor Sullivan, p. lxxii.

203. The colony of Partholan seems to have been the same with the Firbolg. Partolan has three sons—Slainge, Rudhraige, and Laighlinne—and two of these, Slainge and Rudhraige, are among the leaders of the Firbolg. If we may consider the following passage from the Welsh Bruts as containing genuine tradition, they seem to have considered them as Iberian or Basque: ‘Gwrgant, on his return, as he was passing through the isles of Orc, came up with thirty ships, which were full of men and women, and finding them there, he seized their chief, whose name was Partholym. Hereupon this chief prayed his protection, telling him that they were called Barclenses, had been driven from Spain, and were roving on the seas to find a place of settlement, and that he therefore entreated Gwrgant to grant them permission to abide in some part of the island, as they had then been at sea for a year and a half. Gwrgant having thus learned whence they were and what was their purpose, directed them with his goodwill to go to Ireland, which at that time lay waste and uninhabited. Thither therefore they went, and there they settled, and peopled the country, and their descendants are to this day in Ireland.’

204. B. iii. c. iii. where he distinguishes between ‘Septentrionalis Scottorum provincia,’ and the ‘Gentes Scottorum, quæ in australibus Hiberniæ insulæ partibus morabantur.’

205. Heber appears also to have in one view represented the old Iberians of Munster, with whom, indeed, the name seems connected. Partholan is said to have divided Ireland into four parts among his four sons, Er, Orba, Fearran, and Feargna; and Heremon, when he divides Ireland, gives Munster to Er, Orba, Fearran, and Feargna, the four sons of Heber. The southern Scottish royal race are brought, however, from Conmaol, son of Heber.

206. The turning-point appears to be the battle of Ocha, which was fought in the year 478 by Lughaidh, son of that Laogaire who appears as king of Ireland in the Acts of St. Patrick;—Murcertach MacErca, Fiachna, king of Dalaradia, and Crimthan, king of Leinster, against Olioll Molt, son of Dathi, king of Ireland. It is made an era by most of the annalists, and undoubtedly was viewed as accomplishing a revolution which secured the throne of Ireland to the Hy Neill, or descendants of Niall Mor of the nine hostages. There is also a marked difference in the annals that precede and follow it, as those incidents which evidently belong to a mythic period—such as the death of Dathi by a flash of lightning at the foot of the Alps, and that of Laogaire by the elements, because he had violated an oath he had sworn by them—here come to an end. Murcertach MacErca, too, who followed the short reign of Lugliaidh, was the first Christian monarch of Ireland. The author considers that the real chronological history of Ireland begins here, and that the previous annals are an artificially-constructed history, in which some fragments of genuine annals, and some historic tales founded on fact, are imbedded in a mass of tradition, legend, and fable.

207. ‘In anno xviii. Ptolemæi, initiatus est regnare in Eamain Cimbaoch filius Fintain qui regnavit annis xviii. Omnia monumenta Scotorum usque Cimbaoch incerta erant.’ Eaman was the great capital of Ulster, now Navan, near Armagh.

208. A.D. 236. Fiacha Araidhe regnat an Eamain An. x. Bellum oc Fothaird Muirtheimne Mebuig re Cormuic hua Cuind agus re Fiachaig Muillitain Righ Mumhan fer Cruithniu agus for Fiacha Araidhe.

254 Indarba Ullad a h Erend a Manand re Cormac hua Cond.

209. Igitur ad terram egressi, ut moris est, situm locorum, mores et habitum hominum explorare, gentem Pictaneorum reperiunt.—Chron. Picts and Scots, p. 108. Colgan considers that by the Gens Pictaneorum the Tuatha De Danaan are meant.

210. They entered apparently by Loch Broom, and proceeded by the river which flows from Loch Droma near the head of Loch Broom, through the valley called the Dearymore, till it falls into the Conan near Dingwall. It is now called the Blackwater, but was formerly known as the Raasay. Rigmonath is St. Andrews.

211. Colgan considers that it was Ireland which was formerly called Chorischia and not Scotia; but as the sentence follows the settlements in Scotland, it seems more applicable to that country, and elsewhere in the Acts Scotia is used for Scotland. The word Chorischia is probably taken from what Tacitus says of the Horesti. The passage is this: ‘Nec satis, post pelagus Britanniæ contiguum perlegentes, per Rosim amnem, Rossiam regionem manserunt; Rigmonath quoque Bellethor urbes, a se procul positas, petentes, possessuri vicerunt; sicque totam terram suo nomine Chorischiam nominatam, post cujusdam Lacedemonii Aeneæ filium nomine Nelum seu Niulum, qui princeps eorum fuerat, et olim Ægyptiam conjugem bello meruerat, nomine Scottam, ex vocabulo conjugis, patrio sermone depravato, Scotiam vocaverunt.’

212. Æneas the Lacedæmonian is obviously the Fenius Farsadh of the other legend.

213. The Albanic Duan gives him a reign of ten years, and to Fergus twenty-seven in place of three. Taking A.D. 501 as the date of Fergus’s death, this would place the settlement of the Dalriads in 461.

214. There is a native fort in the island of St. Kilda called Dunfhirbolg.

215. Scotti qui nunc corrupte vocantur Hibernienses quasi Sciti, quia a Scithia regione venerunt et inde originem duxerunt; sive a Scotta filia Pharaonis regis Egypti, que fuit, ut fertur, regina Scottorum.—Chron. Picts and Scots, p. 3.

Albani de quibus originem duxerunt Scoti et Picti.—Ib.

216. See Chron. Picts and Scots, pp. 4 and 24.

217. Chronicles of the Picts and Scots, p. 319.

218. 602 Cath Cuile Cail in quo Fiachaidh mac Baedan victor erat.

608 Bass Fiachach chraich mic Baedan la Cruithnachu, p. 68.

219. Chron. Picts and Scots, p. 52.

220. The word is Ruirig, plural of Ruire, a champion, a knight; also Dominus, a lord.

221. Bede, Ec. Hist. B. i. c. xv.

222. Nennius implies in a part of his legend of Hengist and Guorthegirn that Hengist’s people came ‘de insula Oghgul,’ which is probably Heligoland.

223. There are two poems which preserve Saxon traditions connected with the mainland. These are the Battle of Finnesburgh, and Beowulf. Kemble considers that they were nearly contemporary with the events they relate, and not far removed from the coming of Hengist and Horsa into Britain. They describe a war between Hengist, an Eoten and vassal of the king of Denmark, and Finn, son of Folcwald, king of the Frisians. Nennius makes Finn, son of Folcgwald, grandfather of his Woden.

224. Zeuss, Die Deutschen und die Nachbarstämme, p. 141. Nennius has ‘Omne genus Ambronum, id est Aldsaxonum Saxonum;’ and again, ‘Et nunquam addiderunt Saxones Ambronem ut a Pictis vectigal exigerent.’

225. Mannert, Geographie, iii. 330.

226. Zeuss inclines to the latter view; see Nachbarstamme, p. 938.

227. Thus Angrivarii appear also under the form of Angrii, and in the Notitia as Anglevarii. They were probably the same people with the Angli.

228. Bede, Vit. Sanct. Ab. Mon. im Uyramutha, c. 14.

229. Adam of Bremen (i. 3) says that the Saxons first had their habitations on the Rhine, and thence passed over to Britain.

230. Hæc in praesenti, juxta numerum librorum quibus Lex Divina scripta est, quinque gentium linguis, unam eamdemque summæ veritatis et veræ sublimitatis scientiam scrutatur et confitetur, Anglorum, videlicet, Brettonum, Scottorum, Pictorum, et Latinorum, quæ meditatione Scripturarum cæteris omnibus est facta communis.—Bede, H. E. B. i. c. i.

231. Henry of Huntingdon, in repeating Bede’s statement as to the five languages, adds, ‘Quamvis Picti jam videantur deleti, et lingua eorum ita omnino destructa, ut jam fabula videatur, quod in veterum scriptis eorum mentio invenitur.’ This is true of the language if it was different from the others, but not if it resembled one of them so closely that one of the spoken languages might equally represent it; neither is it true of the people, as almost in the very year he makes this statement he mentions the Picts as forming an entire division in David the First’s army at the Battle of the Standard.

232. Pinkerton first urged the argument for the Picts being a Teutonic people, and, with the knowledge then possessed, with much force. Chalmers is equally clear that they spoke Welsh; but the philological arguments of both have little value, as the science of comparative philology was not then known or understood. Mr. Burton has discussed this question in the first volume of his History of Scotland, p. 183, but in a very unsatisfactory way. He has dealt with it as if the whole materials for deciding the question were contained in the discussion between Pinkerton and Chalmers, and writers of that period, and as if nothing remained for him to do but to estimate the value of their respective arguments. He contributes nothing additional to the solution of the question.

233. The author does not here adduce the superabundant evidence furnished by the old Welsh poems, which will be found in The Four Ancient Books of Wales. Neither does he refer to the so-called Historic Triads, because he considers them spurious; but among the genuine ‘Triads of Arthur and his Warriors’ (ib. vol. ii. p. 457) there is one to this effect:—‘Three oppressions came to this island, and did not go out of it. The nation of the Coranyeit, who came in the time of Llud, son of Beli, and did not go out of it; and the oppression of the Gwyddyl Ffichti, and they did not again go out of it. The third, the oppression of the Saxons, and they did not again go out of it.’ Here the term Gwyddyl Ffichti is clearly applied to the whole Pictish nation who settled in Britain. The same designation is given to them by one edition of the Chronicle called the Brut of Tywysogion, which records, in A.D. 750, ‘the action of Mygedawc, in which the Britons (Britanyat) conquered the Gwyddyl Ffichti, after a bloody battle’ (Myv. Ar. vol. ii. p. 472). This is the same battle which Tighernac thus gives: ‘A battle between the Pictones and the Britones, viz., Talorgan, the son of Fergus, and his brother, and the slaughter of the Piccardach with him.’—Chron. Picts and Scots, p. 76.

234. The Irish Archæological Society have published (in 1842) the ancient Historical Tale called the Battle of Magh Rath. This was a battle fought in 637 between Congal Claen, king of Uladh, the head of the Cruithnigh of Ulster, with the assistance of the Scotch Dalriads and other allies from Britain, against the king of Ireland; but throughout this tale there is not the slightest hint of any diversity of language between the Cruithnigh and the Scots.

235. Reeves’s Adamnan (ed. 1874), pp. 174-176.

236. Verbo Dei a Sancto per interpretem recepto (B. i. c. 27).

Verbum vitae per interpretatorem sancto praedicante viro (B. ii. c. 33).

237. The Rev. T. Price of Cwmdû, one of the best and soundest of the Welsh scholars, when he visited Brittany, remarks, ‘Notwithstanding the many assertions that have been made respecting the natives of Wales and Brittany being mutually intelligible through the medium of their respective languages, I do not hesitate to say that the thing is utterly impossible. Single words in either language will frequently be found to have corresponding terms of a similar sound in the other, and occasionally a short sentence deliberately pronounced may be partially intelligible; but as to holding a conversation, that is totally out of the question.’—Price’s Remains, vol. i. p. 35. And Mr. Norris, the highest Cornish authority, says, ‘In spite of statements to the contrary, the writer is of opinion that a Breton within the historical existence of the two dialects could not have understood a Cornishman speaking at any length, or on any but the most trivial subjects. He is himself unable to read a sentence in Armoric of more than half-a-dozen lines without the help of a dictionary.’—Norris, Ancient Cornish Drama, B. ii. p. 458. O’Donovan says: ‘An Irish scholar would find it difficult to understand a Manx book without studying the language as a distinct dialect.’—Introd. to Irish Grammar, p. lxxx. An English Greek scholar cannot follow a conversation in modern Greek, where the difference consists mainly in the vowel sounds and in the accent. This quite accords with the author’s own experience. Although familiar with German from boyhood, and acquainted with most of its provincial varieties, when he first entered the Bavarian Alps he could not understand what was said to him till he made out that the difficulty arose almost entirely from a difference in the vowel sounds, the umlaut being applied almost universally; and at one period of his life, when a branch of the Irish Society employed Irishmen to read the Irish Scriptures to their poor countrymen in Edinburgh, and, as one of the Committee, he had to examine them as to their fitness, he found he could readily understand a Connaught man from the vowel sounds approaching most nearly to those of Scotch Gaelic; but he had great difficulty in following an Ulster man, the vowel sounds being very different, while the position of the accent, which in Irish is on the last syllable, and in Scotch Gaelic on the first, and the use of the eclipsis in the former, which the latter is without, added to the difficulty.

238. Fluviusque ejusdem loci in quo idem baptisma acceperat, ex nomine ejus, Dobur Artbranani usque in hodiernum nominatus diem, ab accolis vocitatur (B. i. c. 27). An old Irish Glossary, quoted by O’Reilly, under Aidhbheis, has

239. Quidam cum tota plebeius familia (B. ii. c. 33).

240. Ibidemque quidam repertus senex, Emchatus nomine, audiens a Sancto verbum Dei prædicatum, et credens, baptizatus est (B. iii. c. 15).

241. Acceptisque eorum uxoribus et filiabus in conjugium, omnes earum linguas amputaverunt, ne eorum successio maternam linguam disceret.

242. Chron. Picts and Scots, p. 160.

243. Sure condicioun qe lour issu parlascent Irrays, quel patois demurt a iour de huy du haute pays entre lez uns, qest dit Escotoys.—Ib. p. 199.

244. Reginald of Durham, writing in the last half of the twelfth century, mentions, in 1164, Kirkcudbright as being ‘in terra Pictorum,’ and calls their language ‘sermo Pictorum.’—Libellus, c. lxxxiv.

245. Sequitur in eodem latere, et littore occidentali, Gallovidia.... Ea magna ex parte patrio sermone adhuc utitur.—Buchanan, Rerum Scoticarum Hist., Lib. ii. 27.

246. Laing’s Poems of William Dunbar. Chalmers’s Poems of Sir David Lyndesay, vol. ii. p. 350. Mr. Burton, in his chapter on ‘The Early Races’ (Hist. vol. i. p. 206), makes the assertion that the Gaelic of Scotland ‘was ever called by the Teutonic Scots, Irish, Ersch, or Erse.’ In this he is mistaken. It was not so called before the fifteenth century, but invariably ‘Lingua Scotica,’ or Scotch.

247. The inference as to the language of the Picts is the same, even though Chalmers’ imaginary colony of Irish Cruithne in the seventh century really took place.

248. The author has thrown these materials into the form of an alphabetical list, which will be found in the Appendix I., with a comparison with similar words and names in the other dialects.

249. The names of the primary colours which enter into the composition both of names, persons, and places will illustrate this:—

Here some are so alike as to afford no test, others again are different from each other; but those in which the phonetic differences occur—as Finn, Gwyn; Ban, Cán—afford at once a test of the dialect. Again, the features of the face and form enter both into epithets and names of places. We may take a few—

Here, also, some are so alike it would be impossible to distinguish the dialect, but Ceann and Pen, Claggan and Clopen, Falt and Gwallt, Sron and Trwyn, afford at once a criterion. So also in proper names, where the phonetic differences are equally apparent.

250. The tribes are Caledonii, Canteæ, Creones, Carnones, Curnaovii, Carini. The other three are Epidii, Lugi, Mertæ. The two latter occupied Sutherland. Ptolemy has the river Lugia in Ireland, and this can be identified with Belfast Lough. The Irish name was Loch Laogh, and Adamnan renders it by Stagnum Vituli. Laogh is a calf in Irish, and is probably the word meant by Lugia. If the same word enters into the name Lugi, it is rather remarkable that Mart should be the Irish word for a heifer. It would seem as if the two tribes of the Lugi and Mertæ took their names from these animals, which would indicate their belonging to the Gaelic race.

251. The tribes are Vacomagi, Vernicomes, Taexali.

252.

253. The age of the world 3923. This was the first year of the reign of Finnachta, son of Ollamh Fodhla, over Ireland. The age of the world 3960, the first of the reign of Gede Ollgothach over Ireland.—Annals of Four Masters.

Aen is a common prefix in Irish names, and Becan occurs repeatedly as an Irish name.—Index An. IV. Masters.

254. Bede mentions that the ‘Sinus Orientalis (Firth of Forth) habet in medio sui urbem Giudi.’ It is not impossible that this town may have taken its name from this Guidid or Giudid Gaethbrechach, and if it was on Inchkeith, the island may have taken its name from Gaeth. He must therefore have belonged to the British people of the Ottadeni, whose frontier city this was.

255. The name Bruidhe appears among the kings of O’Faly in Leinster, and in the Annals of the Four Masters in the form of Bruaideadh. We find in Ireland analogous names to these of the thirty Brudes applied to districts. In Leinster we have Tola and Fortola (An. IV. M. 571). In Ulster in Tirconnell, Guill and Irguill (ib. 718). In Alban, Dobhar and Irdobhar. In this list Cal and Urcal, etc., and in one of the Welsh pedigrees Cein, son of Gwrcein, son of Doli, son of Gwrdoli, son of Dubhn, son of Gwrdubhn. In the Manumissions of Bodmin we have as Cornish forms Guest, Wurguest, Ceint, Wurceint. This will show the exact position of this form as between Irish and Cornish. The author is inclined to think that this legend of the thirty Brudes whose names were given to their portions of land is based upon the Irish system of land denominations, as that of the seven sons of Cruithne evidently was. There were thirty townships or baile betaghs in a barony or triocha ced, and the Irish Annals tell us that the mythic King Ollamh Fodla ‘appointed a Taoisech over every triocha ced and a Brughaidh over every baile.’—An. Four Masters, vol. i. p. 53.

256. Brev. Ab., Pars Hyem. f. xxii.

257. The following words may be cited as examples of the interchange of S and D in Gaelic:—Suil, Duil, hope; Seangan, Deangan, an ant; Seas, Deas, stay; Samh, Damh, learning; Seirc, Deirc, almsgiving; Sonnach, Tonnach, a wall.

258. Welsh G passes into D in Gel, W., Daoil, Ir., a leech; Gloin, W., Dealan, Ir., coal; Gwneyd, W., Deanadh, Ir., do.; Gobaith, W., Dobhchais, Ir., hope. St. Drostan was son of Cosgrich, and nephew of Saint Columba, and a Scot by descent.

259. F, or as it is written in Welsh Ff, passes into P in Irish, as in Kyf, lame, Ir. ceap, etc. Of the two Alpins in the list, the father of the first is not given, but, as we shall see afterwards, his father was a Dalriadic Scot. The father of the second was Wroid; this is near the Cornish form, which would be Uored. In this form the name appears in an inscription on one of the sculptured stones at St. Vigeans. Mr. Whitley Stokes thus reads it:—

It is a good specimen of the mixture of forms we find in this part of the Pictish territory. Drosten is not a Welsh form but Gaelic; Ipe Uoret, Cornish; and Forcus unmistakably Irish. See Adamnan, ed. 1874, p. 120, for Forcus. An Ogham inscription on a stone at Aboyne has been thus read:—

‘Neachtla or Neachtan immolated Kinneff to the sons of Talore.’ The word ‘robbait’ is the Irish word ‘robaith,’ used in the Book of Deer for a donation to the church.

260. The Manumissions in the Bodmin Gospels, from which the Cornish forms are taken, have Wurgustel and Ungust among the names.

261. Chron. Picts and Scots, pp. 45, 319, 329.

262. ‘Clerici illi, qui in ecclesia illa commorantur, qui Pictorum lingua Scollofthes cognominantur’ (cap. lxxxv.). Reginald of Durham was a Norman, and it probably merely represents his attempt to pronounce a word ending with a guttural. He would soften Sgolog to Sgolofth, just as the Normans softened Bannockburn to Banoffburn.

263. This is the process which George Chalmers has gone through in endeavouring to show that the Cymric language originally pervaded the whole of Scotland. He has, in vol. i. p. 33, an elaborate comparison between the names in north and south Britain, which in reality proves nothing; and in applying his Welsh etymologies to the names of places, he proceeds entirely upon the mere resemblance of sounds in the modern form of the word. This mode, which the author has elsewhere termed phonetic etymology, taints almost all the attempts which have been made to attach the local names in Scotland to one or other of the Celtic dialects.

264. We have an instance of this in two Gaelic synonyms for a mountain, Sliabh and Beann, the one being mainly used in Ireland and the other in Scotland.

265. This may be well illustrated by showing the various forms which the word Traver has assumed, and the false etymologies it has given rise to. The word is properly Treabhar, and in John O’Dugan’s Forus Focail, quoted by O’Reilly, it is glossed by Taobhnocht, a naked side. It does not occur in Wales.

266. In the Welsh poems the name Tawi is also applied to the Tay.

267. Ubi et ipsa Britannia plus angustissima de oceano in oceano esse dinoscitur.—Ravennatis Anonymi Cosmographia.

268. In Welsh Tad is father, Map son.

269. In Latin ‘sacellum’ (see Zeuss, Grammatica Celtica, p. 10). Can this refer to the building called Arthur’s O’on?

270. For the names in Adamnan, the reader is referred to Reeves’s edition of Adamnan’s Life of St. Columba, in the series of Historians of Scotland for 1874.

271. Eddi, Vita S. Wilfridi apud Gale, pp. 70, 71.

272. The passages regarding the wall are as follows:—

A mari Scotiæ usque ad mare Hiberniæ id est, a Cair Eden civitate antiquissima duorum ferme millium spatio a monasterio Abercurnig, quod nunc vocatur Abercorn, ad occidentem tendens, contra occidentem juxta urbem Alcluith.—Gildas, Capitula libri.

Incipit autem duorum ferme milium spatio a monasterio Aebbercurnig ad occidentem, in loco qui sermone Pictorum Peanfahel, lingua autem Anglorum Penneltun appellatur; et tendens contra occidentem terminatur juxta urbem Alcluith.—Beda, Hist. Ec. B. i. c. xii.

Per vero miliaria, passum unum a Penguaul, quæ villa Scottice Cenail, Anglice vero Peneltun dicitur, usque ad ostium fluminis Cluth et Cairpentaloch.—Ad. to Nennius.

273. Simeon of Durham calls it ‘TiningahamTiningaham,’ and says it was in the diocese of Lindisfarne, and belonged to the Angles.—See Surtees ed., pp. 20, 65, 68. C has probably been read by the scribe for T.

274. The old form of the name Atholl is Athfhotla; and in the Prophecy of St. Berchan, one of the kings, who represents Kenneth M‘Alpin, is said to have died for bruinnibh Eirenn, on the banks of Erin. He died at Forteviot, on the river Earn.

275. Words and Places, by the Rev. Isaac Taylor, p. 258. This argument appears to have been first used by Mr. Kemble in his Saxons in England, vol. ii. p. 4, but his line of demarcation is quite different from Mr. Taylor’s. He says—‘The distinctive names of water in the two principal languages appear to be Aber and Inver.’ He then gives a list of seven Abers in Wales, and in Scotland eleven Abers on the south-east side of his line, and twelve Invers on the north-west; but the contrast is produced by simply omitting the Invers which are on the same side with the Abers, and the Abers which are to be found among the Invers. Mr. Taylor adds—‘The process of change is shown by an old charter, in which king David grants to the monks of May “Inverin qui fuit Aberin.” So Abernethy became Invernethy, although the old name is now restored.’restored.’ This is quoted without acknowledgment from George Chalmers, with the usual result of second-hand quotation, that of perpetuating error. The true reading in the charter is ‘Petnaweem et Inverin que fuit Averin;’ and it means in the ordinary charter Latin that these places formerly belonged to a person called Averin. Abernethy never became Invernethy. The two places are distinct from each other: Invernethy at the junction of the Nethy with the Earn, and Abernethy a mile farther up the river.

276. Diefenbach, in his Celtica, vol. i. p. 23, is of this opinion. He says, ‘Aber gehört völlig beiden Sprachaesten an.’

277. Mr. Bannister, in his Glossary of Cornish Names, has no Abers, but an Appledor.

278. Taylor, Words and Places, p. 232. With what success he attempts to make this out his list of Pens will show. Leaving out those in Dumfriesshire, Ayrshire, and Haddington, where there was originally a Welsh-speaking people, ‘we find,’ he says, ‘the Cymric form of the word in the Grampians,’ which is utter nonsense, ‘the Pentland Hills,’ which is a corruption of Petland Hills, as the Pentland Firth is of the Petland Firth, ‘the Pennguaul Hills,’ which have no existence, and ‘Pendrich in Perth,’ which is a corruption of Pittindriech. The whole of this part of Mr. Taylor’s work is tainted with phonetic etymology; e.g., he says, ‘From llevn, smooth, or from linn, a deep still pool, we obtain the names of Loch Leven, and three rivers called Leven in Scotland.’ The old form of this name Leven is ‘Leamhan,’ which means in Irish an elm-tree. The Welsh equivalent is Llwyfan.

279. Perhaps Pennan, the modern name of a headland at the Moray Firth, may be an exception, but we have not its old form.

280. Pette is the form of this word in the Book of Deer, and it appears to mean a portion of land, as it is conjoined with proper names, as Pette MacGarnait, Pette Malduib. It also appears connected with Gaelic specific terms, as Pette an Muilenn, ‘of the mill.’ With the article it forms Petten, or Pitten, as in Petten-taggart, termed in a charter of the church of Migvie (St. Andrews Chartulary, preface, p. 21) ‘terra ecclesiæ.’ It is Pettan t-saguirt, the priest’s land. In the same Chartulary (114) the ‘villula quæ dicitur Pettemokane’ is afterwards apparently called ‘domus cujusdam viri nomine Mochan.’ It is synonymous with Both, a dwelling, as we find Bothgouanan, near Elgin, has become Pitgownie, and Badfodullis, near Aberdeen, Pitfoddles. Dr. Stuart points out, in his introduction to the Book of Deer, p. lxxxiv., that Pit and Bal are frequently used indiscriminately.

281. As in Fothuirtabhaicht now Forteviot, Fothurdun now Fordun, Fothenaven now Finhaven.

282. These laws are taken from The Four Ancient Books of Wales, where the subject of the race and language of the Picts is fully discussed in Chapters VII., VIII., and IX. This has, of course, led to some repetition, and in one respect the author has been led to modify the views there stated. An examination of the old forms of the Cornish names in the Manumissions in the Bodmin Gospels, printed in the Revue Celtique, vol. i. p. 332, has led him to see that there is a British element in the proper names in the list of Pictish kings, and that that element is not Welsh, but Cornish.