CHAPTER II.

RESIDENCE AT EYEO, OR KATUNGA, THE CAPITAL OF YOURIBA.

Tuesday, January 24th.—Early this morning the king paid us a visit, accompanied by his favourite eunuch and Abaco the messenger. He had received previous information that he wished to have the presents intended for him this night; and such is the crooked policy of these petty sovereigns of Africa, that no present can be given, no business or transaction of importance can be done openly: all must be conducted under the cover of night, and with the greatest secrecy, from the highest to the lowest. We first began inquiring after his health. I then told him that I was the king of England’s servant, sent by his majesty to beg his acceptance of a present, which then lay before me; that we had heard his (the king of Youriba’s) name mentioned in England as a great king; that we now experienced the truth of the report; that three white men, two of them my companions, and one a servant, had died on the road; that another of my companions was at Dahomey, to ask the king of that country to allow him a passage through his dominions. I told him that all the Youriba people had behaved well to us; that the caboceers of the different towns through which we had passed supplied us with every thing we wanted, especially the chief of Jannah, his friend, who had shown the greatest attention to us, and had given us a good man for a messenger, who had conducted us with safety and attention to his majesty’s capital. Upon this the messenger was ordered to make his prostrations, and his majesty rubbed his shoulders with his hand. I then told him that the king of England would be glad to make him his friend, and that whatever he, the king of Youriba, might have occasion for would be sent from England by one of the king’s ships to Badagry.

The king then replied in assuring us that we were truly welcome to his country; that he had frequently heard of white men; but that neither himself, nor his father, nor any of his ancestors had ever seen one. He was glad that white men had come at this time; and now he trusted his country would be put right, his enemies brought to submission, and he would be enabled to build up his father’s house, which war had destroyed. This he spoke in such a feeling and energetic manner, and repeated it so many times, that I could not help sympathising with him. He then said we were welcome to his country, and he was glad to see us, and would have been so, even if we had not a cowrie, instead of coming with our hands full, as we had done; that he wanted nothing from white men, but something to assist him against his enemies, and those of his people who had rebelled against him, so as to enable him to reduce them to obedience; that his slaves from Housa had joined the Fellatahs, put to death the old, and sold the young; that he was glad to hear that all his people had behaved well to us; that had any of them refused us assistance, he should have sent an order to cut off their heads; that the caboceer of Jannah was his slave, whom he put there to look after that part of his dominions; that Badagry, Alladah, and Dahomey all belonged to him, and paid custom for every ship that anchored there: and he concluded by assuring us he wanted nothing but assistance against his enemies; feelingly deploring the civil war occasioned by his father’s death, the state of his country, and of his capital, Katunga. He then asked us if we did not see the ruined towns as we came along the road. “All these,” says he, “were destroyed and burned by my rebellious Housa slaves, and their friends, the Fellatahs.”

We now began to unfold and to deliver the presents. With the umbrellas and gold-mounted cane he was much pleased; but for the red and blue cloth, which, by some mistake, was common cloth for soldiers’ coats, we had to make an apology. With all the others he was highly pleased. Indeed, during our stay at Katunga he was never seen without the cane.

After the delivery of the presents, I told him that the king, my master, had sent me before on a mission to Bornou, in which country and Housa I had passed two years; that the sultans and people of these countries had behaved to me with the greatest kindness; and that, having then understood that the path we were now going was the nearest way to Bornou, the king of England had ordered me, as I proceeded, to visit the king of Youriba, and to assure him of his friendship, and to request him to give me a safe conduct to Nyffee, from whence I might proceed to Bornou.

He seemed to hesitate much at this request, and consulted with his minister what answer to give. After which, he said, that Nyffee or Toppa was involved in civil war, caused by the death of the king, who had left two sons, both of whom claimed the kingdom; that one son had more of his countrymen on his side, but the other had called in the assistance of the Fellatahs or Fellans, which made him doubt as to my safety, in the event of his putting me into their hands. I told him I was a servant of the king of England, and must go where he chose to order me, and that, live or die, I must proceed; that I had nothing to do with either party or with their wars; that all I wanted was a passage over the Quorra into Nyffee, and hoped he would not refuse me. After some further consultation with his counsellors, he said he would despatch a messenger to open the road for me, and that he would send me safely over the river.

Wednesday, 25th.—Early this morning the king sent me a present of a large fat cow, a sheep, yams, &c. He had before sent us a goat, yams, honey, and milk, night and morning.

The atmosphere here is so dry, that most of the instruments are breaking and splitting. My only hygrometer was broken at Badagry. The late Dr. Morrison’s barometers were fitted with ivory screws at the bottom of the tube; they are all split, and rendered useless by the heat: the plain tubes are the best; those with ivory or wooden scales contract, and break the glass. The microscope is all in pieces, as also several other instruments.

In the evening we had a visit from the king, to thank me for the presents I had given him, and again to assure me of being welcome; said that he wanted nothing, unless it was something that would speedily cause the submission of the rebels. He said that he had sent to his friend the king of Benin for troops to assist him in the war. He added that the customary fêtes or amusements would begin in about two months, and he would be very glad if I would stay and see them; that he dressed now as a common man, but after that, I should see him robed as a king. I told him I must go on early, to get to Bornou before the rains. Mr. Houtson took this opportunity of observing to him that he had been at the customs in Dahomey, and inquired if the king of Yourriba put to death such a number of people at his customs as at those of Dahomey. He shook his head, shrugged up his shoulders, and exclaimed “No, no—no king of Yourriba could sacrifice human beings; and that if he so commanded, the king of Dahomey must also desist from that practice; that he must obey him.”

Thursday, 26th.—This morning we had a sheep from the king, and a hog and some plantains from one of his sons. In the evening I set off five rockets, which astonished all and frightened away many. The king was sitting under his verandah, and we waited on him to inquire how he liked the rockets; he was quite delighted, and said they should be kept for war.

Friday, 27th.—Employed in reducing the packages, and writing. The morning dull and hazy. In the afternoon the king paid us a visit, when we showed him some presents intended for the three principal caboceers of the city. He said he did not know what to do or say for our great kindness, as we had given him more things than he would have got for the sale of one hundred slaves, and now we were giving more to his caboceers; that, however, what he could do he would. He said he had sent messengers in different directions to try to find a safe path to the place where I wished to go; that while we were in his dominions we were perfectly safe, but on leaving them he was sorry to think we might be exposed to danger from the disturbed state of the countries through which I must travel. He then said that the Tappa, or Nyffé messengers, who had been here three years, were in waiting to give us every information regarding the course of the river that I might wish to ask him. They were accordingly called in, and were certainly the most savage-looking knaves I ever saw; but they either could not, or were afraid to give any the least account of the river Quorra, and I therefore sent them off, after asking a few questions. Indeed there seems a great unwillingness in both the king and the people of this place to say any thing at all about the subject, for what reason I cannot yet conjecture.

Saturday, 28th.—This morning I set out on horseback on a visit to the three head caboceers, who dwell about three miles from our house. We were received with much kindness and attention by all of them under their respective verandahs, and surrounded by hundreds of their wives, who all clapped their hands in token of welcome. They severally presented us with goats, sheep, pigs, yams, eggs, honey, and ducks, inviting us to drink country ale with them, and to make merry; but I was very unwell, and anxious to get home. In the evening we paid a visit of ceremony to the king, when I asked him to allow Mr. Houtson and myself to go and look at the Quorra, and return before closing my despatch for England. He replied, that he heard what we said, and that we should go. I also asked for a messenger to carry letters to Badagry in two days hence. He said he would be ready.

Sunday, 29th.—Clear and cool. Very unwell all night with a bad cold, pains in the limbs, and severe headache, with vomiting of bile; took calomel. Richard also weak and unwell.

Monday, 30th.—Clear and fine. The harmattan seemingly approaching its end. Better this morning. In the early part of the evening we had no wind, and it is extremely hot.

Tuesday, 31st.—I have been very restless and unwell all night. The king sent twice to inquire after my health yesterday, and wished to come and see me; but I was too weak to sit up to receive him. The messenger sent to open the path to Nyffé not yet returned. The king called to see me this evening, but I was asleep; he insisted, however, that Mr. Houtson should allow him to look at me with his own eye, and taking the candle, he did so, and observed, that having looked on me I should be quite well in the morning. Mr. Houtson asked him for the loan of a horse, to take an airing in the morning. This his majesty could not comprehend: what could a man want to ride or walk for nothing? if he rode or walked, he ought to go and see one of the caboceers, and he would get a present of a sheep, or a pig, or some yams; that would be doing good; so he said he would send a horse in the morning, and he must go and see some of his caboceers, and he would send to let them know he was coming. The pain in my head has fallen into my left eye, with inflammation and acute pain, accompanied with a light delirium. Poor Pascoe very unwell.

Wednesday, February 1.—Strong breezes. My eye a little better. Pascoe much better. The king, agreeably to his promise, sent a horse and two eunuchs to attend Mr. Houtson in his ride. He visited one caboceer, and was about to return home, when the whole of the party begged he would visit another, or all the caboceers would make a palaver with this one. Mr. Houtson went accordingly to see the other caboceers; he was received with great kindness and attention, and came home with a supply of eggs, milk, honey, two goats, a pig, two ducks, and plantains, &c. He objected to receiving presents, but they told him the king’s friends could not come to their houses, and go away empty-handed.

Sunday, 5th.—Morning clear, and a fresh breeze. In the afternoon had a visit from his majesty. I asked him if the Nyffé messenger had arrived. He said, no; that he must be dead, sick, or taken prisoner. He said we could not go by the road of Nyffé, which was impassable from the wars: what was my hurry to go? He was not yet tired of me; he had many caboceers coming from the country to see me; he wished to put every thing right on the roads for me before I set off; that the king of England did not send me to him to run away again directly; that he wished me much to wait and see the customs, for then I should see him truly a king. I said I would do so with pleasure, but that the rains would have set in by that time, and I should be unable to go to Bornou. He asked what I was going to Bornou for. “Did not the king of England send you to me alone?” “No,” said I, “he sent me to you to procure me a passage to that country, where an Englishman now resides who was left there when I returned from thence.” I then told him I would consent to remain twelve days longer, and if he did not by that time find me a passage, I would return to England and say he would not allow me to proceed. He now informed me that the messenger who arrived yesterday was from one of his provinces called Yaru, five days distance; that it was divided from the Youri by the Quorra; that he would send me by that route, which was quite safe. I asked if I could not go and see the Quorra before I departed from Katunga. He said no: the Fellatahs had possession of the road. He gave me his gooro-nut box, carved in the shape of a tortoise in ebony. I promised to let him have thirty musquets, with powder and ball; on which he went away dancing, tripped and fell, but was soon picked up by his ladies. He always brings us some little present when he comes, and to-day he brought us a bottle of honey, and some fruit called agra, about the size of a pear, with a hard outer skin, four large black seeds, surrounded by a pleasant acid pulp, like tamarinds, of a cream colour. My servant Pascoe met in the market to-day some Fellatahs, who told him there was no war in Nyffé; that the king was only afraid of the Fellatahs; that the Fellatahs of Raka had taken nine Yourribanis, who had been found in a suspicious place, but were going to return them here on the morrow. Raka is only one day’s journey north-north-east from Katunga.

Monday, 6th.—In the evening, at the request of the king, I again set off five rockets, one of which having too low an elevation ran along the ground, but fortunately only set fire to some grass. We afterwards went and saw the king, who, with his ladies and principal men, was sitting outside under the verandah to see the rockets. He presented us with gooro nuts, and said he would come and see us in the morning.

Tuesday, 7th.—In the middle of the day the king visited me, and brought a bottle of honey and two cock fowls. He began joking me as to what I was about to give him. I said I had nothing to give him. Says he, “I ask you to give me one of your servants.” “I can’t do that,” says I; “they are free men as well as myself.” “What,” says he, “no slaves in England!” “No,” says I, “as soon as a slave sets his feet in England he is free.” “Then,” says he, “as you must go, either Mr. Houtson or Richard must stop with me. I must have one.” After a good deal of conversation of this kind I asked him to fix a day for our departure. He artfully shifted the subject of conversation to that of women. Would I not like a wife? he would give me one. Did he not give us plenty to eat, or did he not use me well? “All very true, and very good,” says I, “but I am not like a black man, who has no book to write. I must know the day on which I am to go, as I must have all my books ready for the king of England. Every thing I give away is in that book, every thing I get, and every thing I say.” All my talk would not make him fix a day, but he said I should have a servant of his to the king of Youri; that that road was safe. I would go in four days to Yara in Bamba, which was tributary to him; there I would cross the river Moussa, which ran into the Quorra, three days distance; that the Moussa came from the north-west, and in it were plenty of hippopotami. He is still particularly shy of giving any information about the Quorra, of which, perhaps, he has none. At one time he says it runs into the sea between Jaboo and Benin, and at another that it passes Benin; that the Fellatahs are in possession of Raka, only a day’s journey north-north-east, and of all the country between it and the Quorra: he therefore cannot contrive to get me thither. He now shifted the subject of conversation; told me he did not know how many wives, or how many children he had got, but he was sure that his wives alone, hand to hand, would reach from hence to Jannah. He sent for one of his daughters, whom he had given as wife to Abaco, the messenger. His daughters are allowed to take any one they may choose, either as a husband or lover; but it is death to touch any of the king’s wives. The son, at the father’s death, takes all the widows to maintain. The king had his skin rubbed over with the powder of a species of red wood, ground very fine, and made like a paste; it is used by all classes. The wood is brought from Waree and Benin. We gave him a flask of rum on his leaving us, and he promised to give me some of the blue stone of which his beads are made. He says it comes from a country between this and Benin. They are not glass, as I at first supposed.

Thursday, 9th.—This evening I had to take the eunuch to task about our provisions: he had been dealing us out too small a share, and pocketing the rest. He pretended to be in a great rage, and even the milk is now bad.

Friday, 10th.—Moderate breezes and clear. A number of caboceers from distant provinces arrived to-day, and we had nothing but drumming, and whistling, the whole day. The king sent us an invitation to see them, and we went in the afternoon. We found the king seated in an old easy chair covered with crimson damask. The caboceers at some distance in front, facing him, dressed in leopard skin robes, their heads well dusted, and also their cheeks, by rubbing their faces in the dust while making their prostrations. It is the court etiquette here to appear in a loose cloth, tied under one arm; part over the other shoulder, and hanging down to the feet in a graceful manner: but no tobes, no beads, no coral, or grandeur of any kind, must appear but on the king alone. The cane I made him a present of holds, on all occasions, a conspicuous place: when he walks, he carries it, and when he sits, it is stuck in the ground at some distance before him. He presented us with gooro nuts, and asked me to fire off some rockets to-night.

The caboceers from the country were attended by their bowmen. They are required to wait upon, and first to prostrate themselves before, the chief eunuch, with dust on their heads. When any one speaks to the king, he must do it stretched at full length on the ground, and it must be said to him through the eunuch, who is also prostrated by his side. When equals meet, they kneel on one knee; women kneel on both knees, the elbows resting on the ground.

Saturday, 11th.—More caboceers arrive to-day, attended by their wild-looking followers, armed with swords, bows, and arrows; they also, covered with dust and sweat, went through their prostrations before the fat eunuch; the attendants dancing in a circle, while occasionally one came out, and danced a movement in the minuet style; in doing which, he would frequently throw a somerset equally as expert as old Grimaldi himself in his best times. I sat for an hour and a half, during all which time the prostrations were continued without intermission, accompanied with the dancing and tumbling, without regard to the intense heat of the sun. I concluded that they were practising before the eunuch, in order to be perfect when they appeared before the king. They were dressed in leopard skin robes, hung round with tassels and chains. At last the prostrations were completed, and the eunuch sent for several jars of palm wine. The caboceers were admitted to drink theirs in the eunuch’s house, but the attendants drank their share under a tree. In the afternoon, the king sent for us to see him, but I was too unwell to go, and desired Mr. Houtson and Richard to attend him.

Monday, 13th.—This morning, our friend and guardian, the fat eunuch, was drunk; when in that state, he begs every thing he sees. He got Mr. Houtson and myself into his house to see him dance; but independent of his want of steadiness, he was the most clumsy and unwieldy performer I ever saw. He begged we would also dine with him, but I complained of illness, and Houtson ran off. He followed and made Mr. Houtson hand out the flask, which, without waiting for a glass, he put to his mouth, and drank upwards of a pint of raw rum, without drawing his breath. He said, he had drank two quarts to-day already, and given away a small cask: that rum was good, and made him fat.

The people of Katunga are fond of ornamenting their doors, and the posts which support their verandahs, with carvings; and they have also statues or figures of men and women, standing in their court yards. The figures carved on their posts and doors are various; but principally of the boa snake, with a hog or antelope in his mouth; frequently men taking slaves, and sometimes a man on horseback leading slaves.

Their manner of burying the dead is to dig a deep narrow hole, into which the corpse is put in a sitting posture, the elbows between the two knees: a poor person is buried without any ceremony; a rich man has guns fired, and rum drank over his grave, and in his house by his friends and retainers. When a king of Yourriba dies, the caboceer of Jannah, three other head caboceers, four women, and a great many favourite slaves and others, are obliged to swallow poison, given by fetishmen, in a parrot’s egg: should this not take effect, the person is provided with a rope to hang himself in his own house. No public sacrifices are used, at least no human sacrifices, and no one was allowed to die at the death of the last king, as he did not die a natural death; having been murdered by one of his own sons: not the present king. Wives are bought; and according to the circumstances of the bridegroom, so is the price. Three days after the bargain, he and his friends go and bring the wife to his own house, when the pitto, or country beer, is sent about freely amongst the guests.

In the afternoon we waited on the king. There is a pleasant walk through a large enclosed park at the foot of the hills, between the house of the king and that of his wives, enclosed by a clay wall. Some parts of the park are planted with corn, yams, &c. and others studded with beautiful shady trees. The king was sitting under the shade of one of the trees. I observed to him that I had been here twenty-four days, and was anxious to go on my journey, as the rains were about to set in. He asked if all the white men were going. I said “Only myself and my servants.” As I knew him to be skilful in evasive answers, and always to have one ready at hand, I said “Fix a day.” His reply was, “Every one would say, the white man came to see the king of Yourriba, and brought him large presents, and requested him to give them a good passage to where they wanted to go; he gave them a bad path; they were robbed and killed: all people would say that the king of Yourriba did not do good to white man.” He had been busy these last four days with his people, but he had sent a messenger to get a good path. I asked him positively to fix a day, as I could not put off any longer. After consulting with his people, he said, “Nine days.” I said, “Well—I shall remain nine days:” without saying one word that I had every thing ready to go.

Foo-foo, the common food of the rich and poor, is of two kinds—white and black: the white is merely boiled yams beaten into a paste with water, and sold in balls of about a pound weight each. The black is made as follows:—The yam is first parboiled, then cut into small pieces and exposed to the rays of the sun till quite dry; in this state it is pounded in a large wooden mortar into a flour, and sifted again and again until it is as fine as possible. The flour will keep in this way about six months. When wanted for use, boiling water is poured over it, and stirred round until completely mixed and of a proper thickness; and when so done it is, like the other, made into balls of about a pound weight each. The natives eat it with soup, gravy, or palm oil; or without any other thing.

Wednesday, 15th.—At 3 P.M. we had a messenger from Jannah, who brought letters; one from Captain Clavering of the Redwing, with half a dozen bottles of porter and half a dozen of wine; the other two half dozens having either been broken or drunk on the road. The supply was as welcome as unexpected, and proved to us how very little trouble and expense were required to keep up the communication. By the letters of Captain Clavering, it appears that the trunks of the late Captain Pearce and Dr. Morrison had arrived safe.

Thursday, 16th.—Morning cool and cloudy. We had an early visit from the king, who was anxious to have a bottle of our porter, which I could not well refuse. He also begged my looking glass, and one of the tin boxes. In my turn I told him, that since we had finished our bullock that he gave us, we had nothing to eat. He replied, we must go to the caboceers. I told him I would do no such thing; that we did not come here to beg. He said I was mistaken; it was not begging; they were all his slaves, and what they possessed belonged to him. I requested, however, that he should send orders to them direct from himself. After a little time he left us: but the eunuch remained; and showing symptoms of sauciness I turned him out of the house.

Friday, 17th.—Morning clear and cool, with fresh harmattan breezes. A great number of people arrived to-day from different parts of the country to pay their annual custom and visit to the king.

Saturday, 18th.—Morning clear and cold; a strong harmattan still blowing. The religion of the people of Yourriba, as far as I could comprehend it, consists in the worship of one God, to whom they offer sacrifices of horses, cows, sheep, goats, and fowls. At the yearly feast all these animals are sacrificed at the fetish house, in which a little of the blood is spilt on the ground. The whole of them are then cooked; and the king and all the people, men and women, attending, partake of the meat, which they are said to eat in a state of nakedness, and in company, drinking at the same time copiously of country ale, or pitto; but it is also said, that the least attempt at indecency would be punished with death.

It is stated, moreover, that it depends on the will of the fetish man or priest whether a human being, or a cow, or other animal is to be sacrificed. If a human being, it is always a criminal, and only one. The usual spot where the feast takes place is in a large open field before the king’s house, under wide spreading trees, where there are two or three fetish houses. This account I had from a native of Bornou, a Mahometan, and a slave to the caboceer of Jannah.

Monday, 20th.—The morning cool. The harmattan still continues blowing. Our supply of provisions has of late been rather scanty, owing to the avarice of the fat eunuch, our guardian, who pockets as much as he can out of what the king sends us. I have threatened him two or three times, but I believe he trusts to my patient and easy disposition. Complaining to the king would get him a beating, though he is a favourite, and an useful person, well-skilled as a war-captain, and guardian of the king’s women.

Tuesday, 21st.—Cool and clear. Harmattan continues. A number of caboceers of the different towns came in to-day with their forces, and the king sent for us to come and see them. We went accordingly, and saw about twenty of these dependents, in all their dirt and debasement, who vied with each other which could have most dust, and who could kiss the ground with the greatest fervour. They were stretched at full length on their bare bellies; no cloth being allowed on this occasion over the shoulder, the body being required to be bare as far as the waist. Old Pascoe calls them the sand-eaters. After our usual compliments to the king, and shaking hands with the caboceers of Eyeo and the sand-eaters, we returned; the king promising to visit us at our house.

At 4 P.M. he came, attended by his women and our fat guardian. The women he left outside, except two; one of whom attends upon him on all occasions bearing a handsome carved gourd, having a small hole covered with a clean white cloth, to hold his Majesty’s spittle, when he is inclined to throw it away; the other with a white pot, used with us as a chamber utensil, containing his gooro nuts, since he made me a present of his black ebony box, carved in the shape of a tortoise, which he used for that purpose. After an end had been put to our complimentary inquiries after his majesty’s good health, I observed that the time was now come, within a few days only, that he had appointed for my departure. He said, that the messenger he had sent to Youri was returned; that the road was perfectly safe; that he would have me passed from one king to another; but that by the way of Nyffé he would not ensure my safety; and that if he suffered me to go where there was danger, it would cause a reflection on him. I thanked him for his kindness, and said that whatever he did was right. He then said that his messenger, and that of the caboceer of Yarro, would attend me to Youri. I thought this a proper time to hint a gentle complaint against our fat guardian, for having for some time past appropriated our provisions to his own use. The old rogue swore through thick and thin that he had given us every thing, even some goats which I had actually purchased at the market, but which he swore he had supplied himself. I told the king it was of no use talking against a rogue like his eunuch, therefore I should hold my tongue. As the king never comes to us empty-handed, he brought us a Muscovy duck, and a bag of rice; the last a scarce article, and not to be had in the market.

Wednesday, 22d.—Cold morning. Harmattan still continues. More caboceers came in yesterday, with their attendants. They waited on us this morning, and we observed that they were well provided with dust, as they had been to wait on the king early; it being the etiquette of Yourriba to hold a levee twice a-day, at six in the morning, and at two in the afternoon.

It is the custom, during the time that the caboceers from the different towns remain on their visit to the king, to act plays or pantomimes, or whatever they may be called. I shall attempt a description of the one I saw to-day. The place chosen for this pastime is the king’s park, fronting the principal door where his majesty usually sits. A fetish house occupies the left side; to the south are two very romantic and large blocks of granite, by the side of which is an old withered tree. On the east are some beautiful shady trees; and on the north his majesty’s house, from whence he views the scene. In the centre are two beautiful clumps of trees; in one of which is a tall fan-palm, overlooking the whole area, a space that may include some seven or eight hundred yards square. Under these clumps of trees were seated the actors, dressed in large sacks, covering every part of the body; the head most fantastically decorated with strips of rags, damask silk, and cotton, of as many glaring colours as it was possible. The king’s servants attended to keep the peace, and to prevent the crowd from breaking into the square in which the actors were assembled. Musicians also attended with drums, horns, and whistles, which were beaten and blown without intermission.

The first act consisted in dancing and tumbling in sacks, which they performed to admiration, considering they could not see, and had not the free use of their feet and hands. The second act consisted in catching the boa constrictor: first, one of the sack-men came in front and knelt down on his hands and feet; then came out a tall majestic figure, having on a head-dress and masque which baffle all description: it was of a glossy black colour, sometimes like a lion couchant over the crest of a helmet; at another like a black head with a large wig: at every turn he made it changed its appearance. This figure held in its right hand a sword, and by its superior dress and motions appeared to be the director of the scene, for not a word was spoken by the actors. The manager, as I shall call the tall figure, then came up to the man who was lying in the sack; another sack-dancer was brought in his sack, who by a wave of the sword was laid down at the other’s head or feet; he having unsown the end of both sacks, the two crawled into one. There was now great waving of the manager’s sword; indeed I thought that heads were going to be taken off, as all the actors were assembled round the party lying down; but in a few minutes they all cleared away except the manager, who gave two or three flourishes with his sword, when the representation of the boa constrictor began. The animal put its head out of the bag in which it was contained, attempting to bite the manager; but at a wave of the sword it threw its head in another direction to avert the blow; it then began gradually to creep out of the bag, and went through the motions of a snake in a very natural manner, though it appeared to be rather full in the belly; opening and shutting its mouth, which I suspect was the performer’s two hands, in the most natural manner imaginable. The length of the creature was spun out to about fourteen feet; and the colour and action were well represented by a covering of painted cloth, imitating that of the boa. After following the manager round the park for some time, and attempting to bite him, which he averted by a wave of the sword, a sign was made for the body of actors to come up; when the manager approaching the tail, made flourishes with his sword as if hacking at that part of the body. The snake gasped, twisted up, and seemed as if in great torture; and when nearly dead, it was shouldered by the masqued actors, still gasping and making attempts to bite, but was carried off in triumph to the fetish house.

The third act consisted of the white devil. The actors having retired to some distance in the back ground, one of them was left in the centre, whose sack falling gradually down, exposed a white head, at which all the crowd gave a shout, that rent the air; they appeared indeed to enjoy this sight, as the perfection of the actor’s art. The whole body was at last cleared of the incumbrance of the sack, when it exhibited the appearance of a human figure cast in white wax, of the middle size, miserably thin, and starved with cold. It frequently went through the motion of taking snuff, and rubbing its hands; when it walked, it was with the most awkward gait, treading as the most tender-footed white man would do in walking bare-footed, for the first time, over new frozen ground. The spectators often appealed to us, as to the excellence of the performance, and entreated I would look and be attentive to what was going on. I pretended to be fully as much pleased with this caricature of a white man as they could be, and certainly the actor burlesqued the part to admiration. This being concluded, the performers all retired to the fetish house. Between each act, we had choral songs by the king’s women, in which the assembled crowd joined their voices.

The kingdom of Yourriba extends from Puka on the south, which is within five miles of the sea, to Lagos and Whydah in that line; to the north to about the 10th degree of north latitude. It is bounded by Dahomey to the north-west, which is reckoned a tributary province: Ketto and the Maha countries on the north, Borgoo on the north-east, the Quorra or Niger to the east, Accoura, a province of Benin, on the south-east, five days’ journey distant; Jaboo to the south and west. Its tributaries are Dahomey, Alladah, Badagry, and Maha. From the sea coast to Chocho in latitude 8° 8′ north, longitude 4° 2′ east, the country rises by a gradual ascent; the soil of a strong red clay and mould, and where the woods have not been cleared, they may be considered as impervious. The trees are of great size, with most luxuriant foliage. From Chocho to Koosoo is a range of granite hills, running from west-north-west to east-south-east. These hills are of grey granite, bare of vegetation, and in solid masses. They are from four to eight hundred feet above the level of the valleys, which are narrow, winding, and well cultivated, and watered with innumerable small streams. The soil a thin black mould. From Koossoo to Eyeo, the country is less hilly, the hills in broken irregular ranges, and running principally from north-east to south-west, with here and there detached masses thrown up, as if by some great convulsion of nature. The granite of which they are composed is of a softer kind, and crumbling away with the weather. The valleys between these hills widen into plains, as they advance to the northward. In the hilly region, the trees are thinly scattered, low and stunted. The domestic animals are horses of a very small breed, and even these are scarce; the horned cattle also near the coast are of a small size: but as we approach the capital, they are as large as those in England. Many of them have humps on their shoulders, the same as those in Abyssinia and the East Indies. They have sheep of the common kind, and also those which are found in other parts of Africa; hogs, Muscovy ducks, fowls, pigeons, and a few turkeys. Of the wild animals, and the feathered race, I can say but little, having seen none of the former except monkeys; but the natives report that the hyæna and the leopard are very common. The lion, also, is found in some parts of the country; yams, Indian corn, millet, and challots; fruits, such as oranges, limes, pears, apples, &c. are plentiful throughout the kingdom. The cotton plant is cultivated to a considerable extent, and the wool manufactured into cloth. The commerce of this country is almost entirely confined to slaves, though a considerable quantity of cloth is made, and bartered with the people of the coast for rum, tobacco, European cloth, and other articles. The medium of exchange throughout the interior is the cowry shell. A prime slave at Jannah is worth in sterling money, according to the value set on the articles of barter, from three to four pounds.

The government of Yourriba is hereditary, and an absolute despotism, every subject being considered the slave of the king; but its administration is mild and humane, and appears to have been so for a long period. The only distinction of rank that obtains is that of caboceer, who may be considered as the governor of a distant town or province; the appointment of these governors depending on the will of the king. The military force consists of the caboceers and their own immediate retainers, which, allowing one hundred and fifty to each, will not give such immense armies as we have sometimes heard stated; that of Yourriba is perhaps as numerous as any of the kingdoms of Africa. I think the general appearance of the Yourribanians has less of the characteristic features of the negro than any other I have yet seen; their lips are less thick, and their noses more inclined to the aquiline shape, than negroes in general. The men are well made, and have an independent carriage, that cannot fail to attract attention. The women are almost invariably of a more ordinary appearance than the men, which may arise from their being more exposed to the sun, and the drudgery they are obliged to undergo; all the labour of the land devolving on them.

The city of Eyeo (in Houssa language, Katunga), the capital of Yourriba, is situated in latitude 8° 59′ north, longitude 6° 12′ east. It is built on the sloping side and round the base of a small range of granite hills, which, as it were, forms the citadel of the town; they are formed of stupendous blocks of gray granite of the softest kind, some of which are seen hanging from the summits, in the most frightful manner, while others, resting on very small bases, appear as if the least touch would send them down into the valley beneath. The soil on which the town is built is formed of clay and gravel, mixed with sand, which has obviously been produced from the crumbling granite. The appearance of these hills is that of a mass of rocks left bare by the tide. A belt of thick wood runs round the walls, which are built of clay, and about twenty feet high, and surrounded by a dry ditch. There are ten gates in the walls, which are about fifteen miles in circumference, of an oval shape, about four miles in diameter one way, and six miles the other, the south end leaning against the rocky hills, and forming an inaccessible barrier in that quarter. The king’s houses and those of his women occupy about a square mile, and are on the south side of the hills, having two large parks, one in front, and another facing the north. They are all built of clay, and have thatched roofs, similar to those nearer the coast. The posts supporting the verandahs and the doors of the king’s and caboceers’ houses are generally carved in bas relief, with figures representing the boa killing an antelope or a hog, or with processions of warriors attended by drummers. The latter are by no means meanly executed, conveying the expression and attitude of the principal man in the groupe with a lofty air, and the drummer well pleased with his own music, or rather deafening noise. There are seven different markets, which are held every evening; being generally opened about three or four o’clock. The chief articles exposed for sale are yams, corn, calavances, plantains, and bananas; vegetable butter, seeds of the colycynth, which forms a great article of food, sweetmeats, goats, fowls, sheep, and lambs; and also cloth of the manufacture of the country, and their various implements of agriculture. The price of a small goat is from 1500 to 2000 cowries; a large sheep, 3000 to 5,000; a fowl, 150 to 200; yams, 4000 per hundred; a horse, 80 to 100,000; and a cow from 20 to 30,000; a prime slave, 40 to 60,000;—2000 cowries being equal to one Spanish dollar. Trona, or natron, is brought here from Bornou, and sold to all parts of the coast, where it is much in request, to mix with snuff, and also as a medicine.

Saturday, 25th.—This afternoon we had a visit from the king; he brought with him a duck, some rice, and goora nuts. I told him I was all ready to go, whenever he chose to give me the escort and messengers. He said the caboceers of the different towns through which I had to pass were still here, but as soon as they left I should go. I asked him, as I was writing to England, what he wanted from thence. He said, a brass crown, fine yellow and blue cloth, large coral, some gaudy carpeting, an English drum, and about half a ton of cowries. The whole of this curious catalogue would not cost, as I suppose, more than £200. I told him, therefore, that I should send the list home.

Sunday, 26th.—Morning dull and hazy, with an oppressive sultry heat, the wind north-north-east, causing the same depression of spirits as the siroc wind in the Mediterranean, and which affected every one of the party, and made us all sigh for a breeze, and to proceed on our journey.

Wednesday, 1st March.—On this day the weather began to clear up, with a fine breeze from the eastward. Our friend the fat eunuch is evidently playing the rogue with us, as we neither can get provisions, wood, nor water, but with the greatest difficulty. He sees he has got all I intend to give, either to the king or any body else. A messenger of the caboceer of Jannah went and returned from Rakah to-day, to buy trona. The Yourriba name of Rakah is Saguda: the Quorra is only about two hours’ easy walking to the eastward of it. The following day, in the afternoon, I had a visit from the king. I asked him why I was longer detained; said I had waited with patience through the several times he had appointed for my starting, but it appeared I was just as far from getting away as ever. He hesitated, and gave me an evasive answer. I asked him to tell me distinctly. No, he could not do that, as he wished to get me a large horse to ride before I went. I said I would ride a small one. He then said he had only one. I asked him if he would allow me to hire horses from the caboceers. “What,” he replied, “will they say of me, if I allow you to go away in this way after your king sending me such a present?” He then begged I would stop for three days more, until he could get horses, and I should certainly go. I pointed out to him the number of times he had broken his word: he said the reason he would not fix a day now was, that he might not break his word again.

Monday, 6th.—It was not before the 6th that the king paid me another visit, and told me, that the Yarro messengers were ready, and that I might go to-morrow or next day, and that he intended to give me a horse. I thanked him, and told him I was quite ready and determined to set off to-morrow, as delays here were dangerous. Accordingly, the next day, when every thing was ready for starting, I was again visited by the king, who, after giving me in charge of what he called the Yarro messenger, told me that the sultan Yarro would take the greatest care of my baggage, and forward me to the king of Youri. He then made me a present of a horse, for which I thanked him, and took my leave.


CHAPTER III.

JOURNAL OF PROCEEDINGS FROM KATUNGA, OR EYEO, TO BOUSA, ON THE NIGER, OR QUORRA, THE PLACE WHERE MUNGO PARK PERISHED.

At three o’clock in the afternoon I set out from Katunga, and passed the gates of the town, with the same escort I had on entering it, headed, as before, by the king’s brother. In the evening we halted at the village of Assina for the night, where I got two fowls and some yams. The poor people were just returning to their houses, from which they had been driven out by the Fellatas last year, who continue to infest the country, even up to the gates of Katunga.

Wednesday, 8th.—Left the village of Assina; the morning dull, but cool and pleasant; arrived at Tshow, where I had breakfast, and left it at 10 A.M., and after travelling over very bad roads, cut up and crossed by deep rocky ravines, reached the higher ground, which was well cultivated; but their villages appeared to be all in ruins, which my guides told me were destroyed last year by the Fellatas. At noon arrived at the town of Algi, which is now rising from its ruins; it having shared the same fate as the villages I had passed. The inhabitants are now returning to their ruined dwellings, some of which they have already repaired; they said they had nothing but a little grain, and a few yams for seed; of these they gave me part, and the best house in the town. The Yarro messenger had not made his appearance, and I now learned, that Algi no longer belonged to the king of Yourriba, but to Yarro, the chief or sultan of Kiama, a petty state of the kingdom of Borgoo; that Kiama was the name of the province, and Yarro the name of the sultan, as he is called. I gave the king of Yourriba’s brother, who commanded the escort, a fathom of red cloth, and ten coral beads, as he is to return to Katunga as soon as he has seen me off from this place.

Thursday, 9th.—Light airs, and clear. I was unable to get off to-day, as they could not collect the people to carry my baggage. The king of Yourriba’s brother declared, that he or his people had had nothing to eat all night, or since he had left Assina; yet he got the caboceer of the place to send me a pig, for which I gave five coral beads: the man said he was ashamed to see me, as he had nothing to give. Algi consists of three walled villages, and before it was burnt down had been of considerable size: they pointed out a rock close to the south side of the town, from whence the Fellatas flew the pigeons to set fire to it. The mode of doing it was, by making combustibles fast to the tails of the birds, which, on being let loose from the hand, immediately flew to the tops of the thatched houses, while the Fellatas kept up a sharp fire of arrows, to prevent the inhabitants extinguishing the flames. There are still a number of Fellatas in this neighbourhood, who are nearly white, but pagans: they speak the Fellata language, and agree in every thing but their religion.

Friday, 10th.—This morning the king’s brother accompanied me outside the town. I sent by him a letter to Mr. Houtson, to tell the king of Yourriba he had behaved very ill in not sending a proper messenger; that the one he had sent was not the Kiama messenger, but the butcher’s son of Algi, and that in no one point had he performed his promise to me. We halted at the village of Watatoo, where I was lodged in one of the best houses; this village had also shared the fate of Algi, having been burnt down by the Fellatas, and the inhabitants were just returning to their homes. The country between Watatoo and Algi is cultivated in a number of places, and planted with cotton, yams, and maize, and is diversified by hill and dale: the hills are low and rocky; the rocks of a fine-grained sand-stone. In the evening the head man of the village made me a present of four fowls and some yams.

Saturday, 11th.—Cool and cloudy; during the night, heavy storm of wind, with thunder and lightning. At daylight I had every thing ready for starting; the butcher’s son having arrived last night, mounted on a little mare, with a saddle, and he without shoes or boots. On leaving Watatoo, I gave the two head men of the village a fathom of blue cloth each, as they had been as good as their circumstances would admit, and they promised to send every thing after me as soon as possible. In about fifteen minutes after leaving Watatoo, I arrived at and crossed the river Moussa, which formerly divided the kingdoms of Yourriba, and Borgoo: it was dry in a great many places, with a very rocky bed; when full, about thirty yards in breadth; and runs apparently with a very strong current. They say, it is the same river I passed on the road to Tshow, on the north side of the hills, and enters the Quorra opposite Nyffee, and near Rakah. After crossing, I travelled through thick woods for an hour, when I halted at a few huts on the north side of the river, called Bori, until the baggage should arrive. A hut stood apart from the rest, near the banks of the river; the grass and weeds carefully cleared away from around it. The messenger and people who were with me went one after another to say their prayers; which they did, by lying down, with their foreheads towards the door, which was secured by a mat: they appeared to be very devout, and having finished their prayers, slipped a few cowries inside the mat. I asked if I might go and look in, but they would not allow me. I asked them who they prayed to: they said, to the God that gave them plenty of water, corn, and yams. They say there are great numbers of hippopotami and crocodiles in the river during the time that it is full. The carriers, with the baggage, came up very slowly, and the heaviest loads were mostly carried by old women; and I could not help noticing the cold-blooded indifference of the young men, who would not give the poor old creatures the least assistance: however, I made them carry the heaviest loads, to the great joy of the old ladies. During the time I was waiting for the carriers to come up, a piece of cloth was stolen from one of the women. The bearers flew to arms instantly, the arrows laid on the strings, and the bows bent. I expected nothing but a battle; but fortunately the thief was discovered to be one of the villagers, who had pretended to be asleep, and drunk, all the time we were here; he had stowed the cloth under the thatch of the house, and I never saw a woman more overjoyed in my life than the poor honest creature was, when she recovered her cloth; she came and kneeled down to thank me, as she said it was by my influence the cloth was returned. On the tops of the huts, which are of the real Bornou coozie form, the first I have seen since I came to Africa this time, were stuck a number of crocodiles’ eggs, which are considered as a protection against that animal. All the baggage having now arrived, I left the village of Boru, with its shady trees and mud temple, at a very quick pace, over a flat country apparently not far from the river Quorra, thickly wooded with fine tall trees, and inhabited by large antelopes, numerous traces of which I saw. In the evening halted in the wood, close to a small stream of water.

The next morning, on leaving our encampment, a messenger from the chief of Kiama arrived; he had been sent to see if I was on the road, and to return with speed and inform his master. Our road was through thick woods; the soil a red clay, mixed with gravel. At 10 A.M. halted at the town of Oblah, which has been walled, and of considerable size, but now only a few huts remain, the rest having been burned by Yarro. Here my servant Richard was taken very ill, and unable to ride; in consequence of which I remained until the afternoon, when he got better, and was able to proceed, by a man holding him on the bare back of the horse, for we had no saddles. Halted at the village of Socka, where I got one of the best huts, a few yams, and four fowls.

Monday, 13th.—Morning cool and cloudy. At daylight an escort arrived from the chief of Kiama, mounted on as fine horses as I ever saw. One man had on a white cotton tobe, or shirt, written over entirely with Arab charms, which made it look like printed cotton at a distance. They were a despicable, lawless set of fellows; for as soon as they had delivered their master’s compliments to me, they began to plunder the village of the goats and fowls. One fellow rode in at full gallop, through the fence of matting which surround the huts, brandishing his spear; those on foot following him, and making a prize of every thing they could lay their hands on. I gave the head man of the village, out of sight of the escort, a fathom of blue cloth, and two knives. On leaving Sacko, I was now accompanied by this escort, who formed as fine and wild a looking troop as I ever saw. They had brought me a saddle, but Richard and Pascoe rode bare-backed, and our little Yourriba mares made a miserable contrast with the gallant looking troop who were guarding us: but I consoled myself with the thought that I had not plundered the village. Our road lay through a country rough and uneven, consisting of hill and dale, with rocks of quartz and sandstone, a range of hills closing round to the right. Passed two villages, at which my honest escort levied a tribute of goats and fowls. At nine A.M. we arrived at the city of Kiama, and rode instantly up to the house of the chief; where, after waiting under the shade of a wide spreading tree for a few minutes, I paid my respects to the chief, or sultan, as they call him: his name is Yarro. He was sitting in the porch of his door, a stout, good looking man, past the middle age, dressed in a white tobe or large shirt, with a red Moorish cap on his head. We shook hands; and after telling him who I was, and where I wished to go, he said, Very well, I had better go and rest from the fatigues of my journey, in the house that was prepared for me; and sent his head man to conduct me to it. He was attended by a mob of people, who were lying on their bellies and their sides, talking to him in this posture. After taking my leave, I went with his head man to my house, which proved to be a very good one. It consisted of three large huts inside a square, in one of which I put the baggage; occupied the second myself; and the servants the other. I had not remained long, before Yarro sent me a present of milk, eggs, bananas, fried cheese, curds, and foo-foo; and I was left alone until the heat of the day was over, when I received a visit from Yarro himself. He came mounted on a beautiful red roan, attended by a number of armed men, on horseback and on foot; and six young female slaves, naked as they were born, except a stripe of narrow white cloth tied round their heads, about six inches of the ends flying out behind; each carrying a light spear in the right hand. He was dressed in a red silk damask tobe, and booted. He dismounted, and came into my house, attended by the six girls, who laid down their spears, and put a blue cloth round their waists before they entered the door. After he was seated, he began by asking after the health of the king of Yourriba, who, I said, I had left very well. I then told him I had been sent by the king of England to visit Bornou; that I was the king of England’s servant, and hoped he would assist me in proceeding on my journey; and that I intended to make him a suitable present; that I wanted thirty-six men to carry my baggage, and two horses for my servants to ride; and that I wished to stay as short a time as possible, as the rains were near at hand, which, if overtaken by them, would prevent my travelling; that the season of the rains was very sickly, and fatal to white men; that three of the white men who had left England with me had died in Yourriba, and it was more than probable that I should die also, if exposed in any of these countries to the rains. He said I was going to stay but a short time, and that he would send me to Wawa; from thence I should be forwarded to Boussa; then to cross the river Quorra to Injaskee, and thence to Bornou. On his leaving me, I attended him to the door. He mounted his horse, the young ladies undressed, and away went the most extraordinary cavalcade I ever saw in my life.

After sunset I had a visit from the taya or chief of the caravan belonging to Houssa, which had arrived yesterday from Gonja and Ashantee, and a trader of Bornou who had known me when I was in that country. They advised me by all means to leave this country as soon as possible, as they were all kaffirs; that they would plunder me of every thing I had; and that on no account ought I to go by the way of Youri, as they were now at war with the Fellatas, and the road entirely shut up; that, besides, the road by Youri was the most distant; and that I must urge this chief to send me away as soon as possible.

Tuesday, 14th.—This morning I waited on Yarro with my present, which consisted of the following articles:—a large blue silk umbrella, one of Tatham’s African swords, three fathoms of blue cloth, three fathoms of red, some red beads and coral, an imitation gold chain, two bottles of rum, two phosphorus boxes, four knives, and six pair of scissars, and some prints. The cloth I had spread out at full length: the large mock coral beads he shook at the naked young females, as much as to say, Which of you will get these? On seeing the sword he could not restrain his delight, and drawing it, and brandishing it around his head, he called out, “Ya baturi! Ya baturi!” “Oh, my white lord! Oh, my white lord!” He was certainly more pleased than any man I ever saw with a present; his eyes sparkled with joy, and he shook me about a dozen times by the hand. I pressed the necessity of my departure, which he said should be the day after to-morrow. I then took my leave; and a short time after returning to my house he sent me some milk and a sheep; and in the afternoon, by his head man, Abubecker, an earthenware jug to look at: it was of English earthenware, representing old Toby Philpot with a flowing jug of ale in his hand. I have seen more European articles, such as earthenware jugs, brass and pewter dishes, pieces of woollen and cotton cloth, within these two days that I have been in Kiama, than I saw during the whole time I was in Yourriba.

In the evening I had a visit from the head man of the Houssa goffle, or caravan, which is on its way from Gonja and Ashantee: they consist of upwards of 1000 men and women, and as many beasts of burthen. He offers to carry all my things to Kano for a certain sum. He says that they had been detained in Gonja a long time, twelve months, on account of the wars; that the king of Ashantee was dead, as also the heir, and that the Ashantees were now without a king. This taya, as the head man of the goffle is called, is named Abdullah, a native of Kano. I heard a great many inquiries made after myself, they not knowing me in my English dress, and without a beard. They talk to me about having seen me in Bornou and Soudan: I do not yet tell them that I am the same person.

The principal part of the cargo of these Houssa merchants consists in gora or kolla nuts, which they receive in exchange for natron, red glass beads, and a few slaves, principally refractory ones which they cannot manage. They carry their goods on bullocks, mules, asses, and a number of female slaves are loaded; even some women hire themselves to carry loads to and from Nyffé. Some of the merchants have no more property than they can carry on their own heads. The duty they pay to the chief of Kiama is ten kolla for each load.

Wednesday, 15th.—I early visited the chief this morning, to urge my departure. He was surrounded by a number of his head men; and when I had finished my story, he made a number of objections to my going off to-morrow. One of his fellows said I had given nothing to be allowed to go. I said I was not a merchant, possessed of a great quantity of goods to give away; that I had only a few things to give to the different sultans on the road, to afford me protection to and from Bornou, and pointed out to Yarro each separate place where I should be obliged to give. He said that, before I left Kiama, I must give a present to his governor and the head men of the town, whom he would send to me. I told him, if this was to be the way, I should very soon have nothing to give: that at Wawa, Boussa, and Injaskie, they would be sure to hear what I had given here, and that they would expect the same. He then said, that as soon as his messenger arrived from Katunga, who was a very trusty man, I should go to Wawa. I informed him that the chief of the Houssa caravan had offered to take me to Kano from Wawa, and that he would carry every thing for me. “Oh,” says he, “you must not believe these stories; he would take you a day or two on the road, and then leave you: where is he to get the means to carry your things? and besides, he has not paid his custom yet, and until that is paid he cannot go: you shall go to-morrow or next day.” On which I thanked him, and took my leave. On my return I had a messenger from his principal wife, to say she wished to see me; and she sent me five yams and a fowl.

In the afternoon I went to visit her sable majesty. I first repaired to Yarro’s house, where, after some conversation about my going away, I told him I wished to send a letter to Badagry, and if he wanted a tea-pot like mine I should send for one for him: he said yes, he wanted a tea-pot and a pair of gold bracelets, and some other things, which he would mention to me by and by. His wife and daughter came in: the first old and ugly; the next about twenty-five years old, which is past the meridian in this country. After paying their respects to Yarro, which is after the Yourriba fashion, I gave them one fathom of red cloth, one fathom of blue, some scissars, needles, beads, and silk. Yarro asked me if I would take his daughter for a wife; I said “Yes,” after a great many thanks for my present. The old woman went out, and I followed with the king’s head man, Abubecker. I went to the house of the daughter, which consists of several coozies separate from those of the father, and I was shown into a very clean one: a mat was spread: I sat down; and the lady coming in and kneeling down, I asked her if she would live in my house, or I should come and live with her: she said, whatever way I wished: very well, I said, I would come and live with her, as she had the best house. She kept her kneeling posture all the time I was in the house. I took leave of her, and went home, when one of the great men mentioned by Yarro waited upon me, and I gave him a present of two knives, some beads, and a yard of cloth.

Thursday, 16th.—The king’s son came to-day for my advice: a fat, gross, tall man. He said, on my inquiring after his disorder, that every month he had a great throbbing of blood in his head, attended with pain; that he lost the use of his limbs, and could not stand; that the pain then fell down to his breast, and remained altogether four days, coming on always a few days before the new moon. I weighed him out nine doses of calomel, of seven grains each, desiring him to take them one at a time when the throbbing came on, and if he could get bled in the head to have that done also; and, with the assistance of God, I hoped he would get well before he had taken the nine doses. I had a visit also from the princess, for the purpose of receiving a small donation of beads. She would not sit down on the carpet or mat, as her father had sat on it when he had been in my house. Such is the custom: a daughter must not presume to sit where her father has sat. A wife of the governor of the town also came to see me. She brought me a present of some cowries, as she said her father had been a servant to white men: she would sleep well and happy to-night, as the joy or wish of her life was accomplished—she had seen me.

I had a present of a sheep, four fowls, and some yams, from a young man related to Yarro, for my advice and assistance; as I now intend my advice in the medical way shall turn to some account: without that I should never have a moment’s peace for patients. This young man had nothing the matter with him: he was only afraid he was going to get the disorder his mother died of, which he described as follows:—First, swellings of the eyes and ears, then contracting of the toes and fingers; the skin on the body peeling off, and the flesh looking red and raw; then death. I gave him twelve papers of calomel, of two grains each, desiring him to take one every morning, besides giving him a strong dose of Croton oil (three drops), and a dose of Seidlitz to wash it down.

Every night we have dancing and singing. Their music is the Bornou flute, the Arab fiddle, and the drum. There appears not the least jealousy to exist in Kiama: men’s wives and maidens all join in the song and dance; even those of the Moorish belief seem to forget that part of their creed in Kiama.

Friday, 17th.—This being jama, or the day Mahometans attend the mosque, kept by them as we keep our Sunday, the pagans also take advantage of the day, and spend it in showing their fine clothes, and paying and receiving visits. I had a visit from the governor, who came in state: he was attended by a great rabble, and two drums: he had on a turban over a European foraging cap, two or three tobes of Manchester cotton; the rest of his dress was of country-made cloth. After the governor left me I visited Yarro with a present of six wax candles, and the remains of my red beads of the largest size, as he says his women are very fond of them; and this is to be my last present, as I am to go away to-morrow. He says he will give me carriers; lend me horses; and, as I will have to sleep in the woods, he would send plenty of provisions: his people should sleep on one side the baggage, and mine on the other, at night; and then, when every thing went safe, I could not but say Yarro was a good man.

After the heat of the day was over, Yarro came, attended by all his train. The most extraordinary persons in it were himself and the bearers of his spears, which, as before, were six naked young girls, from fifteen to seventeen years of age. The only thing they wore was a white bandeau, or fillet of white cloth, round the forehead, about six inches of the ends flying behind, and a string of beads round their waists; in their right hands they carried three light spears each. Their light form, the vivacity of their eyes, and the ease with which they appeared to fly over the ground, made them appear something more than mortal as they flew alongside of his horse, when he was galloping, and making his horse curvet and bound. A man with an immense bundle of spears remained behind at a little distance, apparently to serve as a magazine for the girls to be supplied from, when their master had expended those they carried in their hands.

Yarro is a stout, good-looking man, with large eyes, a handsome Roman nose, a short grisly beard, sits well on horseback, and was dressed in a high red Moorish cap, a tobe or large shirt, boots, and brass stirrup-irons. His horse’s neck was bedecked with small brass bells and charms, and was as fine a dark bay as I ever saw. The rest of his attendants were not worth mentioning: some on horseback, some on foot; and one only had an old musket, which missed fire every time they snapped it. The whole of the horse in attendance might be about fifty, who filed past my door, and then halted, when Yarro alighted and came in. I had tea prepared for him, which he professed to like very much; but he would not drink milk with his tea, as it is forbidden by his fetish. The girls came into the house with him, but a cloth for the waist was first given them to put on. After tea he returned, and at his request I went to the front of his house, where there was some by no means bad horse-racing, in an oblong square in front of his house, formed on one side by tall shady trees, the end closed by the rocky ridge. The horses ran in pairs up this square, sometimes a large Bornou horse paired with the small native breed, the latter of which appeared to dispute the victory often with the larger horses of Bornou. Towards the close, young boys rode on bare backed young horses, which was not the worst of the sport. After the racing I went and complimented Yarro on his riding, as he also was one of the racers, and of course won.

Kiama, the principal city of a province of that name in the kingdom of Borgoo, is situated in latitude 9° 37′ 33″ north, and longitude 5° 22′ 56″ east of Greenwich. It is governed by a chief whose name, Yarro, signifies The Boy; and both city and province are, as frequently happens in Africa, sometimes called after him. The province is thinly inhabited, and the city straggling and ill built. The houses consist of circular huts, or coozies, built of clay and thatched: a number of these, enclosed in a square fence of matting, generally form but one house. The city is built on the south side of a rocky ridge, and is surrounded by an extensive low clay wall, which is broken down in a number of places: inside the walls are plantations of corn and yams. The surrounding country is thickly wooded, with but few plantations, and the country is said to abound in game of all descriptions.

Kiama is one of the towns through which the caravan from Houssa and Bornou passes to and from Gonja, on the borders of Ashantee: it also has a direct trade with Dahomey, Youri, Nyffé, and Yourriba. There is no fixed duty for the merchants to pay, but the chief takes just as much as can be squeezed from them. The inhabitants are pagans of an easy faith; never praying but when they are sick, or want something, and cursing their object of worship as fancy serves. The Houssa slaves amongst them are Mahometans, and are allowed to worship in their own way.

The town (and I think I speak within bounds) may contain 30,000 inhabitants. They are looked upon by all who know them as the greatest thieves and robbers in all Africa; and it is enough to call a man a native of Borgoo, to designate him as a thief and a murderer. Their government is despotic; and it appears very little protection is given to the subject, as one town will plunder another whenever an opportunity offers. Their manner of salutation to superiors is by prostration at full length on the ground, but without throwing dust on the head or body: the women kneel on their knees and elbows, holding the two open hands turned up towards the face. They say that a country called Gourma lies eight days’ journey to the north of them; Gonja is to the W.N.W.; and that a small territory called Katakolee lies between Gonja and Borgoo. They sell in the market Brazil tobacco, snuff, natron, yams, plantains, bananas, milk, vegetable butter, gora nuts, and honey in great plenty and cheap. Sheep and bullocks are abundant: the latter mostly in the hands of the Fellatas, who inhabit the woods, shifting about from place to place as pasture is good. The Borgoo people will not suffer them to carry any weapons of defence. Their best horses they get from the Bornou and Houssa merchants, who bring them for sale.

On the 18th, after breakfast, being provided with carriers and two horses, one saddled for myself, I took leave of Yarro, and left Kiama. The Houssa caravan left before me, but was to halt at another village, at a little distance from my route. The road was principally through thick woods, with a few plantations of yams, near some villages that we passed, inhabited by Fellatas. One deserted village, they said, had been abandoned last rainy season, on account of sickness; but what the disease was, I could not learn. The inhabitants of these villages were mostly Fellatas, who take care of Yarro’s cattle. The road very winding, diversified by gentle hill and dale; the soil red clay and gravel, with rocks and stones here and there, of a gritty sandstone, with large square pebbles of quartz. At 11.40 A.M. halted at the village of Bonaga, where I got a good house; and I found Yarro had sent forward two goats and a large quantity of yams, which I shared out to the carriers of the baggage. The day was excessively hot, and it was late before all the baggage came up. The head man of the village sent me three large bowls of foo-foo, with goats’ flesh dressed in the skin, which is the saving way of this country, nothing being thrown away but the hoofs and horns. Just as I was going to bed in the evening, Abubecker, who by Yarro’s order had accompanied me, to see me safe on my journey, came running into my room in his shirt, apparently in a great fright, and said the men had run away who were engaged to carry the baggage, and he must ride into the town to bring them back. I thanked him, and said I hoped he would make haste. He waited a little; and I suspected he wanted to draw a present out of me, though I had given him more than any other person in Kiama except Yarro.

Sunday, 19th.—At daybreak I had every thing ready for starting, but the manœuvring of old Abubecker kept me until 7.30 A.M.; and even then I had to give three yards of blue cloth and several strings of beads before I could get the baggage off. After starting, our road was through a thickly wooded country of fine tall trees, with little underwood, the country rising into gentle hill and dale, and the path very winding. At 10 we fell in with the Houssa caravans. They occupied a long line of march: bullocks, asses, horses, women, and men, to the amount of a thousand, all in a line, after one another, forming a very curious sight; a motley groupe, from the nearly naked girls and men carrying loads, to the ridiculously and gaudily dressed Gonja traders, riding on horseback, some of these animals being lame, and going with a halt, and all in very bad condition. The poor girls, their slaves, are compelled to travel with a heavy load on their heads, yet are as cheerful and good-natured as if they were at home grinding corn in their own native country. The road lay over a level plain covered with trees; the soil a red clay, with gravel and ore, among rocks of clay ironstone, appearing, from the softer parts, to have been washed or worn away, as if it had undergone the action of fire. We halted near to a small rainy-season stream, in which were pools of water. Here and there saw numerous traces of the large antelopes, buffaloes, and elephants. The latter, they say, the natives do not kill, because they can get plenty of other meat, and they can prevail on no one to buy the tusks. They destroy wild animals with poisoned arrows, one of which they pretend to say will kill an elephant in about an hour. They eat the flesh of the animal slain with these arrows, but cut out and throw away the piece around the poisoned wound. Yarro’s messenger has promised to show me the tree from which they get the poison when we arrive at Wawa: they tell a number of extravagant stories about its power and effects, which are too ridiculous to believe.