Shortly after my arrival at Soccatoo, I was visited by all the Arabs of the place, who began to pay me a great many compliments, and after that, to beg every thing they saw in my possession. They immediately recollected my servant, Mahomed El Siekis, who was formerly a slave of Bukhaloom, and the only one of his army who brought off the flag of the bashaw of Tripoli, at the battle with the Fellatas at Musfeia; and the same man who restored Major Denham his horse, when he thought he had lost it in that action. I had found this man a slave to a Fellata, in the town of Korfu, and bought him for 25,700 cowries, and gave him his liberty. These villains of Arabs now advised him to leave me, because I was a Christian; telling him that they would maintain him. I told him he was at full liberty to go, when and where he pleased; that he was now free, and no longer a slave: but I advised him not to go away like a thief and abscond, but to leave me boldly and openly; at the same time I desired him only to look at the dirty and ragged tobes of his advisers, poor rascals, who were not able to buy soap to wash themselves or keep their clothes clean, still less to give him food, wages, and clothes as I did.

On taking a survey of Soccatoo, I was not able to see much, if any, alteration in its buildings, though I understand it was nearly consumed by fire last winter, said to be the work of the rebels of Goobur; who, as the morning breezes at day-break come strong from the north-east, set fire to one house in that quarter, which spread rapidly, and consumed nearly two-thirds of the town before it could be stopped. It is now rebuilt just as it was before. There are at present eleven gates into Soccatoo; seven having been built up since the breaking out of the rebellion.

There are ten cadies or judges, who, with old Ben Gumso, an Arab living here, whenever the sultan leaves the city, keep watch at the gates day and night, with their people, until his return. Each takes a gate, and has a temporary house of matting, built close inside to live in. Ben Gumso, on my arrival, sent to tell me where he was stationed, and that he could not come and see me, until the sultan should return, as the punishment for leaving his post would be death. I accordingly went to see him. He was standing at the door of his house; he had seven crazy Arab muskets, some of them without flint or ramrod; but, notwithstanding all this, his post, on account of the muskets, was considered impregnable.

Tuesday, 24th.—In the afternoon a messenger arrived from the sultan and the Gadado, to inform me that, as the rebels were daily expected near Magaria, they did not know when they would be able to return to Soccatoo. They therefore wished me to return to that place, and remain with them, and sent two camels to carry my baggage, and a horse for myself. The report here is, that the inhabitants of the neighbouring villages near Magaria have all fled, and taken up their quarters there.

Wednesday, 25th.—I did not start for Magaria to-day, as I had to lay in a stock of rice, bread, dried meat, and flour, as these articles are much dearer in Magaria, and bread not known. Magaria is in the province of Adir, which is also called Tadela, containing a great number of towns. The inhabitants are for the greatest part negroes. The rest are a half breed between the Tuarics and their slaves. The country is full of low rocky hills, and is well watered by lakes and streams.

Thursday, 26th.—Morning cool and clear. At 8 A.M. I left Soccatoo for Magaria. I was ill with a severe cold, caught by my own carelessness, in throwing off my cloth trousers and worsted stockings on my arrival at Soccatoo. The sun being very hot, I was quite feverish. I halted at a village till 3 P.M., when I started again, and arrived at Magaria at 6 P.M., where a house had been prepared for me. I had messages from the sultan and Gadado, to inquire after my health. My spleen was considerably increased in one day; but I went to bed without tasting food: had a fire made at my bed-side, which procured me a good sweat, and I soon found myself better; though not lessening the swelling in my side, it eased the pain, as also the pain in my head and bones.

Friday, 27th.—Cool and clear. I found myself much relieved; and the Gadado, paying me an early visit, said, if I was able, the sultan would receive his majesty’s letters and presents. I immediately dressed in my uniform, and the presents being ready packed in separate parcels, the time-piece, watch, &c. taken out of the tin cases, and all just as they had left the maker’s hands, I went, accompanied by the Gadado, my servants and the servants of the Gadado carrying the presents, consisting of red silk umbrella, silver mounted; a message cane, silver mounted; twelve yards red damask; twelve yards sky blue; twelve yards red silk; twelve yards blue silk; twenty-four yards cambric; two pounds cloves; a fowling-piece, brass mountings, single barrel; a plain fowling-piece, double barrel; a pair of pistols for his eldest son; two short swords; two boxes of rockets; a quantity of powder, balls, flints, and small shot; one ream of English foolscap paper; two bundles of black lead pencils; coloured prints of the royal family, battles, and a plain journal book; a small ditto; a dozen pair white cotton stockings; a dozen pair white cotton gloves; a time-piece by Rigby; gold watch by ditto; a Bramah pen; a pistol, detonating lock; two gilt chains; four clasp knives; a dressing-case complete; a magnifying looking-glass; two English bridles; a quantity of medicines; two empty trunks; the New Testament in Arabic; that part of the Old Testament which was translated; the Koran in Arabic; Euclid’s Elements in ditto; Ebn Senna in ditto; History of the Tartars under Tamerlane; Psalms of David; several chapters of the Bible, with a number of other books in Arabic. To the Gadado a smaller collection of the same kind of articles.

Saturday, 28th.—I was visited this morning by Sidi Sheik, Bello’s doctor, and one of his secretaries, who said he had a message from the sultan for me, which, on his delivery, certainly surprised me not a little, though I was cautious not to show him that I considered it as any thing but a thing of course. It was this, that the sultan had sent him to inform me that, by whatever road I might choose to return to England, he would send me, were it even by Bornou, if I should prefer that road; but that I should consider well before I decided upon that road, as he had to inform me that, when I was here two years ago, the Sheik of Bornou had written to him, advising him to put me to death; as, if the English should meet with too great encouragement, they would come into Soudan, one after another, until they got strong enough to seize on the country, and dispossess him, as they had done with regard to India, which they had wrested from the hands of the Mahometans: that Bello, however, had said, in reply, it would be a most disgraceful thing in him to cause an unprotected man to be put to death, and could only account for such conduct, on the part of the Sheik, after he himself had placed me under Bello’s protection, to seek a quarrel between him and the Sultan Bello.

I observed to Sidi Sheik, that it was certainly very extraordinary to me, that the Sheik El Kanemi should have written in such a manner; as he had ever behaved to me with the greatest kindness, both before I came to Soudan and on my return; and that, when I left Bornou for England, he had dismissed me with a handsome present, and the strongest expressions of friendship and regard. I added, that I must insist on seeing this extraordinary letter, and have a copy of it; but he said that Bello had sent the letter to Gondo, to his cousin Abdallah. I must positively see it, I rejoined; and also be allowed to take a copy of it before I leave this place; for I had a letter and presents from the king of England for the Sheik. I then asked him what other path the sultan proposed. He replied that he would place me under the protection of a maraboot, or holy man, who would safely conduct me to the sultan of Borgoo, and from thence I might pass to the northward, as far as the borders of the desert, and proceed along it until I came near to Foutoo Tora, from whence I could turn to the southward into a country that belonged to Bello, and which was inhabited by Fellatas, and not far from one of the English settlements. I told him it was a matter of serious consideration to me, as I had a sick servant at Kano, who was unable to travel; but, at all events, I must have the letter the Sheik of Bornou had sent to Bello.

I was very ill all day; but in the afternoon I paid a visit to Atego, Bello’s brother, and made him a present of a gilt chain and a pair of scissors, and a few cloves. His house being at some distance, I was so much fatigued I thought I should not live until the morning.

Sunday, 29th.—Saw the sultan this morning, who was sitting in the inner apartment of his house, with the Arabic copy of Euclid before him, which I had given to him as a present. He said that his family had a copy of Euclid brought by one of their relations, who had procured it in Mecca; that it was destroyed when part of his house was burnt down last year; and he observed, that he could not but feel very much obliged to the king of England for sending him so valuable a present. After a few general questions, I retired with the Gadado; and when we arrived at his house, and were seated, I again expressed my anxious desire that he would give me a copy of the letter which had been sent from the Sheik of Bornou, as it was of some importance to me to be guided as to my choice of the road I was to take on my return home. The Gadado said he was not aware of any letter having been sent; that it was very wrong in Sidi Sheik to have told me such a story; said he must have made a mistake; but, to relieve me from any uneasiness on that score, he would inquire into the truth, and let me know to-morrow.

Monday, 30th.—I had been so ill all night with the pain in my side that I had no rest whatever. At noon the Gadado came to say that he would go with me to the sultan. Though very ill, I went; and we were immediately shown into the apartment of the sultan, who was reading: but when we entered, he laid down his book, and began of his own accord about the letter. He observed, that a letter had certainly come to him, but not with the Sheik’s signature; that it appeared, however, the letter had been written, with the Sheik’s sanction, by that holy man Hadgi Mohamed Bootabli; and that he was desired to say I was a spy, and that he would not allow me to go beyond Soccatoo; hinting, at the same time, that it would be better I should die, as the English had taken possession of all India by first going there by ones and twos, until we got strong enough to seize upon the whole country. And thus ended our interview.

Tuesday, 31st.—I was much better this morning, and the swelling and pain in my side much less, a dose of calomel I took having done its duty; but I thought it advisable not to stir out all day. The sultan and Gadado sent to me to know how I was.

Wednesday, Nov. 1st.—Clear. Magaria is now increasing to a town of considerable size. Before, it was without shape or form; now, all the people from the villages, for a considerable distance around, have been ordered to live here; and the houses being properly arranged, each man’s cluster of huts being fenced round with matting, nearly all the vacant places are filled up with houses or enclosures for cattle. A new wall has been built, according to the present Goobur mode of fortifying a town; which is, to build a low wall, with a deep ditch outside, and to erect on the wall a stockade of rough stakes, firmly fixed in an upright posture, through the openings of which the people inside are enabled to shoot their arrows and fire muskets, when they have any. This new wall was not quite completed when I arrived; but as every man having a house in the town was to bear his part in the work, and every man of consideration who held office under the sultan was to superintend that part of it next to his residence, as well as to employ his slaves and servants in bringing wood and materials, the progress advanced rapidly.

This evening we had a courier from the nearest town in the province of Zamfra, bringing intelligence that Aleva, the rebel sultan of Goobur, had died by an arrow wound in his side, which he received when we made the attack. Whether this will have any effect in bringing about a reconciliation with Bello and them I know not.

Thursday, 2d.—Warm, with light flying clouds. The Juma, or place of worship, in Magaria, is only a temporary one. I have had several opportunities of seeing them at prayers, being only a square enclosure of matting, supported by stakes, and open on one side, which is to the east. The Iman, or priest, a head man, stands at a little distance in front, on his mat; the rest of the people in rows behind him. He repeats the prayer, and those behind him also repeating inwardly at the same time, and with the greatest regularity, in a kneeling posture, with their heads inclined.

I had a long visit from Prince Atego this morning, who was amazingly civil: at last it came out that he was afflicted with a disorder which he represented as being very common in this country. I recommended him to drink rice water in plenty, to refrain from pepper and strong spices, and not to visit his ladies too often, and to wear a hat when he rode out. I also gave him a dose of calomel, recommending him to use natron in his food.

The henna or salli, with whose leaves they stain their hands and toes, is made of pounded leaves, mixed with water to the consistence of a poultice, which is laid on thick, and bound with gourd leaves to keep it on. To see a person in this state, without knowing that he was sacrificing comfort to make himself look beautiful, would be apt to excite pity for the poor man, and to imagine that he had fallen from some height, and bruised his hands and feet so badly as to require their being poulticed to reduce the inflammation. Some great people go so far as to have themselves stained every three nights.

Friday, 3d.—The negroes and most of the Arabs are great gamblers, though it is strictly prohibited by the Fellata laws. Their principal game is called cha-cha, and is played by any number of persons at a time, with cowries. Night is the usual time for this game; and so eager are they in it, that they will frequently stake their breeches and every part of their dress. I should never have known of its existence, had not one of my servants, named Micama, a native of Zinder in Bornou, come home last night with the loss of his tobe; and on my insisting this morning that he should not enter the house in such a state, he pleaded the heat of the weather, and made other excuses, which I could not allow: the other servants then told me what he had been at, and said he was an expert hand, and could not refrain from playing when he saw others play. I advanced him money to buy another tobe, telling him if I ever knew him to play again, I should give him up to the Fellatas, who punish all caught at such a game with death, or something approaching it. In the afternoon I took leave of the sultan, who breaks up in the night, and proceeds to Soccatoo.

Saturday, 4th.—Morning cool and clear. The sultan did not leave last night, but to-day at 3 P.M. I had to go and see the chronometer carefully put up to bear carriage without injury: it is considered the most valuable part of his property, and numbers come from a great distance to hear it strike. One of the gold watches he has already spoiled, and I have had to give his brother Atego my silver watch for it in return, but I have got the worse bargain. If the sultan had not asked me I should never have done it, as it has the new patent key, and kept a regular rate from England.

Sunday, 5th.—I did not start this morning, as I had been very unwell all night: got a new camel, and employed a Tuarick to buy me another, as they are nearly 2000 cowries cheaper here than they are at Kano.

Monday, 6th.—Cool and clear. At 6 A.M. left Magaria. I rode my new camel, as his load was light, and I had no horse. At 11 A.M. halted at a spring for an hour, and started again at 2. Arrived at Soccatoo.

Tuesday, 7th.—This day I visited the sultan about noon, and, at his request, taught a man, one of his servants, how to wind up the time-piece, which is one of eight days. In the afternoon I was visited by three Fellatas, Hadji Omer from Foota Tora, Malem Mahomed from Timbuctoo, and the third from a neighbouring town to Timbuctoo. Malem Mahomed says the whole of the district called Timbuctoo is at present under the authority of the Tuaricks; that the principal town is called Timbuctoo; and that their gold comes from Ashantee, Gonga, and Bambarra, where they exchange it for salt to the Tuaricks, and cloths to the inhabitants of Fez, Ghadamis, and Tripoli; that Timbuctoo produces no gold, it being only the great market where all the gaffles from the north and east meet those of the south and west; that few Arabs now come from Fez and Morocco, owing, he says, to the Arabs, called Waled Dleim, cutting off the caravans.

Hadji Omar, who was an intelligent man, told me that forty men arrived at Sego with the late Mungo Park. That, out of the forty, thirty-five had died of sickness, and that five only embarked in the canoe given to him by the sultan of Sego. That they were repeatedly attacked by the Tuaricks, of whom they killed a great number. Whether any, or how many, of those belonging to the canoe were killed, he could not say. The Hadji had just returned from Mecca, and wished to go there again, if he could get an opportunity; but, as he said the sultan of Baghermi and his subjects had been driven into the mountains to the south of that kingdom by the Sheik el Kanemi, there was no passing through that country, as it was now only inhabited by wandering Arabs, who plunder all that fall into their hands, otherwise it was the best road to the east from Adamowa, by the way of Baghermi.

Friday, 10th.—For the two last days I have found myself very ill, with an enlargement of the spleen. Soccatoo was built by Sheik Othman, usually known by the name of Danfodio, or the learned son of Fodio. He was a good linguist; and knew most of the languages of the interior, which he spoke fluently, and also all the dialects of the Arabic. He knew all the learning of the Arabs; and, what was of the greatest importance to him, was firmly believed to be a prophet; and the belief continues, getting stronger as the Fellatas get stronger. He came out of the woods of Ader, or Tadela, and settled, and built a town in the province of Goobur, where the Fellatas began to gather around him; he soon began to interfere with the affairs of the sultan of Goobur, saying this was proper to be done, and such a thing was improper. This not pleasing either the people of Goobur or the sultan, he was ordered out of the country, he and his people. This order he did not obey; and the people of Goobur rose and drove them out; when he again settled in Ader, not in the woods, as formerly, but built a town. Fellatas gathering round him from all the different countries, he divided them under different chiefs, giving each chief a white flag, telling them to go and conquer in the name of God and the prophet, as God had given the Fellatas the lands and the riches of all the Kaffirs, as they, the Fellatas, were the only true believers. In addition to the white flag, the Fellatas were to wear a white tobe, as an emblem of their purity, and their war-cry was to be Allahu Akber! or, God is great! That every one who was wounded, or fell in battle, was sure to gain paradise. Their belief in him as a prophet, their own poverty, numbers, and the apparent wealth of the blacks, who had been lulled into a fatal security, made the latter fall an easy prey to their conquerors. Kano submitted without a blow. The next was Goobur; the people of which had taken the alarm, and attempted to turn Danfodio out of his town in Ader, but they were driven back, and the wily old chief then attacked them, overran their country, and killed the sultan. After this the whole of Houssa, with Cubbé, Youri, and part of Nyffé, fell under their dominion. The whole of the interior, from east to west, was terror-struck. Bornou, in the east, was attacked with success, as was also Yourriba, in the west. Here they found more resistance than any where else, as they (the people of Yourriba) could not be made to believe in his doctrine or prophecy, as they were confirmed Kaffers, who, on the invasion of the Fellatas, put all the Mahometans to death, whether natives, or in caravans trafficking; quite denying the plea that God had given to the faithful their lands and houses, and their wives and children to be slaves. Notwithstanding, they took Rakah, Elora or Affaga, besides a great number of other towns, reaching to the sea coast, in their expeditions; and once entered Eyeo, or Katunga, the capital, a great part of which they burnt down, giving liberty to all the Mahometan slaves, and encouraging others to kill their pagan masters and join them. After they had fairly settled themselves, the Arabs from the east and west came to congratulate Danfodio on his newly acquired territory. Numbers of his countrymen came from the west to settle in Houssa. These he located principally in the province of Zegzeg, where he gave the lands and houses of the negroes who had fled to the mountains and inaccessible parts of that province lying to the south. To the Arabs of Tripoli and Fezzan he made large presents of slaves and camels, sending none away empty-handed. The news of his fame spread every way. Arabs, in shoals, came and passed with him as sherifs, and would seldom go away under a hundred slaves, with camels and provisions.

Before he gathered the Foulahs, or Fellatas, under his government, they did not live in towns, but were scattered over the greater part of Soudan, attending to their herds and flocks, living in temporary huts, generally in the midst of unfrequented woods, seldom visiting the towns. This business they left to the women, who attended the markets, and sold the produce of their cattle. The men were reported to live a religious and harmless life, spending a great part of their time in reading the Koran and other religious books. Now and then a few of their learned men would come forth, and engage themselves for a few years with the Mahometan sultans and governors, until they had collected a little money, with which they purchased a few cattle, and then returned to the woods to their countrymen, who moved about from one province to another, according to the seasons, and the nature and quantity of pasture and water; contented with building temporary huts of straw and rushes, and to be left in peace. No one indeed thought of disturbing them, or interfering with their pursuits, they being probably considered as too contemptible and insignificant to excite any fear. Thus dispersed, no one but themselves knew or could guess at their numbers. Melli, or the petty kingdoms of Foota-Torra, Foota-Bonda, and Foota-Jella, were the places from whence they spread themselves eastward, until they became very considerable, in point of numbers, in all the countries between the above-mentioned places and Wady. Many of them had performed their pilgrimage to Mecca, and others had visited the empires of Turkey and Morocco, as also Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, bringing back with them all the Arabic books they were able to beg or buy.

In the year of the Hegira 1218, the old Mallem Sheik Othman Danfodio, Sheik of the Koran, became religiously mad, and is said to have died some years afterwards in that state. This Foulah or Fellata conqueror was styled Sheik of the Koran from his being perfect master of that book, not only being able to read it, and all the commentaries upon it, but also to repeat any part, and explain it, from memory. The laws of the Koran were in his time, and indeed continue to be, so strictly put in force, not only among the Fellatas, but the negroes and Arabs, and the whole country, when not in a state of war, was so well regulated, that it was a common saying, that a woman might travel with a casket of gold upon her head from one end of the Fellata dominions to the other.

His madness took a very unhappy turn. In the midst of a paroxysm, he would constantly call out that he should go to hell, for having put so many good Mussulmen to death. The Arabs used to take advantage of this, and tell him he was sure to be damned, unless he made amends by giving them presents to assuage the manes of their friends. Not so with the Fellatas. These people had so great a veneration for their chief that, when his head was shaving, the hairs were carefully collected, and preserved by them in cases of gold and silver, and they used to come from all parts of the interior to get a sight of him, negroes as well as Fellatas.

After his death, his son Mohamed Bello, the present sultan, governed the kingdom which his father had conquered; but that part of the country to the westward of Houssa he left to his brother’s son, Mohamed Ben Abdallah, while the eldest, Mohammed Bello, had Haussa, with all the countries to the south and east. Atego, the brother of Mohammed Bello, both by father and mother, attempted to usurp the government of the latter, at the death of the Sheik Othman; but his brother put him down, and confined him to his house for twelve months; and they are now as good friends as before.

Bello extended the walls of Soccatoo, which is now the largest and most populous town in the interior that I have seen. Within these walls live all the children which Danfodio had by his different wives and concubines, very quietly and without splendour, except Atego, who is a mean fellow, but keeps a large establishment. At the death of Danfodio, in the year of the Hegira 1232 (in 1816 of ours), the province of the Goobur, Zamfra, part of Kashna, and Zegzeg, threw off the yoke of the Fellatas, and put the whole of them to death that they could lay their hands on. Since that time, Bello has retaken the greater part of Goobur; part of Zamfra, and Guari, the southern part of Kashna, have made their peace, as also part of Cubbé; but on this condition, that they shall be ruled by their native chiefs, and the Fellatas not to interfere with them. Since my arrival, he has also got back the greater part of Nyffé. Youri has, since 1822, joined in the rebellion, being forced by the people of Zamfra, who at all times can command that province, if not supported by Cubbé or Soccatoo. The governor is to be hereditary, not like most of the other provinces and kingdoms in the interior, where the oldest relation always succeeds.

The city of Soccatoo stands on the top of a low hill, or rising ground, having a river passing at a short distance from the northern wall. It is formed of the united branches of the several streams, which take their rise to the south of Kashna, and flow past Zirmie. Having passed Soccatoo, it crosses the district of Cubbé in a south-westerly direction, and at the distance of four days’ journey enters the Quorra. It is well stored with fish, which afford the poor people of Soccatoo a very considerable part of their food. The city is surrounded by a wall, about twenty-four feet high, and a dry ditch. The wall is kept in good repair, and there are eleven gates; seven having been built up at the breaking out of the rebellion. The clay walls which surround all African towns, clusters of huts, and even single coozies, give a deadly dull appearance to them all, whether negro or Mahometan. The only appearance of animation is given by the great number of slaves and others moving to and fro, or lounging, or lying in the shade at the doors of great men. A great part of the town within the walls might be taken for a number of ill-enclosed gardens.

The house of the sultan is surrounded by a clay wall, about twenty feet high, having two low tower-like entrances, one on the east, the other on the west. The eastern one is entirely guarded by eunuchs, of whom he has a great number, I suppose because the harem is on the eastern side. The whole of his house forms, as it were, a little town of itself; for in it there are five square towers, a small mosque, a great number of huts, and a garden, besides a house, which consists of one single room, used as the place for his receiving and hearing complaints, receiving visitors, and giving audiences to strangers. This room or house is nothing more than what we should call in our country a shed. Two large pillars support a beam, or bundle of long rods, plastered over with clay. These support the rafters, which are of the branches of the palm-tree; on the back part is an imitation of a fire-place, with a fire-screen before it; and on each side are two chairs, which are also plastered with clay, and coloured like mahogany. The ornament or figure on the back of these is the same as those seen on a number of chairs in England, and corresponds with that on the fire-screen. The walls are ornamented partly in the European and partly in the African fashion. There are two doors, one in the front towards the right, and the other in the left end of the house, and which leads through a small street of huts to a large hut, with two doors: passing through and within a few yards of it stands a large square clay tower, with an entrance in the west side. The interior of this is common in most of the great men’s houses in Houssa. It is in the shape of a dome, formed of eight arches springing from the ground; in the centre of which is a large bright brass basin, acting as it were in the place of a key-stone to the arches, which are turned by branches plastered over with clay. If I had not seen them constructing the arches and pillars of a mosque, I should have supposed them to be formed entirely of clay, as the wood in no part appears. The clay serves to keep the white ants from destroying the wood; they are ornamented in their fashion while the clay is wet, an operation performed with the fingers and a small square stick. From the arches, about one-third up, runs a gallery quite round the interior building, having a railing with pillars of wood, covered and ornamented with clay. There are three steps leading up to this gallery, from which every thing in the dome may be seen or heard. Passages also lead from it into small rooms, having each one small window, or square hole, some appearing to be used as store-rooms, and others as sleeping-rooms. The floor of the dome was covered with clean white sand. The height might be, from the floor to the brass basin in the centre of the arches, from thirty-five to forty feet. The air inside of this dome was cool and pleasant; and Bello told me he often used it as a place to read in during the heat of the day. These two apartments are the only two I have seen deserving remark within his enclosure. One night that he sent for me, when it was rather late, I was led by the hand by an old woman through several apartments before I arrived at the one in which he was. As there was no light, I could only judge by the stooping, and ascending and descending through doors and galleries, that I passed through some large rooms, out of one into another.

The houses of the other great men, and those of his brothers, are nearly the same, but on a much smaller scale. A great number of the poorer sort are fenced round with matting, or the stalk of dourra or millet. Before the west front of the sultan’s enclosure is a large open space, of an irregular form, on the west side of which stands the principal mosque. In this space is also the prison, a building of about eighty feet long, and nearly the same in breadth, covered at top with a flat clay roof, overlaid with boughs. Inside is a deep pit, where those who have committed the greatest crimes are confined. No person is put in prison for debt; only thieves, prisoners of war (taken singly), such as spies, and disobedient slaves, who, on a complaint to the sultan that they will not work, are sent to prison. Their only food is the bran or husks of millet and dourra, with water; but their friends are allowed to give them food, if they have any. It is a filthy place, and the terror of the men-slaves of Soccatoo. The prisoners are taken out, two and two, every day to work at the walls, or any laborious work which may occur.

Another house and the tomb of the sultan is further to the west of the mosque, on the north side of a broad street, which leads to the western gate. It is occupied by his widows, concubines, and youngest son, called Abedelgader, who is not arrived at a proper age to have a house for himself. The sheik’s tent is inside of the square enclosure, behind the room he generally occupied when living. It is visited as a holy place by all Mahometan strangers, from which they afterwards hope to enjoy the good things of this world, and that of their world to come.

The ordinary occupations of the higher, and indeed I may say of all classes of the Fellatas is, they rise at day-break, wash and say their prayers, count their beads for about half an hour, and then chew a gora nut, if they have any; which done, they sip a quantity of senkie, or furro-furrocoo. These articles are a preparation of half-boiled dourra flowers, made into balls of about one pound, mixed up with dry flour. Senkie is one of these balls, bruised and mixed with milk; furro-furrocoo is the same kind of ball mixed with water. About 10 A.M. they have rice boiled, which they eat with a little melted butter. After this they pay visits, or lounge in the shade, hear the news, say prayers, count their beads, which employ them till sunset, when they have a meal of pudding, with a little stewed meat and gravy, or a few small fish; they then retire to rest.

During the spring and harvest the proprietors of estates ride out to their different slave villages to look after their grain, cotton, indigo, &c.; or to the place where they have their cattle. The occupations of the poorer class, who are not engaged in trade, are much the same as those of their superiors; their food is somewhat different, being principally confined to furro-furrocoo. The wives of the principal people, of whom they all appear to keep up the number allowed by the Koran, which is four, with concubines as many as they can get or are able to keep, are occupied in directing the female slaves in their work, cooking their husband’s food, cleaning and spinning cotton, and dressing their hair, teeth, eye-brows and eye-lashes, which take up no little time. They also take charge of sending the female slaves to market to sell their spare cotton, grain, furro-furrocoo, millet, cakes fried in butter, fried fish, which are usually caught by the younger male slaves; in receiving or paying visits, for they are great gossips. They are allowed more liberty than the generality of Mahometan women.

The dress of the men is a red cap, with a blue tassel of silk, a white turban, part of which, or a fold, shades the brow and eyes; another fold is taken over the nose, which covers mouth and chin, hanging down on the breast; a white shirt, close at the breast and short in the skirts, a large white tobe, and white trousers, trimmed with red or green silk, and a pair of sandals or boots: this is the dress of the greater part of the wealthy inhabitants. When travelling, they wear, over the turban, a broad-brimmed straw hat, with a round low crown. Some who do not affect great sanctity or learning wear check tobes and blue turbans over the forehead, with the end hanging down behind; the poorer, a white check tobe, white cap and trousers, and sandals. Some are content with the straw hat only, but all wear a sword, which is carried over the left shoulder. The women have a cloth striped with blue, white, and red, falling as low as the ankles; silver rings in the ear, about an inch and a half in diameter, bracelets of horn, glass, brass, copper, and silver, according to the quality of the wearer; round the neck, beads, and strings of glass, or coral; round the ankles, brass, copper, or silver, and sometimes rings on the toes as well as fingers. The fashionable ornament is a Spanish dollar soldered fast to a ring. The poor women have pewter, brass, and copper rings. The hair is generally turned up like a crest on the top of the head, with something like a pig’s tail hanging down from each extremity, a little before the ears.

Some of the Fellata women have the hair frizzed out at the ends, all round the head; others have the hair plaited in four small plaits, going round the head like a riband or bandeau. This, and all the plaited parts, are well smeared over with indigo or shumri. The razor is applied to smooth all uneven places, and give a high and fine arch to the forehead; they thin the eye-brows to a fine line, which, with the eye-lashes, are rubbed over with pounded lead ore, and done by drawing a small pen that has been dipped in this ore. The teeth are then dyed with the gora nut, and a root of a shining red colour; the hands and feet, the toe and finger nails, are stained red with henna. A lady thus equipped is fit to appear in the best society. The looking-glass is a circular piece of metal, about an inch and a half in diameter, set in a small skin box, and is often applied to. The young girls of the better sort of people dress much in the same manner as their mothers, after they arrive at the age of nine or ten; before that, they have very little dress, except the binta or apron, scolloped or vandyked round with red cloth, with two long broad strings vandyked round in the same manner, hanging down as low as the heels behind. This is the dress of the poorer sort of people, until fit for marriage, as also of a great many of the virgin female slaves.

Their marriages are celebrated without any pomp or noise. The bride, as far as I was informed, is always consulted by her parents; but a refusal on her part is unknown. The poorer class of people make up matters much in the same way; that is, after having got the consent of one another, they ask their father and mother. The dowry given by a man of good condition, with regard to riches, may be said to consist of young female slaves, carved and mounted calabashes or gourds, filled with millet, dourra and rice, cloths for the loins, bracelets, and the equipage of her toilet, and one or two large wooden mortars for beating corn, &c. and stones for grinding, &c.; even these are carried in procession on the heads of her female slaves, when she first goes to her husband’s house.

It is said that, in the event of the husband sleeping or having connexion with any of the female slaves given as dower to the wife, he must give her in lieu a virgin slave of equal value the next day. This never causes any dispute between the parties.

Their mode of burial I have never seen; but I understand they always bury their dead behind the house which the deceased occupied while living. The following day all the friends and relations of the deceased visit the head of the family, and sit a while with him or her. If the husband dies, the widow returns to the house of her parents, with the property she brought with her.

The domestic slaves are generally well treated. The males who have arrived at the age of eighteen or nineteen are given a wife, and sent to live at their villages and farms in the country, where they build a hut, and until the harvest are fed by their owners. When the time for cultivating the ground and sowing the seed comes on, the owner points out what he requires, and what is to be sown on it. The slave is then allowed to enclose a part for himself and family. The hours of labour, for his master, are from daylight till mid-day; the remainder of the day is employed on his own, or in any other way he may think proper. At the time of harvest, when they cut and tie up the grain, each slave gets a bundle of the different sorts of grain, about a bushel of our measure, for himself. The grain on his own ground is entirely left for his own use, and he may dispose of it as he thinks proper. At the vacant seasons of the year he must attend to the calls of his master, whether to accompany him on a journey, or go to war, if so ordered.

The children of a slave are also slaves, and when able are usually sent out to attend the goats and sheep, and, at a more advanced age, the bullocks and larger cattle; they are soon afterwards taken home to the master’s house, to look after his horse or his domestic concerns, as long as they remain single. The domestic slaves are fed the same as the rest of the family, with whom they appear to be on an equality of footing.

The children of slaves, whether dwelling in the house or on the farm, are never sold, unless their behaviour is such that, after repeated punishment, they continue unmanageable, so that the master is compelled to part with them. The slaves that are sold are those taken from the enemy, or newly purchased, who, on trial, do not suit the purchaser. When a male or female slave dies unmarried, his property goes to the owner. The children of the slaves are sometimes educated with those of the owner, but this is not generally the case.

The male and female children of the better sort of the Fellatas are all taught to read and write Arabic, but are instructed separately. The male children of the great are generally sent to another town, at some distance from that where their parents reside, to receive their education; in which case they usually reside in the house of a friend, and a malem or man of learning attends them. Those of the middle and lower classes generally send their children to the schools, which they attend for an hour at day-break, and another at sunset, reading their Arabic lessons aloud and simultaneously. They are required to get their lessons by heart before the writing is washed off the board on which it is written. The ink thus diluted is drank by the scholars, when their master writes a new lesson on the board.

The government of the Fellatas in Soudan is in its infancy; but, as it now exists, and is likely to continue, is a perfect despotism. It was left by will to Mahomed Bello, who was the eldest of Sheik Othman’s sons, and is meant to descend to his eldest son at his death. The governors of the different provinces are appointed during pleasure, as, in the event of any improper conduct, they are displaced; and all their property, at their death or removal, falls to the sultan. The appointment to a vacancy is then sold to the highest bidder, who is generally a near relation, provided his property is sufficient to bid up to the mark. All the inferior offices in the towns of the provinces are sold in like manner by the governors, who also succeed to the property of those petty officers at their death or removal.

Of their revenues I can say very little. I only know that in the province of Kano they have no regular system of taxation. A great deal of marketable property is claimed by the governor, such as two-thirds of the produce of all the date and other fruit trees, the proprietor being allowed only the remaining third. A small duty is also levied on every article sold in the market; or, in lieu thereof, a certain rent is paid for the stall or shed: a duty is also fixed on every tobe that is dyed blue and sold. On grain there is no duty. Kano produces the greatest revenue which the sultan receives, and is paid monthly in horses, cowries, and cloth. Adamawa pays yearly in slaves; Jackoba, in slaves and lead ore; Zegzeg, in slaves and cowries; Zamfra, the same; Hadiga and Katagum, and Zaonima, in horses, bullocks, and slaves; Kashna, in slaves, cowries, and cloth; Ader or Tadela, in bullocks, sheep, camels, and a coarse kind of cloth of cotton, like what is called by us a counterpane. Every town, on being visited by the governor or other public functionaries, must contribute to the support of these officers, and bear the expense of travelling, and feed all his servants and his cattle.

Their agriculture is simple enough. They begin clearing the ground of weeds, and burning them after the first fall of rain, which in Houssa is in the month of May; and when a person wishes to enclose a piece of ground for his own use, he first gets permission from the governor. He then sets his slaves, if he has any, to cut down the smaller trees and brushwood, leaving the micadonia or butter trees, if there be any, standing on the ground: the wood, brushwood, and weeds are then gathered together in heaps and burnt. After the first rains have fallen, the male and female slaves go to work, each male having a hoe with a long handle, and each female a basket, dish, or gourd, filled with the grain intended to be sown: the male goes on in a straight line crossing the field, striking as it were with his hoe on each side, and raising a little earth each blow in the line about two or three feet, or broad enough for a man to walk; the females follow with their baskets of grain, dropping the seeds into the holes made by the hoe, which they then cover over with earth, and give it a slight pressure with the foot. When the dourra or other grain has risen above the ground three or four inches, the weeds are hoed off, and the earth loosened around the stalks; when the dourra has got to the height of three or four feet, they hoe around it a second time, leaving the weeds in the middle of the rows. This is cleared away, when small millet or calavances are to be sown between the rows of doura, which is frequently the case. The third operation is to draw the weeds and earth towards the roots of the doura a little before it ripens. When ripe, the slaves go into the field or plantation, pull it up by the roots, and lay it in rows between each row of millet which is left to ripen: it lies in this state four or five days, when they cut the heads off, tie them up in bundles, and carry it home; where, after lying upon sheds made of the branches of trees for a few days to dry, what is not wanted for use is stowed away in their granary. As the seeds of the doura begin to ripen, it must be constantly watched by the slaves, who are perched on trees, or on raised platforms, with dried gourds, which they shake to make a noise, at the same time shouting and hallooing to frighten away the flocks of small birds which come to devour the grain, and which at this season fly in myriads, making a whirring noise with their wings when they rise. The doura is very subject to blight, caused by a kind of winged insect, of a black colour, something like the bugs on a camel; its smell is most offensive, and if killed by the fingers, the stench can hardly be borne, and is not easily washed off. The millet and calavances remain a month on the ground after the doura.

The stalks of the doura grow to the height of nine and ten feet; the thunder storms, accompanied with rain and wind, often bend these stalks when near ripe, so that the roots are raised above ground, and the plant dies if the slaves the next day are not sent in to hoe the earth up to the roots of such as are broken down. The stalks of this grain are frequently used for fences and the rafters of their houses. Sometimes they tie the bean and millet straw into bundles, and carry them home for their camels. Their granaries are made in the form of a large urn or pitcher, raised from the ground about three feet by stones. They are made of clay and chopped straw, and are raised to the height of eleven or twelve feet. The thickness of the sides is not above four inches, though in any part it will bear a man’s weight: the diameter in the widest part may be from seven to eight feet, at the top about three or four feet, and is overlapped at the mouth like a wide-mouthed earthen jar. When the grain is put in, a conical cap of thatch is put over to keep out birds, insects, wet and moisture. The doura and millet will keep well in these jars for two or three years; after that period it perishes, and is destroyed by worms and insects. The jar itself will last seven or eight years, if taken care of, by matting round the lower part with straw during the rainy season; if not, two or three years is the period it will stand unimpaired.

The time of putting the sweet potatoes in the ground is at the commencement of the rains, the ground being first well cleared of weeds, well hoed into furrows, the clods all broken, and the soil a good strong clay or mould. The branches or stems, in slips, are then planted by the dibble, and are two months before they have potatoes at the roots.

The gaza, though differing in taste, shape, name, and size, is not unlike a small quince: it is more watery than a gourd, of a reddish white inside, and by no means a pleasant taste; its stem is as thick as that of a gourd, with large rough leaves like those of a gourd. It is planted like the sweet potatoes, and is perpetuated in the same manner, by joints, and sown in furrows, at the same time, in a good soil of clay or mould.

Wheat, of which they raise enough to supply all who make use of it in this country, is sown after the rains, when the cold weather has set in. It is always met with by the side of a small lake or river, where they are able to water it by irrigation every day. It is ripe in three months after it is put into the ground: the grain is small. It is not much relished by the Arabs, who say that it injures the spleen, in whatever shape it may be eaten. The bread made of it is black and coarse; but that may arise from the imperfect manner in which it is ground and cleaned. Barley they also have; but this grain is only used in very small quantity. The rice is sown in long beds; and they have it in great abundance from the Surano, near Magaria: the rice of Soccatoo is considered the best in Houssa. Melons, pappa apples, the great . . . . ., a few fig and pomegranate trees are grown in gardens. They have not been able to make the date tree grow at Soccatoo; whenever it gets a little above ground it rots and dies.

They have a great many wild fruit trees, the principal of which is the butter tree. Onions are brought forth at the side of the rivers or lakes, and the place on which they are growing is watered afternoon and morning, the water being drawn by a bucket and a rope fixed to a long pole, over an upright post which serves as a pivot; the water being poured into hollowed trees, conducts it to the entrance of the little squares where the onions are growing. The onions are large and good, much like the Portuguese onion. The leaves of the kuka tree, or adansonia, are carefully gathered after the rains, dried, and used in all their soups and gravies, giving to them a slimy gelatinous consistence. The sauce, or cake which makes a sauce, from the beans of the nitta tree, is in great request. The beans, when taken out of the shell, are then broken in a wooden mortar, and put into a pot with water, and kept on a good fire from sunrise to sunset, when the pot is taken off: they are allowed to stand in it until they begin to ferment and smell. They are then taken to the river, pond, or well, where they are washed thoroughly with clean water: when they are considered as perfectly clean, they are spread on mats in the sun, and carefully covered up at night. When a second fermentation takes place, or they begin to smell, they are taken and bruised fine in their mortars, until it becomes like paste. It is then made into small circular cakes, which are dried in the sun before they are put by for use. This, when prepared, looks like chocolate. To me it had always a very disagreeable smell; but the taste was rather pleasant than otherwise when put on roast meat or fowls. Of this the people are very fond, and go so far as to eat it alone, and without being cooked.

When they wish to plant indigo, the place chosen is one of a good strong clay or mould, and in a situation where there is moisture through the heat of the summer. After enclosing the ground, they clear it entirely of weeds, and burn them. The ground is well worked up by the hoe (they have no spade or pickaxe), and laid out in furrows, with a flat top, about a foot high, two broad, and six or seven inches between each furrow. The indigo seeds are then planted by the dibble, and just as the rains have begun: they cut it every year during the rainy season. A plantation will last four or five years without renewing the seeds. They crop it about three or four inches above the ground. The leaves are then stripped from the stems, and laid in a heap, exposed to the rains and weather for a month, until they ferment, when they are beaten in wooden troughs of a round form, and about two feet deep, and two feet in diameter; here they remain until dry, and are then considered as fit for use. One of these troughs of indigo, in the spring, costs three hundred cowries; in the summer, the price rises to six or seven hundred.

The cotton is here planted in low situations, where the ground is partially covered with water during the rains, or else in a good clay that has moisture in it through the dry season. The ground, or plantation, is generally only surrounded by thorny branches stuck in the ground as a fence, then hoed well, and the clods, if any remain, broken. A hole is made with the hoe, and the seed is put in and lightly covered. If the season be abundant in rain, the cotton is plenty; if not, the crop is bad. The time of pulling is in the months of December and January. When worked, it is done by the women, clearing it of the seeds by two small iron pins, between which the cotton passes over a flat stone lying on the ground; the seeds are thrown behind them, the cotton before. The seeds they give to bullocks and camels, and are considered as very fattening. The cotton being prepared, is put on a distaff, which is short, light, neat, and small, great pains being taken in shaping and ornamenting it. The females who spin it have generally small looking-glasses in their baskets of cotton, with which they often survey their teeth and eyes. A piece of chalk, or pipe-clay, is in constant use, to rub the spinning thumb and finger. The occupation of spinning is generally assigned to married women, or some old female slave that is a favourite: weaving and sowing is left to the men. They have three different kinds of hoes: one with a handle of about five feet in length, and a small head stuck into the end of the staff; this is used in sowing the grain: one with a handle of about three feet in length, with a small iron head stuck into the end of the staff: the third, called gilma, has a short bent handle, with a large head, and is used in all the heavy work instead of a spade.

Their manufactures are confined to a very few articles, the principal of which is the dying of tanned goat skins red and yellow. The red skins are dyed with the leaves of a red millet, which is pounded in water mixed with natron; when thick enough, the skin is put on the stretch, and the dye rubbed in. The yellow is with the root of a tree called raurya, which is also pounded in water mixed with natron, and laid on the skin in the same manner as the red. The latter are considered as superior to all the other skins dyed of the same colour in any part of Houssa. A number both of the red and yellow skins are carried to Kano and Kashna almost monthly, where they are made into cushions, bags, boots, and shoes, &c.

The next article is the white cotton cloth of the country, of which they make a considerable quantity, both for the home consumption and for exportation to Kano and Nyffé: what they export is principally made into tobes and large shirts before it leaves Soccatoo. They have also a cloth called naroo, which is something like our counterpanes; a few checked and red striped cloths, used as tobes, and some as wrappers or zinnies for the women. The weavers of the latter are mostly natives of Nyffé, as are also all their blacksmiths. They have shoe, boot, saddle, and bridle-makers. Another article of export is the civet; the animals that produce it are kept in wooden cages, and fed on pounded fish and corn. A few slaves are also sold out of the province to the merchants of Kano, Kashna, Ghadamis, and Tripoli. A young male slave, from thirteen to twenty years of age, will bring from 10,000 to 20,000 cowries; a female slave, if very handsome, from 40,000 to 50,000; the common price is about 30,000 for a virgin about fourteen or fifteen. The articles brought to Soccatoo for sale by the Arabs are the same as what are brought to other parts of Houssa, and are mentioned in another place. Salt is brought by the Tuaricks from Billma, and also by the Tuaricks of the west. The salt from the latter quarter is much better, being more pure, and in large pieces like ice. Ostriches alive and ostrich skins are brought by these people, but little is given for a skin, only from 4000 to 5000 cowries for the finest. They also bring horses which fetch a good price here; dates from Billma, and a small quantity of goods which they buy from the Arabs at Aghadiz. The articles they could export in considerable quantities, if there were buyers, would be elephants’ teeth, bullocks’ hides, which, when tanned, only cost five hundred cowries, equal to sixpence of our money. Goat skins, and the skins of antelopes, and other wild animals, might be procured in abundance, but, of course, would rise much in price if there was a great demand. Gum-arabic might also be procured in abundance. What they would take from us in exchange would be coarse scarlet cloths, which in all parts of the interior bring a good price, say 10,000 cowries a yard; coarse yellow and green cloth; red tape; unwrought silk, of glowing colours; sewing needles, of the commonest kind; looking-glasses, no matter however small, at a penny or twopence each in England; earthenware with figures, plain ware would not pay; the coarsest kind of red camlet scarfs; jugs and hardware of the most common description, but stout; foolscap paper of the coarsest kind, if it did not let the ink through: beads, I think, are sold as cheap here by the Arabs as they are in England; sheets of tin; tin pots and cups; brass gilt rings for the fingers, arms, and ankles; as also ear-rings; copper and brass pots, the more figures the better; paper and wooden snuff-boxes of the commonest sort.

These Africans keep up the appearance of religion. They pray five times a day. They seldom take the trouble to wash before prayers, except in the morning; but they go through the motions of washing, clapping their hands on the ground as if in water, and muttering a prayer. This done, as if they had washed, they untie their breeches and let them fall off; then, facing the east, let the sleeves of their larger shirt, or tobe, fall over their hands, and assuming at the same time a grave countenance, begin by calling out, in an audible voice, “Allahu Akber!” &c. kneeling down and touching the ground with the forehead. When they have finished repeating this prayer, they sit down, leaning over on the left thigh and leg, and count or pass the beads through their fingers. All their prayers and religious expressions are in Arabic; and I may say without exaggeration, taking Negroes and Fellatas together, that not one in a thousand know what they are saying. All they know of their religion is to repeat their prayers by rote in Arabic, first from sunrise to sunset in the Rhamadan, and a firm belief that the goods and chattels, wives and children of all people differing with them in faith, belong to them; and that it is quite lawful in any way to abuse, rob, or kill an unbeliever. Of the Fellatas, I should suppose about one in ten are able to read and write. They believe, they say, in predestination; but it is all a farce; they show not the least of such belief in any of their actions.

They believe, however, in divination by the book, in dreams, and in good and bad omens.

Wednesday, Nov. 29th.—This morning the Gadado sent to inform me that in the course of two days the sultan was going a short distance to the south of Soccatoo, to found a new town, and asked me to accompany him. At noon a fire broke out in the west quarter of the town, which consumed nearly 200 houses, and a great quantity of grain. At 3 P.M. another fire broke out in the adjoining house to that in which I was living. I had my baggage put out in the open square, in my enclosure, and placed a servant over it as sentry, and went with my two other servants to assist the wives and concubines of my friend Malam Moodie, who was out of town. They were busy in removing the household goods into the street. This I stopped, and had them put into my square; as I saw that the fire was nearly put down by the removal of the roofs of the huts in the adjoining house, and by applying wet mats. Thieves were in abundance, and a great quantity of articles were stolen belonging to the people whose house was on fire. There was fortunately little wind, or several other houses would have been burnt. As it was, the light and burning thatch was carried to a great distance. My servant, Mohamed Allah Sirkie, got great praise from the Gadado for his activity in putting a stop to the flames: after all was over, the principal wife of Malam Moodie sent her compliments and thanks to me for taking care of her husband’s house and property. There have been three fires in the town in the course of the day; they say they were done by the agents of the rebels, who tie a burning cotton thread to the tail of a large species of buzzard, with yellow head and reddish-yellow tail, and blue body, common in this country, which flies to the thatch of the house when set adrift.

Friday, Dec. 1st.—At 4 P.M. left Soccatoo by the southern gate, with a camel carrying my tent and bed, with a small quantity of provisions. After leaving the gate, the road was over what had been plantations of millet, doura, and beans; the soil a stiff red clay, covered with a thin layer of sand, with blocks of clay iron-stone, which is often mixed with white pebbles; sometimes it would cover a space of a quarter of a mile, like a crust, of about from two feet to two and a half feet in thickness; the face of the country almost bare of trees, but studded with villages; the herds of horned cattle were to be seen in great numbers every where, returning to their night’s quarters, feeding as they went along. The country hilly, with very steep and slippery ravines in many places.

At 8 P.M. halted at the camp of the sultan, which was in a valley of about three miles wide, and close to the bed of a small stream passing the east of Soccatoo, which was distant about two miles and a half to the north-east. After my tent was pitched, the Gadado sent me a sheep, and I had my share of a bullock that was killed. There were very few people with the sultan, and the Gadado had only three servants with him.

Saturday, 2d.—Morning clear and cool at day-light. Rode out with the sultan and Gadado to mark out the site of the new town. I took my gun with me, intending to shoot: we rode to the eastward about two miles, and halted within a short distance of the river, on the side of a low hill, sloping to the river by a gradual and easy descent. This was the place fixed on for the new town, which I left them to settle, and went to shoot; but was never more unsuccessful. I saw several antelopes and some bustards, but could not get within shot. At noon I returned to the camp. The reason of founding this town is, that the woods on the banks of the river are the resort and hiding-place of the rebels, who come and plunder the herds, and set fire to the villages before they can have information; and in Soccatoo the rebels are hid with their prey in the woods. In the evening, as it was also last night, the cryer went round the camp, calling every one to look well after their horses, camels, and baggage; to pretend to sleep, but not to sleep, as the place was full of robbers; and that every one seen outside the camp after this notice, whether Fellata or not, was to be secured. I set off three rockets at the request of the sultan; for though I have shown them several times, they are still afraid to try them, and the wonder and alarm is still as strong in their favour as ever.

At 11 P.M. a courier arrived from Magaria, bringing information that the rebels of Goobur had encamped a little to the eastward of that place in great force. The order to march was given, and the camp was cleared in a few minutes. I first saw my camel and baggage well forward on the road to Soccatoo. Before I took the road for Magaria, which was across the country, the alarm was spread from village to village, by a cry not unlike the Indian warwhoop, with a clear shrill voice; and bands of horse and foot were pressing forward every where at day-break. We met large parties of women, children, old men, bullocks, sheep, and asses, all flying towards Soccatoo.

At 10 A.M. I arrived at Magaria, where all was now quiet; and put up at the house of my friend the Gadado, who had gone to rest, having arrived an hour before me. Maalem Moodie, his brother, told me that all the rebel army turned out to be only a few robbers come to steal bullocks, one of which, on their not being able to drive them away, they had killed, carried away its flesh, and fled. On my asking one of his female slaves, who had the charge of his house at Magaria, why they had been so much frightened by only a few thieves, she replied, “What could we do? only a parcel of women to be seen: there were two or three fellows within hearing of the noises, but they were good for nothing; they were just as much afraid as we were. All night (pointing to the highest point of ground in the town, which is unoccupied, and kept for a market-place) did we stand there with what things we could carry on our heads, our mouths open, no one thought of eating or sitting down until the men came from Soccatoo and the camp. This world,” continued she, “is nothing without the men after all. If three of the thieves had only come, they might have taken the town and all that was in it, for the gates were all open, and we had not sense to shut them.”—After breakfast and a good sleep, I waited on the Gadado, and told him that, as all was happily quiet, I should return to Soccatoo at day-break to-morrow, as I had neither bed nor baggage with me. He thanked me very much for coming to their assistance, and said he should also return to the capital in the course of the next day, and the sultan intended returning to the camp.

Sunday, 3d.—At day-break mounted and rode to Soccatoo, accompanied by my freedman, Mohamed Allah Sirkie, who accompanies me on all enterprises of danger. At noon arrived at Soccatoo, and the Gadado arrived at midnight.

Wednesday, 6th.—The eunuchs of the sultan came to-day, wishing me to go to the sultan’s house to wind up the time-piece. Though I taught a man how it should be done, and to do it every eight days, they have always neglected to do it: only for such an excellent time-piece, the present of his majesty, and my having brought it so far without injury, I would not have put a finger to it again; but the Gadado coming, and asking me to go with him, I showed another how to wind it up.

Saturday, 9th.—News from Magaria this day arrived, that the people of Goobur had formed a camp outside the walls of their capital, and there elected a new sultan or chief, in the room of the one killed at our attack on Coonia; that he must go on some expedition against their enemies before he returns to his house, such being their custom: but at what part he is going against they do not as yet know. The custom of the Gooburites is at first that, when they elect a chief, which they do outside the walls of the capital, where they sacrifice a bullock, a sheep, and a goat, under a tree, they must go on some expedition against their enemies before they return to their house.

Tuesday, 12th.—Part of the tribe of Killgris, Tuaricks, or Berbers, who inhabit that part of the desert between Timbuctoo and Tuat, and to the north of Tadela, and Ader, come on their annual summer or dry season visit to Soccatoo; also part of the tribe of Etassan, from that part called Anbur, which lies to the north of Kashna and Zinder in Bornou. The latter brought the sultan a present of a fine Tuarick horse from their sultan, who has not come this year to pay his yearly respects to Bello, as is the custom. The Tuaricks, or Berbers, inhabiting the south part of the desert, consist of the tribes of Etassan, Killgris, Killaway, and Timsgeda. Ajudiz is the capital, and they jointly depose their sultan and elect another when they think fit, which is generally once every two or three years. They do not kill the old one; he only retires from his office, and remains as a common man.

They yearly, after the grain has been cut and got in, arrive in Houssa with salt, which they visit in the latter end of harvest, or in the months of October or November, to exchange for grain, blue tobes or large shirts, mugabs or blue turban dresses for their women, and swords; they also lay in a sufficient quantity of millet and doura to last them through the season, until they return to their own country, as they neither sow nor reap. During the whole of the dry season they remain in Houssa, principally in the provinces of Kano, Kashna, Zamfra, and Soccatoo. The latter mostly Killgris; and Kashna and Kano are the principal resort of the Etassan and Killaway: they do not live, except a few, in houses in the town; but build temporary huts in the woods, not far distant from them, where they have their wives, their bullocks, horses, and camels, the men only visiting the town: in this way they live until the month in which the rains commence, when they retire north to the desert. They are a fine manly looking race of men, but extremely dirty in their persons, not even washing before prayers, but going through the form with sand, as if washing. The poorest amongst them are armed with a sword and spear, which are their constant companions.

Wednesday, 13th.—The sultan sent me a present of a sheep and four Guinea fowls and some rice, from the Sanson, apologizing for his long absence in the camp, as the Tuaricks were very unsettled, and they had not as yet determined what party to side with.

Thursday, 14th.—I to-day employed Hadji Omar and Malam Mohamed, the latter to give me a route, noting the northing and southing of the road, between Massina, the country in which he was born, to Soccatoo; the other, who has just returned from Mecca, to give me an account between this and Sennar, with a description of the countries, towns, and rivers: his route is from Kano to Adamowa, Bagermie, Runza, Kaffins, Darfoor, and Kordofan: he says the Bahr-el-Abiad is only about four feet deep in the summer, as is also the Shari above Logan, before it is joined by the river Asha, which comes from the south-east, through Bagermie, and falls into the Shari above Logan. This is the only river not fordable in the summer between the Quorra and the Bahr-el Azrek.

Monday, 18th.—I was not a little surprised to-day with the arrival of a messenger from Kano, who had left, he said, my servants and baggage at the border town, or, as they call it, the Sanson, of Zamfra, with Hadji Salah, my agent; all of which he said had been sent for by the sultan’s order: he also said that Pascoe had been taken and brought back by Richard, after his having got as far as Roma, in Zegzeg, and that he had twice run away since, and had been taken, committing a fresh robbery each time; the last time was at the Sanson. The only construction I put on this strange proceeding was, that the sultan had done it, thinking that my things would be safer with me than at Kano; and, as my health was not very good, the account of Pascoe’s repeated robberies would make me worse; and he, I thought, had judged that it would be time enough to tell me when all my things had arrived.

Tuesday, 19th.—I was visited by Sidi Sheik, who is one of the sultan’s Arab secretaries and confidential friends, who, after a little conversation on the affairs of other people, asked me if I was not glad my things were coming, and my servants. I said it would put me to an expense I could ill afford, and I thought it a very strange proceeding of the sultan.

Wednesday, 20th.—I was very ill all day, and in the evening I had a visit from Mohamed Ben Haja Gumso and Sidi Sheik, who said they had been sent to me by the sultan, to tell me not to consider it strange that he had sent for my servants and baggage; and to tell me, that there were three roads by which I could return, one of which I must choose; also to speak the truth, had I come as a messenger from the king of England to Bello, or only to seek out a road? that one of the paths was through Yourriba, the way I had come; the other by Timbuctoo; and another by way of Aghadez, Tuat, and Morzuk. I said that, after such a message, and such unwarranted proceeding on the part of the sultan, I could have no further communication with them; that they might act as they thought fit, all was the same to me. They went off, saying I was a very difficult man; had I nothing to say to the sultan? I said that my business with the sultan was now finished, and I would have no more to say.