[1] Monte Pellegrino.—Germ. Edit.

[2] This number is stated in the Lex. Rhetoricum (Bekker Anecd. I. p. 298). Herodotus (VII. 184.) mentions eighty as the number of the crews of the penteconters. The number given in the text, rests only on one Manuscript of the lectures, but on a very trustworthy one.—Germ. Ed.

[3] One hundred quinqueremes, and twenty quadriremes. R. H. III, note 1053.—Germ. Edit.

[4] The elephants might perhaps have been introduced but a short time before from India, where they were in use from time immemorial: the Carthaginians had not yet employed them against Dionysius and Agathocles.

[5] The legiones urbanæ likewise were only phalangites.

[6] This remark that the story of the horrid death of Regulus originated with the poem of Nævius, was not repeated by Niebuhr in the year 1829, which may perhaps justify the surmise, that he had afterwards abandoned this conjecture; yet it is not to be forgotten, that at that period he treated this point on the whole much more concisely.—Germ. Ed.

[7] Thus the Romans always learned from their enemies; they are also said to have told the Carthaginians in the beginning of the struggle, not to compel them to a war by sea, as they had always learned from their enemies, and then surpassed them.

[8] In some MSS. grandson, which is in contradiction to the Fasti, but seems more appropriate, as 58 years intervene between the consulship of the two.

[9] By this is to be understood that, previous to the fourth decade, the office itself is not yet mentioned at all in our Livy, but from thence, and in the fifth, more frequently. See Sigonius ad Liv. XXXIII. 21, 9.—Germ. Edit.

[10] In Suidas there is a touching story. When Antigonus Gonatas took Athens, which made a stout resistance, and was only compelled by famine to surrender, the old poet Philemon was still living in the Piræeus, whither he had removed, though not perhaps till after the downfall of the city. He was hoary with age, but still a hale old man, and his poetical powers had not yet left him. His last comedy was finished, all but one scene. He lay half dreaming on his couch, when he saw nine maidens in the room before him, who were just going away. Being asked who they were, and why they were leaving, they answered that he might well know them. They were the Muses: turning round towards him, they left him. Then he got up, finished his comedy, and died. Greek literature received its death-blow at the time of the loss of the Piræeus: the spirit may indeed be said to have fled from Greece.

[11] According to Justin, XLIII, extr., Trogus Pompeius was a Vocontian, from south-eastern Gaul. Conf. Niebuhr’s Lectures on Ancient History, p. 9.—Germ. Edit.

[12] Montepulciano. (Lectures of 1826)—Germ. Edit.

[13] XXI, 38. R. H. II, 589.—Germ. Edit.

[14] Mistake, instead of, “in Lacinium.” Polyb. III, 33, 18; 56, 4.—Germ. Edit.

[15] Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Geschichte.

[16] When Bohemond, to check the Turks in the crusades, had corpses roasted, and shown to the ambassadors, this was a necessity. (See Wilken, History of the Crusades I, 87.)—Germ. Edit.

[17] Zonaras IX, 2. (from Dio Cassius). Appian. Pun. 63.—Germ. Edit.

[18] Cicero (de Oratore II, 18), in the anecdote of the rhetorician who expatiated before Hannibal on the excellencies of a general, says that Hannibal did not speak Greek well (non optime Græce).

[19] J. A. de Luc, Histoire du passage des Alpes par Annibal. Genève, 1818.

[20] See Leon. Aretino’s description of the roads and inhabitants of Tyrol in the fifteenth century, in his journey to Constance, which quite reminds one of the times of the Romans.

[21] So in the MSS. Probably Niebuhr made a slip of the tongue. According to Polybius, Lilybæum is the place.—Germ. Edit.

[22] In the year 1828, this assertion is expressed quite positively, “Sempronius came from Africa to Genoa,” in which of course the soldiers taking their oath that they would be at Rimini by an appointed time, is left out.—Germ. Edit.

[23] There seems to be a mistake here; but the MSS. agree in giving “Apennines.” What is to be placed instead, seems to me difficult to say for certain; perhaps “Ariminum.”—Germ. Edit.

[24] This name also seems incorrect; yet all the MSS. have either this, or another of a similar sound.

[25] The following account is borrowed from the lectures of 1826-7, which I think I ought not to suppress. “Whether Hannibal now marched along the Arno into the upper valley of that river, or whether he turned towards the district of Siena, is not to be decided. I believe that he did the latter, although Livy talks of a devastation of the upper valley of the Arno (very likely a figment of Cœlius Antipater); but in that case, Flaminius could not have executed his hapless march. Hannibal’s object must have been, not the laying waste of some Etrurian districts, but to gain the road to Rome; and that he also did. I believe therefore that on getting out of the swamps, he threw himself into the mountains of Chiusi. Flaminius heard of this movement, and tried by forced marches to reach the road to Rome. If my opinion be correct, even the description of Polybius is wrong; for according to his account, as well as that of Livy, Hannibal had passed by Cortona, and thrown himself between the mountains and the lake Trasimenus, and Flaminius had followed him: here Hannibal stopped, occupied the hills, and placed an ambush for Flaminius. In my opinion, both the generals went round the lake, but from different sides; otherwise it would be impossible that Flaminius had allowed himself to be surprised. If Hannibal had marched by that road, he would have passed within only a few leagues of Arezzo, and then Flaminius must have long known of his march; if, on the contrary, he went through the district of Siena by San Gemignano and Colle, all may be accounted for. We understand then, that Flaminius, who started in pursuit, was not able to catch him; that Hannibal came to the south side of the Trasimenus, whilst Flaminius imagined that he was already much further advanced on the road to Rome, and that he only intended to cut him off. Then it could happen that Hannibal took up his position on the south side of the lake, and placed his light troops around on the hills, between which and the lake the road lay. This could be done unknown to Flaminius, only when he was not aware, that Hannibal had taken this road.” Whilst elsewhere there is reason to presume, that wherever the later lectures differ from the earlier ones, Niebuhr had changed his views, and therefore, generally speaking, his last opinions only are given, the present case seems to have been different; and on this ground, the detailed discussion on the march of Hannibal has been inserted in this note.—Germ. Edit.

[26] V, 17. from Q. Claudius (Quadrigarius, Annalium l. V.) and Macrob. Saturn. I, 16.—Germ. Edit.

[27] In the same manner there exist three different accounts of the death of Marcellus.

[28] According to Appian, they were 48,000 foot, 8,000 horse, and 15 elephants.

[29] Liv. XXXVIII, 56. Valer. Max. IV, I. 6. According to both passages, he was, however, to be appointed consul and dictator for life.—Germ. Edit.

[30] Here follows in the lectures of 1829 a very brief review of the state of things in Italy after the war of Hannibal, which, however, to avoid repetitions, I have made into one with the more explicit account, which follows after the war of Antiochus.—Germ. Edit.

[31] The second war of Philip against the Romans is generally reckoned as the first Macedonian War; we more correctly so call the one which coincides with the war with Hannibal.

[32] See above, p. 48.

[33] When we read that Hannibal had changed the ordo judicum, this means without a doubt not the Suffetes, whom the Greeks always call βασιλεῖς, but the hundred or hundred and four of Aristotle, a power which was quite distinct from that of the constituted authorities of state, and was very like the state-inquisition at Venice.

[34] Diod. XVI. 91. Just. IX. 5.—Germ. Edit.

[35] A dollar (Prussian) = 3 shillings.—Trans.

[36] St. Jerome, as he says, heard the same language in Phrygia which he had heard in Treves. This does not, however, refer to the Galatians; but St. Jerome probably had seen Germans, who at different times, especially Gothic ones under Theodosius, had settled in Phrygia. For it is to be considered as an undoubted fact, that Treves was German, and the Gallic language could have scarcely maintained itself in Asia to such a late period as his.

[37] II, 9.

[38] Ulixes was Siculian: in a temple in the island of Sicily, there was found some connexion with him. (Plut. Marc. c. 20.—Germ. Ed.)

[39] Circe was quite correctly placed in Circeii, which is the most ancient form of the fable.

[40] If this be meant for S. C. de Bacchanalibus, the quotation is a mistake, as that decree is not later than Plautus: probably instead of “senatus consultum” it ought to be said inscription, or a similar word, as undoubtedly the inscription of the columna rostrata is meant.—Germ. Edit.

[41] See on the other hand vol. i., p. 17.—Germ. Edit.

[42] Niebuhr uses the English word.—Transl.

[43] Jul. Victor, p. 224. Or., and in the same place. Ang. Maius.—Germ. Ed.

[44] Fabr. Bibl. Gr. IV. 461.—Germ. Edit.

[45] Polyb. X. 9, 3.

[46] Gall. 12. A. U. C. 631. Appian.—Germ. Ed.

[47] P. Cornelius Cethegus and M. Bæbius Tamphilus, in the year of the city 571.—Germ. Ed.

[48] De Colon. ed. Goës, p. 106.—Germ. Ed.

[49] Plut. Æmil. Paull. 19.

[50] Schneider in his Latin grammar has a whole chapter on the name of Perseus. But all the Greek names ending in εύς had in the old Latin the termination -es, and were in the genitive case declined after the second declension. Piraeeus makes in the genitive Piraei, (Piraeei being a barbarism which is not to be met with in any MS.). Perseus differs from the rest, in afterwards getting into the third declension. Its accusative is Persen: Persum does not occur, but certainly Piraeum does.

[51] This original opinion on the work of Polybius, which Niebuhr repeated several times (see R. H. III. p. 49.) is probably to be understood thus, that he makes the first edition reach to the conclusion of the thirtieth book, (one MS. states in this passage, books I. to XXVIII., in which very likely the first two books are not included,) and considers the rest as added in the second edition.—Germ. Edit.

[52] This remark dates from 1826, and was therefore anterior to the emancipation of the Roman Catholics.—Germ. Ed.

[53] Liv. Epit. 48.

[54] Liv. Epit. 55.

[55] Schol. Bob. in Orat. pro Sulla. (Orelli vol. V. P. 2. p. 361.) In Liv. XL, 19, the reading is very doubtful, see the commentators, whence the supposition, that the law dates from Sulla. Others refer this Lex Cornelia to the consul Cn. Cornelius Dolabella (595), quoting Liv. Epit. 47.—Germ. Edit.

[56] In several very good MSS., there is here the following reading, “but probably later than is generally assumed; it must have been shortly before the last war with Rome.” The editor quotes this, since there are no arguments given, for deciding the question; yet the reading inserted in the text, seems to be more correct, as the general belief places the war of Masinissa very close indeed to the outbreak of the third Punic war.—Germ. Edit.

[57] In the received editions of the Capitoline Fasti, the name Æmilianus at the year 618 (19) seems genuine, we also meet with Æmiliano Scipioni, Cic. Phil. XIII. 4, 9.—Germ. Ed.

[58] There have been published of him, “J. E. Humbert, Notice sur quatre cippes sepulcraux, et deux fragmens decouverts en 1817 sur le sol de l’ancienne Carthage, à la Haye 1821.” The papers of Borgia, which seem to be at Naples, are made use of in H. F. J. Estrup Lineæ topographicæ Carthaginis Tyriæ Hafn. 1821. 8.—Germ. Ed.

[59] Literally, “villages as large as Sinzig.”

[60] Thonium in Locris 1829, probably a lapsus linguæ.—Germ. Ed.

[61] If in the Epitome of Livy the time of his war is stated as being fourteen years, one is to add the former war, in which he already distinguished himself in a separate command among the Lusitanians.

[62] See above, p. 60.

[63] Zumpt’s annals are very recommendable in their way.

[64] I know of no passage where this is stated. May this not perhaps have been a mistake for Blæsus, who has written Rhintonian pieces?—Germ. Edit.

[65] See vol. I., p. 251.

[66] Ibid. p. 398.

[67] These words are in the original.

[68] In Liv. XXXI, 4. Lucania is not mentioned.—Germ. Edit. II.

[69] I have supplied this name merely from conjecture: the MSS. have Solino, a place which I do not find.—Germ. Ed.

[70] This English word is in the original.

[71] A mistake, very likely from misreading the academical shorthand of the MSS. It should be, the queen, the quotation being from the mock tragedy “Esther” in the Jahrmarkt Zu Plundersweilern.—Transl.

[72] Olive plantations especially are only productive after a long time, so that an ejectment renders entirely fruitless a very great amount of labour bestowed upon them.

[73] For Niebuhr reads Liv. Epit. LVIII, ne quis ex publica agro plus quam M jugera possideret. R. H. vol. II., p. 150.—Germ. Edit.

[74] See vol. I., p. 401.

[75] This is one of the instances, when Niebuhr was cut short by the close of the hour in the middle of an idea, the thread of which he did not carefully take up at the beginning of the next lecture.—Germ. Edit.

[76] In Plutarch, Vit. C. Gracch., on the contrary, it is stated, ἐνέστησαν οἱ πολλοὶ καὶ κατέλυσαν τὴν κρίσιν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Γαΐου φοβηθέντες, μὴ περιπετὴς τῇ αἰτίᾳ τοῦ φόνου ζητουμένου γένηται, which, when applying to C. Gracchus, is hardly substantiated.—Germ. Ed.

[77] It is now printed in Auctores classici e Vaticanis Codd. editi, cur. Ang. Majo, Vol. II. Rom. 1828. (Schol. Bobiensia in Cic. Milon. c. 7. in Orelli V. 2. p. 283.)

[78] This is perhaps to be modified thus, that this formula here occurs for the first time since the abolition of the dictatorship (in the middle of the sixth century): it is, on the whole, very old, and we meet with it for the first time in the year 290. Liv. III, 4.—Germ. Edit.

[79] Cantharidas sumpsisse dicitur. Cic. Fam. IX. 21: it was another Cn. Papirius Carbo, who put an end to himself by means of atramentum sutorium. Cic. ibid.—Germ. Edit.

[80] I cannot answer for the correctness of the name; it occurs, indistinctly written, only in one of my MSS. of 1826-7.—Germ. Edit.

[81] See Bentl. ad Hor. Carm. IV, 8, 17; who, however, strikes out that line, from metrical reasons also. Others conjecture that there is a hiatus in that passage.—Germ. Edit.

[82] In vol. I, p. 258, and R. H. II, 195, the Cassii are considered as plebeians: our passage dates from 1826-7; the former one from 1828-9.—Germ. Edit.

[83] Conf. vol. I, p. 367.

[84] Bonn is here spoken of.—Transl.

[85] Cicero does not seem to say this quite so explicitly in Brutus 62, 224. Longe autem post natos homines improbissimus C. Servilius Glaucia, sed peracutus et callidus imprimisque ridiculus—homo simillimus Atheniensis Hyperboli, cujus improbitatem veteres Atticorum comœdiæ notaverunt. Conf. de Orat. II, 61, 249; 65, 263.—Germ. Edit.

[86] Cic. ad Att. III. 23. pro Cæcina 33. Walter’s History of the Roman law (Geschichte des Römischen Rechts), 2d edit., vol. II., p. 12, notes 45 & 46.—Germ. Ed.

[87] Valer. Maxim. III, 4, 5. Whether M. Peperna, who was consul in the year 622 is the same person as the consul of the year 660, who was censor in 666, is no more to be made out; yet it is possible, as according to Plin. H. N. vii, 49, he reached the age of eighty-nine years. But in that case the censorship would be later than the lex Licinia et Mucia, and the proposition would be untenable. If they be two different persons, the words “and the censorship” in the text are to be cast out. But the matter is not quite certain, as in Valerius Maximus it is said, lege Papia, which altogether clashes with the account as given above.—Germ. Edit.

[88] Vol. I., p. 167.

[89] De Orat. I, 7, 24.

[90] Diod. Exc. Vatic., p. 128., Dind.—Germ. Ed.

[91] In the year 1827, Niebuhr had remarked, “Now we shall probably know soon some further details about it, thanks to the fragments of Diodorus discovered by Maï, if they be really new ones.”—Germ. Ed.

[92] See above, p. 130.

[93] The prænomen is not to be made out with certainty. See Orellii Onomast. Tull. s. v. p. 256.—Germ. Edit.

[94] In Terence, in the Eunuchus and the Adelphi, the name indeed occurs, but not in the character which it had afterwards.—Germ. Edit.

[95] Mistake instead of Diodorus Siculus (Fragm. l. xxxvii).—Germ. Ed.

[96] Vol. I, p. 450.

[97] Appian 1, 49. In the year 1827, Niebuhr made the emendation δεκατρεῖς, explaining the number VIII from XIII.—Germ. Edit.

[98] Dio Cass. fragm. I. 27. CLXVI. App. I. 68.—Germ. Ed.

[99] This passage, which is of the year 1827, and is given with the same conciseness in all the MSS. which are at my disposition, is only to be interpreted by conjecture. Probably it is Epist. Cœl. ad Cic. (Fam. viii.) 14, 3. In hac discordia video Cn. Pompeium senatum, quique res judicant, secum habiturum: ad Cæsarem omnes, QUI CUM TIMORE AUT MALA SPE VIVANT, accessuros: exercitum conferendum non esse omnino.—Germ. Ed.

[100] Appian I. 84.—Germ. Edit.

[101] Two thousand six hundred according to App. I, 103, in which number, however, all the knights who perished in this war are included.—Germ. Ed.

[102] Cic. Cat. III. 6. § 14. On the other hand, Frontin. de colon. p. 112. Goes. Colonia Florentina deducta a III viris assignata lege Julia.—Germ. Ed.

[103] H. N. XIV. 8. 2?—Germ. Ed.

[104] This is evidently a slip of the memory, the passage of Asconius (in Pisonianam, p. 3, Orellii) running thus, Magno opere me hæsitare confiteor, quid sit quare Cicero Placentiam municipium esse dicit. Video enim in annalibus eorum qui Punicum bellum scripserunt tradi, Placentiam deductam pridie Kal. Jun., primo anno eius belli, P. Cornelio Scipione, patre Africani prioris, Ti. Sempronio Longo Coss. &c.—Germ. Ed.

[105] Conf. vol. I, p. 523.

[106] The Pontifex Maximus was included among these.

[107] Dr. Schmitz has already remarked in vol. I, p. 416, of his version (published under the title of History of Rome from the first Punic War to the death of Constantine, by B. G. Niebuhr, in a series of lectures Lond. 1844), that this number does not rest upon any direct authority. Cic. ad Att. I, 14, 5, states the number of voters in the senate in a certain affair to have been about 415, fifteen having voted on one side, and on the other, facile 400; from which we may safely conclude that the sum total must have been larger. In the I. Maccab. 8, 15, at the end, therefore, of the sixth century, the number is mentioned to have been 320; yet when we consider the other statements which are made in that passage, we must not lay too much stress upon it.—Germ. Edit.

[108] In 1827 Niebuhr expressed himself on this point in the following manner:—

“That the result of his legislation could not have satisfied him, was in the very nature of things, and therefore he who had shed so much blood to get the government into his own hands, resigned the dictatorship two years after he had been appointed to it, as he saw the uselessness of his institutions, which he had established at the cost of so many atrocities. This is the most natural way of accounting for his resignation, which has been so much talked of: it was a mistake of very judicious people, to hunt out reasons for it which were too far-fetched.”—Germ. Edit.

[109] The contradiction of this passage with that in vol. I. p. 469, in which Clitarchus is termed an elegant writer, seems to be accounted for by supposing that the expression “elegant” is in that place one of disparagement, referring to Longin. c. 3 who calls him φλοιώδης καὶ φυσῶν. Of Sisenna, Cicero says in Brutus 64, Hujus omnis facultas ex historia ipsius perspici potest, quæ, cum facile vincat omnes superiores, tum indicat tamen, quantum absit a summo, quamque hoc genus scriptionis nondum sit satis Latinis literis illustratum; and de Legg. 1, 2.—in historia puerile quoddam consectatur, ut unum Clitarchum, neque præterea quemquam de Græcis legisse videatur; so that Niebuhr calls this puerile, this affected mannerism, the horridum, inasmuch as it so greatly a summo abest.—Germ. Ed.

[110] See note in p. 292.

[111] See Biographical Notices of (Lebensnachrichten über) B. G. Niebuhr II, p. 402.—Germ. Edit.

[112] A direct mention of the place is hardly to be found in Cicero; but in a general way he commends the Sabines as severissimi homines, in Vatin. 15, ad Famil. XV, 20.—Germ. Ed.

[113] Perhaps more correctly, Julius Salinator. Plutarch Sertor. c. 7.—Germ. Edit.

[114] Histor. III. in Servius ad Virg. Æn. I. 698.—Germ. Ed.

[115] It has been said that all the Roman gentile names, ended in -ius; but in names like Cæcina, Vibena, Porsena, and others, the termination -na remained, even after the clan had become Roman citizens. Ernesti, who had not perceived this, mistook Cæcina for a cognomen, and sought for the name of the clan; but the inscriptions confirm the fact of its being a gentile name.

[116] With the death of Sertorius, the lectures of 1826-7 are brought to a conclusion.—Germ. Ed.

[117] More correctly, five.—Germ. Ed.