[127] Fountain of Clebach.
[128] See note, Appendix B.
[129] See Appendix A, ii. 1.
[130] See Appendix A, i. 4, on the tonsure question.
[131] Selce has not been identified.
[132] Kill-araght. From here Patrick may have revisited Mag Airthic and the Kerries.
[133] Irrus Domnand, “the peninsula of Domnu” = barony of Erris in Mayo. Cp. Rhŷs, “Studies in Early Irish History,” p. 38.
[134] Ballina.
[135] It was one of the many Donaghmores, “great churches,” which Patrick is said to have founded. He consigned it to the care of Mucneus.
[136] The name of a townland, in which there is an old churchyard and traces of ruins, to the right of the road from Ballina to Killala, a mile south of Killala. For Donaghmore and Mullaghfarry (farry = forrach = foirrgea, Tír. 327) see O’Donovan, Hy Fiachrach, pp. 466 and 467, notes.
[137] See Appendix C, 8.
[138] De laude sanctorum (Migne, Patr. Lat. xx.).
[139] Jerome, Adversus Vigilantium, c. 5.
[140] A.D. 440.
[141] See above, chap. iii. p. 64.
[142] For the evidence see Appendix C, 15.
[143] It may be Ptolemy’s Regia (Ῥηγία). Cp. Rhŷs, “Studies in Early Irish History,” p. 49 (Proc. of British Acad. vol. i.).
[144] See note, Appendix B.
[145] The dimensions of these houses are given, Vit. Trip. p. 226:—“27 feet in the Great House, 17 feet in the kitchen, 7 feet in the oratory [aregal, supposed to be derived from oraculum]; and it was thus that he used always to found the congbala” [i.e. the sacred enclosures, or cloisters]. If these houses were circular, the numbers represent the diameters. For the topography of Armagh see the paper of Reeves, The Ancient Churches of Armagh (Lusk, 1860), with a plan. The locality of the first settlement, ubi nunc est Fertae martyrum, “the grave of the relics” (Muirchu, 290), he fixes, by means of the monastery of Temple-fertagh, which existed at the beginning of the seventeenth century, to the land south of Scotch St., near Scotch St. river (p. 10).
[146] The two stages, first below, and then on the hill, are doubtless historical. We may conjecture that the second and final foundation is that which is recorded in the Annals, and that the first settlement had been made before the visit to Rome.
[147] This is expressed by quantum habeo, “so far as it is mine,” in Muirchu, 292₃₁.
[148] See note, Appendix B.
[150] There can be little question that the (contemporary) expression in provincia nostra in Ann. Ult., A.D. 443, means “in Ireland,” conceived as a single ecclesiastical province, like the province of a metropolitan.
[151] Láthrach Patricc (Trip. 349₈). Cp. Reeves, Antiquities of Down and Connor, pp. 47 and 236; for Glore, ib. 87, 338; for Dunseveric, ib. 286. For Clogher and Ard-Patrick (Louth) see note, Appendix B.
[152] Ep. against Corot. 375.
[153] Ann. Ult., A.D. 439.
[154] Or Killishea.
[155] See note, Appendix B.
[156] Áth Fithot, south of Tallow.
[157] Old Kilcullen, south of (new) Kilcullen, in Co. Kildare.
[158] See note, Appendix B.
[160] In barony of Slievemargy, in Queen’s County, a mile or so north-west of the town of Carlow.
[161] The Life by Muirchu, see Appendix A, ii. 3.
[162] See note, Appendix B.
[163] Generally described inaccurately as the Acts of a Synod. The genuineness of the document is vindicated in Appendix A, 4.
[164] For this sphere of Christian activity in the early Church see Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums, p. 120.
[165] A Christian who believes in a supernatural female form (lamia quae interpretatur striga) seen in a mirror is to be anathematised. One is reminded of
[166] See Appendix A, i. 4.
[167] Chap. iii. pp. 61 sqq.
[168] Collection of Irish Canons, 20. 5. b (ed.² Wasserschleben, p. 61). For the possible date of the canon, and for some further illustration of the subject, see Appendix C, 16.
[169] See Appendix C, 17.
[170] Confession, 368₉.
[171] Ib. 372₁₇; cp. 367₁₃.
[172] Ib. 368₂₆.
[173] Otto of Bamberg is said to have baptized 22,156 converts in Pomerania during his first journey! Mon. Prieflingensis, V. Ott. ii. 20; Ebbo, V. Ott. ii. 11.
[174] Confession, 369₂₂.
[175] Confession, 367₁₆.
[176] Ib. 372. It may be conjectured, from the context, that this happened in Connaught.
[177] So Otto of Bamberg used to distribute presents in Pomerania as a means of propagating Christianity, Herbord, Dial. 2. 7.
[178] The question arises, Where did Patrick get his money? Did he inherit from his father? It is useless to ask.
[179] Confession, 371₂₅.
[180] See the anecdote in Tírechán, p. 303.
[181] Epistles of Gregory, vi. 10 (A.D. 595), M.G.H. vol. i. p. 389.
[182] Todd, St. Patrick, p. 154.
[183] The early abbots of Hi (Iona) were almost entirely chosen from a branch of the family of Tirconnell (Reeves, Adamnan, genealogical table, p. 342).
[184] See the bequest of Fith Fio in Lib. Arm. (Trip. 338). It is added that if there be no suitable person in the community of Drumlease, some one from Patrick’s community (Armagh, or any Patrician community?) should be chosen.
[185] Corus Bescna, p. 73 (Ancient Laws of Ireland, vol. iii.).
[186] Tírechán, 330₂₉, fecit alteram (aeclessiam) hi Tortena orientali in qua gens oThig Cirpani, sed libere semper. Cp. 321₇.
[187] Additional Notices in Lib. Arm. (338₄, liberauit rex Deo et Patricio). The exact boundaries of the land are given, as if from the original document. Two interests were concerned here, that of Caichán and that of MacCairthin, and the land is described as “Caichán’s Fifth.” The two men are designated as flaith (lord) and aithech (tenant-farmer?), and they jointly devoted the land to ecclesiastical use.
[188] Corus Bescna, p. 73.
[189] Ib. p. 71.
[190] Cp. Ancient Laws, iii., Introd. p. lxxii.
[191] Ib. luii., Corus B. pp. 41, 43.
[192] Ib. pp. 39-43.
[193] Cp. Introd. pp. luiii. sqq.
[194] See Appendix C, 18.
[195] Todd, St. Patrick, 51 sqq.
[196] See Appendix C, 17.
[197] See above, chap. vii. p. 143.
[198] It has twenty-one letters, a b c d e f g h i l m n o p q r s t u v, and ng (a guttural nasal, which occurs in the name Amolngaid; cp. the Greek double gamma). If the Goidels had originally invented an alphabet to suit their own language they would never have constructed this. They had to resort to various devices to represent their sounds by its means. See further note, Appendix B.
[199] More strictly, a new letter was added, and u was differentiated into two, to represent its two sounds. It is as well to say that in describing the ogams as a cipher it is not intended to imply that they were cryptic, but only that they were not an independent alphabet.
[200] For the Iberian alphabet see Hübner’s Monumenta linguae Ibericae (1893). Cp. Strabo, 3. 1. 6.
[201] B.G. vi. 14.
[202] Desjardins, Géographie de la Gaule, ii. 214, note 3.
[203] Ail Clúade.
[204] Milites.
[205] Conf. 360₈.
[206] Cp. Letter, ad init., inter barbaras itaque gentes habito proselitus et profuga.
[207] Conf. 374₂₉. Compare 357₁₅.
[208] Conf. 370₂. The passage 373₅₋₉ also supports the view in the text. In that passage the oldest MS. has ab aliquo uestro; and we should probably read uestrum with the later MSS.
[209] Ib. 359₂.
[210] Ib. 372₃₁.
[211] See above, chap. iii. p. 53.
[212] But see note, Appendix B.
[213] See Appendix A, 5.
[214] This is the theory of Professor Zimmer.
[215] The Second Letter to the Corinthians seems to have been especially before him. This was natural. In it Paul was vindicating his character.
[216] The legend will be found in Vit. Trip. pp. 112 sqq.
[217] The old lists of the Armagh succession agree in assigning to Benignus ten years as bishop, so that, as Benignus died in 467 (Ann. Ult., sub anno), he would have succeeded in 457.
[218] March 17.
[219] Oirthir, not to be confounded with the kingdom of Oriel (Oirgéill), of which it formed the eastern portion.
[220] Inundations are a recurring motive in the legends of the Island-plain. See the salt-marsh stories, above, p. 91.
[221] This second incident can be shown to be a subsequent invention. See Appendix C, 19.
[222] This story is also told by Muirchu, but not in immediate connexion with the story of the waggon and oxen seized by the men of Orior. It seems probable that the latter was suggested by the former. We meet the duplicate waggon and oxen in the Life of St. Abban (Colgan, Acta Sanctorum, i. March 16, cc. 41 sqq.), where the account of that saint’s death and burial and the struggle between the north and the south Leinster men is obviously borrowed from the stories about St. Patrick. Another story of wild bulls drawing a saint’s body to its tomb will be found in the Life of St. Melorus of Cornwall, Acta Sanctorum (Boll.), Jan. 1, vol. i. p. 136.
[223] It is to be seen in the National Museum at Dublin. For the evidence as to the bell and the staff, see notes, Appendix B. For the copy of the gospels, which used falsely to be supposed to be his, see note, Appendix B, on chap. viii. p. 162.
[224] This theory of Professor Zimmer is examined at length in Appendix C, 21.
[225] Except in regard to Britain, and the British Church was similarly isolated.
[226] De Cons. Stil. Lib. iii. l. 151.
[227] Zimmer put forward the theory that the original Confession contained more biographical details than our texts (Celtic Church, p. 50). See my criticism showing that his argument has no basis (Eng. Hist. Review, xviii., July 1903, pp. 544-6).
[228] St. Patrick, p. 347.
[229] Councils, ii. p. 296, note a.
[230] Celtic Church, ib.
[231] Bury, ib.
[232] Huc usque uolumen quod Patricius manu conscripsit sua: septima decima Martii die translatus est Patricius ad caelos.
[233] Sixth century or not much later, because the writings of Muirchu and Tírechán attest its existence in the second half of the seventh century.
[234] The attempt of Pflugk-Harttung (Die Schriften S. Patricks, in Neue Heidelberger Jahrbücher, p. 71 sqq., 1893) to prove the Confession and Letter spurious is a piece of extraordinarily bad criticism. He designates the Liber Armachanus as “Irlands pseudoisidorische Fälschung.”
[235] Now fully admitted by Zimmer, who formerly doubted it.
[236] iteneris A.
[237] terreno A.
[238] requissistis A (with sign of query, Z, in margin).
[239] paradissum A.
[240] aeclessia A.
[241] Curie A.
[242] = ἐλέησον.
[243] It may be well to translate this sentence. “Church of the Scots, nay of the Romans, in order that ye may be Christians as well as Romans, it behoves that there should be chanted in your churches (uobiscum) at every hour of prayer the Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison.” Compare Mr. Jenkinson in the Academy, Aug. 11, 1888.
[244] aeclessia A.
[245] See Tírechán, p. 302.
[246] The assumption that all these details are taken from the book is confirmed by the one explicit exception. The sojourn in the insula Aralanensis is given on the oral authority of Bishop Ultan (302₂₄). This was evidently Ultan’s explanatory comment on the text in insolis, etc.
[247] In a paper on Muirchu in the Guardian, Nov. 27, 1901.
[248] It may be pointed out that the small number of the dicta—three, or more probably two—is in favour of their genuineness.
[249] Since writing this, I observe that the same thing struck Loofs (De ant. Brit. Scot.que eccl. p. 50). He held the Dicta to be genuine, admitting the possibility of later additions. So too B. Robert, Étude crit. sur la vie et l’œuvre de St-Patrick (1883), p. 74.
[250] This is also shown by the addition of Christe eleison, as Mr. Brightman has pointed out to me. Cp. Gregory the Great, Ep. ix. 12. Milan is also excluded; the Milanese only use Kyrie. I have had the advantage of communicating with Mr. Brightman on the subject; otherwise I should hardly have ventured to deal with it, as I have no liturgical knowledge.
[251] So the missionary Boniface insists on the necessity of synods and canonica iura in a letter to Pope Zacharias (Ep. 50, p. 299, ed. Duemmler in M.G.H. Epp. iii.).
[252] Bradshaw has clearly distinguished two recensions of the collection, which he designates as the A-text and the B-text. Theodore’s Penitential is the latest work quoted in the A-text, Adamnan’s Canons the latest in the B-text. See Bradshaw’s letter to Wasserschleben in Wasserschleben’s edition of the Canons, p. lxx.
[253] Spelman i. 59 sq., Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333 sqq.
[254] The canons which are cited in the Valicellane only are marked by square brackets. The list of correspondences in Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333, a, is incomplete.
[255] See Haddan and Stubbs, ii. 333, a.
[256] 1. 8. b; 5. 2; 6. 2. b (two MSS. give Sin. Rom., one Sin. Rom. siue Kartagin., the rest Sin. Kartagin.); 7. 3. a; 20. 3. b; 40. 13. a; 46. 35. c; 46. 38. a, b; 47. 12. b; 47. 12. c; 47. 20; 66. 19. a. There is another case of Syn. Rom. uel Kart. in one MS.; 9. 1. a. The quotation from Pope Symmachus, Ep. ad Caes. ep. Arel. c. 1, under the title Regula canonica Romana in 17. 8 may stand on a different footing.
[257] 14. 2. c; 17. 7. b; 17. 9. b; 18. 2. a; 20. 3. a; 20. 3. c; 20. 5. a; 21. 2; 33. 1. f; 35. 4. c; 41. 6. a and b; 42. 7; 42. 25. a; 45. 13; 45. 14; 46. 29; 52. 2; 52. 3; 52. 6; 56. 4. a; 66. 16. To these may be added three other items: 20. 6. a, institutio Romana; 28. 5. b and 33. 4, disputatio Romana. Also 42. 23 Sinodus Romana, but the chapter is found only in one MS.; and in 3. 4 one MS. has an additional quotation from Synodus Romanorum. I do not include 42. 24, because the heading eadem sinodus may be referred to the heading of c. 22 Sinodus Hibernensis, and not to the heading of 23 Sinodus Romana, which, as I have mentioned, is found in only one MS. (Sangallensis).
[258] Here are the two sections:—
e. Sinodus Romana: Omnis qui fraudat debitum fratris ritu gentilium excommunis sit donec reddiderit. f. Item: Qua fronte rogas a Deo debitum tibi dimitti cum debitum proximi tui non reddidisti?
[259] It may be observed that in the Valicellane MS. we find some instances of Hibernensis uel Romana; 33. 4, 6, and 9.
[260] 11. 1. b; 20. 5. b; 21. 12; 21. 6. b; 25. 3; 25. 4; 29. 7; 37. 27; 37. 29; 42. 26. b; 44. 9; 46. 32. b; 47. 11. b; 67. 2. d. Of these 37. 29 has the curious heading Sinodus totius mundi et Patricius decreuit (with the variants Sinodus Hibernensis et Pat. decr., and simply Sinodus Hibernensis).
[261] 21. 25 occurs only in one MS., 37. 6 in two.
[262] 25. 3 and 4.
[263] In Ware’s S. Patricio ... adscripta Opuscula (London, 1656, a rare little volume), pp. 85-7. See below, p. 245.
[264] “Brit. ecc. ant.,” in Opera, vol. vi. p. 491. The same view was urged by Varin. But neither Ussher nor Varin gave positive proof.
[265] It is officially recognised in the 40th canon of the Fourth Council of Toledo, A.D. 633.
[266] Cp. the 15th canon of Nicaea, Mansi, ii. 200.
[267] So too in the Hibernensis, i. 22, a and c.
[268] Fastes épiscopaux de l’ancienne Gaule, vol. i. p. 41.
[269] Cp. also canon 27 of the Council of Hippo, A.D. 393 (Mansi, iii. 923): ut episcopi non proficiscantur trans mare nisi consulto primae sedis episcopo suae cuiusque prouinciae, ut ab eo praecipue possint formatas sumere.