An extensive Trade, in a moral Sense, is an extensive Evil, obvious to those who can see how Fraud, Thieving, and Executions have kept pace with it. The great Excess in Branches feeding Pride and Luxury, are an Oppression on the Publick; and the Peculiarity of it in this, and the Settlement of Colonies are Infringements on the Peace and Happiness of Mankind.
By discoursing on this particular Branch, I do not pretend to a Sufficiency of giving full Directions; the Natives Alteration and Diversity of Taste are Obstacles with the most experienced: It’s only within my Design to give a general Insight to such as are Strangers, and a Rule to improve upon by such as are not.
We may for this end divide Guinea into a windward Coast, the Gold Coast, and the Bay, a Tract of 6 or 700 Leagues from the River Gambia, in 13°° N. to Angola, about 9 or 10°° S. The Portuguese were the first Europeans that settled and built Forts here, tho’ now the least concerned, paying their Tribute to the Dutch for Leave: What remains of theirs is to the Southward on the River Congo at Loango de St. Paul, and the Islands, where they keep Priests to teach their Language to the Natives, and baptize without making Christians.
1. In the windward Coast, Gambia, Sierraleon, and Sherbro Rivers may be reckoned chief; the African Company having Factors and Settlements there. Less noted, but more frequented by private Ships in this part of Guinea, are Cape Mont, and Montzerado, Sesthos River, Capes Palmas, Apollonia, and Tres Puntas. A number of others intervene, of more or less Trade; which it is their Custom to signify at the sight of any Ship by a Smoke, and is always looked on as an Invitation to Trade; but as each is alterable among them from the Chance of War, the Omission shews they decline it, or are out of Stock.
This Change of Circumstance found on different Voyages, proceeds from weak and bad Governments among themselves, every Town having their own Cabiceers or ruling Men, (or it may be three or four in Confederacy) all so jealous of the others Panyarring, that they never care to walk even a mile or two from home without Fire-Arms; each knows it is their Villanies and Robberies upon one another that enables them to carry on a Slave-trade with Europeans; and as Strength fluctuates, it is not unfrequent for him who sells you Slaves to-day, to be a few days hence sold himself at some neighbouring Town; this I have known.
The same way of reasoning answers for the Panyarrs and Murders so frequently between them and us, and never that I heard with the French or Portuguese. For if any of our Ships from Bristol or Liverpool play tricks, and under pretence of Traffick seize and carry away such of them as come on board, and trust themselves on that Confidence, the Friends and Relations never fail with the first Opportunity to revenge it; they never consider the Innocence of who comes next, but as Relations in Colour, Panyarr the Boat’s Crews who trust themselves foolishly on shore, and now and then by dissembling a Friendship, have come on board, surprized and murdered a whole Ship’s Company. Captain Piercy’s Lieutenant was killed on shore on some such Pretence, or because he had a good Suit of Cloaths, or both. Captain Canning of the Dove Brigantine 1732, was cut off by the Natives of Grand Bassau from an Inadvertency; first, of tempting the Negroes with the sight of a fine Cargo, and then by trusting the Mate Mr. Tho. Coote on shore; the one prompted them to rob, and the other was an Hostage for their Security, they ventured off in their Canoos and murdered all the Company under the Conduct of a Fellow they called Thomas Grey, who run the Vessel in shore; the Mate remained with them unhurt, about sixteen days, and was then redeemed by Captain Wheeler for 17 Pounds worth of Goods, which as an Encouragement to the Service, he was suffered to repay at London. His Food during the stay, was Indian Corn, Rice, Snails and Monkeys; the last they shoot as often as they want, in the Woods, and after the Guts are taken out, singe the Hair off, and then boil it in the Skin. He saw no other Flesh in this part of the Country, excepting a few Fowls, tho’ he was up it above twelve miles.
2. The Gold Coast is the middle and smallest part of the Division, stretching from Axiem a Dutch Settlement, to near the River Volta, an extent of 70 or 80 Leagues, but of more consequence than the others, in respect to our’s and the Dutch Company’s Forts, who together command the greatest part of it. There is one Danish Fort at Accra indeed, (the Leewardmost of our Settlements) but in a decaying State, and will probably (as that of the Brandenburghers at Cape Tres Puntas) be relinquished in a little time.
Our Company’s principal Fort is at Cape Corso. That of the Dutch, two or three Leagues above, called Des Minas or St. George de Elmina; each has other little ones up and down this Coast, to gather in the Trade that centers for the respective Companies, at one or other of the aforesaid larger Forts.
The African Company was erected under the Duke of York in K. Charles II’s Time, and therefore Royal; the Epithet being still retained, tho’ that Prince’s Superstition, and Thirst after Power, have long since justly banish’d him the Realm.
In it’s first flourishing Condition, it was allowed by authentick Accounts to have gained annually to England 900,000l. whereof in Teeth, Camwood, Wax and Gold, was only 100,000l. and the rest in Slaves; which in the Infancy of their Trade were in very great demand over all the American Plantations to supply their own wants, and carry on a clandestine Commerce with the Spanish West-Indies. On Computation, Barbadoes wanted annually 4000 Negroes, Jamaica 10000, Leeward Islands 6000; and because the Company (’twas complained by such as wished them ill Success) could not supply this Number, having only imported 46396 Slaves between the years 1680 and 1688; Interlopers crept in, and contended for a Share; which the Company represented as contrary to the Privileges of their Patent, and withal, that the Accusation was groundless and unjust, because they did supply enough for demand, and maintained Forts and Garisons at a great Charge, for awing and subjecting the Natives to trade, and maintaining an Industry equal to the Dutch, without which it was plain to all impartial Considerers, it would be but very difficultly carried on. However, their Adversaries, after some years of grumbling, obtained an Act of Parliament 1697, whereby private Traders for making good this deficiency of Slaves, should have Liberty of Trade, allowing the Company 10 per Cent. towards defraying their extraordinary Expence.
From this time the Company more visibly decayed, insomuch that in eight following years they only imported to the West-Indies 17760 Slaves; and the separate Traders in that time 71268.
Their 10 per Cent. in the first ten years amounted to 87465l. and therefore finding their Trade under great disadvantages with these new Inmates, they resolved to make the best shares they could in this Money, by lessening their Expence about the Forts. They accordingly withdrew all Supplies from their Garisons, leaving them to subsist by their own Management or starve. Gambia Fort having only twelve men, was taken by a Privateer of eight Guns in 1709, Sierraleon thirteen men, Sherbro four, and these not of any Charge to the Company, but were possessed by such, who having a long time resided in their Service, by help of those Fortifications were capable to do something for themselves, and so the private Traders by degrees got entirely quit of their Impost; the reason in a manner ceasing, for which it was at first allowed.
About 1719, their Affairs seemed to revive again, under the Auspices of the Duke of Chandois, who became a very considerable Proprietor in their Stock, and promised from his Figure and Interest a Renewal of those Privileges that had depressed them; their Objections ceasing, (the number demanded being now very short of what it was formerly.) More Ships were imployed than for many years past, but whether it were their too large Expence, or Corruption of their chief Officers, who too often in Companys think they are sent abroad purely for their own Service, or both; they soon felt that without a separate Act they were uncapable of contending with private Traders, and every year more and more explaining their Inability, they applied to Parliament, and now support their Forts by an annual Allowance from the Government, of 10000l.
Those who are the Favourers of Companies suggest, that if the Trade must be allowed, and the Christian Scheme of enlarging the Flock cannot well be carried on without it, that then it seems necessary and better for the Publick that some rich and powerful Set of Men should have such exclusive Powers to encourage and enable the subsisting of Forts and Garisons, to awe the Natives and preserve the Trade from being engrossed by our dangerous Rivals here, the Dutch; which, as we relinquish, falls an acquisition to them, and renders all precarious; they could also bring (as an exclusive Company) foreign Markets to their own Price.
The Company’s Trade wanting that Encouragement, every year grows worse; buying dearer than in times past on the Coast, and selling cheaper in the West-Indies; the reason at Guinea, is a greater Scarcity of Slaves, and an improved Knowledge in the trading Negroes who dispose of them; and at the West-Indies it is the Demand failing, more disadvantageously still for them, because separate Traders are not under the delays they are subject to: They take the whole Coast in their way, while the other is consigned to the Governour, and can afford to undersel their Goods (necessary Requisites for Dispatch and Success) because they stand exempt from all Coast-Charges. On the other side, our Colonies are now pretty well glutted with Slaves, and their Call consequently not nigh so large: 2000 in a year perhaps furnishes all our Plantations, and tho’ more are imported, it is in order to transport them again to the Spanish West-Indies, where tho’ the Assiento Ships are of late years only indulged by Treaty, all others being liable to Confiscation, and the People to Slavery if taken by the Spanish Guard le Costa; yet the Prospect of Gain inciting, they still find means to continue on, and maintain a forcible Traffick for them, under the Protection of their Guns. This clandestine Method, by the way, hurts the South-Sea Company, beating down the Price of their Slaves, who cannot so well afford it, because bought, and brought there at a greater Charge.
The third part of our Division is the Bay of Guinea, which takes in Whydah, Benin, Callabar, &c. to Congo and Angola in 8°° S. In this Extent Whydah is principal, there being more Slaves exported from that place before the late Conquest of it by the King of Dauhomay, than from all the rest of the Coast together, the Europeans being said in some years to have carried off 20000; but more of this by and by. I shall only observe, that as this part abounds more with Slaves, the other does with Gold, and the windward Coast with Ivory.
I now proceed to our Method of Trade, and shall sum the Rules of it up, under the head of Interlopers. Private trading Ships bring two or three Boats with them upon this Coast for Dispatch, and while the Mates go away in them with a proper Parcel of Goods, and Instructions into the Rivers and By-places, the Ship is making good her Trade at others near hand.
The Success of a Voyage depends first, on the well sorting, and on the well timing of a Cargo. Secondly, in a Knowledge of the places of Trade, what, and how much may be expected every where. Thirdly, in dramming well with English Spirits, and conforming to the Humours of the Negroes. Fourthly, in timely furnishing proper Food for the Slaves. Fifthly, in Dispatch; and Lastly, the good Order and Management of Slaves when on board; of each, a Word or two.
First, on the Timing of a Cargo: This depends at several places much on Chance, from the fanciful and various Humours of the Negroes, who make great demands one Voyage for a Commodity, that perhaps they reject next, and is in part to be remedied either by making the things they itch after, to pass off those they have not so much mind to, or by such a continual Traffick and Correspondence on the Coast, as may furnish the Owner from time to time with quick Intelligence, to be done only by great Merchants, who can keep imployed a number of Ships, that like a Thread unites them in a Knowledge of their Demands, and a readier Supply for them, as well as dispatch for their Master’s Interest, by putting the Purchases of two or three Ships into one. The late Mr. Humphry Morrice was the greatest private Trader this way, and unless Providence had fixed a Curse upon it, he must have gained exceedingly.
Secondly, Of the Sorting, this may be observed in general; That the Windward and Leeward Parts of the Coast are as opposite in their Demands, as is their distance. Iron Bars, which are not asked for to Leeward, are a substantial Part of Windward Cargoes. Crystals, Orangos, Corals, and Brass-mounted Cutlasses are almost peculiar to the Windward Coast;—as are brass Pans from Rio Sesthos to Apollonia.—Cowreys (or Bouges) at Whydah.—Copper and Iron Bars at Callabar;—but Arms, Gun-powder, Tallow, old Sheets, Cottons of all the various Denominations, and English Spirits are every where called for. Sealing-wax, and Pipes, are necessary in small Quantities, they serve for Dashees (Presents) and a ready Purchase for Fish, a Goat, Kid, or a Fowl.
To be more particular, here follows an Invoyce bought at London about the year 1721.
A GUINEA Cargo.
I was but a young Trader, and could not find out till I came upon the Coast, that this Cargo was ill sorted. At the first place we touched (Sierraleon) where commonly may be got twenty or thirty as good Slaves as any upon the Coast, I found I had neither Cutlasses, iron Bars, a better sort of Fire-Arms, Malt, and other strong Liquors, the delight of those Traders. At none of the others, quite down to the Gold Coast, were many considerable Articles of my Invoyce ever asked for; so that I was forced to make friends with the Factorys, and exchange at such a loss, that had it not been for the small Wages our Ship was at, and some lucky hits, the Owners must have suffered much; but to give an Insight.
The Sale of Goods.
| At Sierraleon. | |
| Gold Bars. | |
| 1 Piece of Planes | 10 |
| 7 77lb. Kettles | 26 |
| 3 Pieces of Chintz | 12 |
| 1 Piece of Handkerchief Stuff | 2 |
| --- | |
| The Price of a Woman Slave | 50 |
| 7 50lb. Kettles | 20 |
| 5 Pieces of Brawls | 10 |
| 1 Piece of Ramal | 4 |
| 1 Bar of Iron | 1 |
| --- | |
| The Price of a Boy Slave | 35 |
| At Apollonia. | |
| Accys. | |
| 2 Photees | 14 |
| 2 Cotton Ramals | 8 |
| 1 Piece Longee | 4 |
| 2 Sletias | 5 |
| 7 Sheets | 7 |
| 32 Brass Pans | 32 |
| --- | |
| A Man Slave | 70 |
| 3 Photees | 21 |
| 41 Sheets | 41 |
| 2 Longees | 8 |
| --- | |
| A Man Slave | 70 |
| At Gambia. | |
| Gold Bars. | |
| 9 Gallons of Brandy | 9 |
| 6 Bars of Iron | 6 |
| 2 Small Guns | 10 |
| 1 Cag of Powder | 10 |
| 2 Strings of Pacato Beads | 2 |
| 1 Paper Sletia | 3 |
| --- | |
| A Woman Slave | 40 |
| At Assinee. | |
| 8 Trading Guns | 32 |
| 1 Wicker Bottle | 4 |
| 2 Cases of Spirits | 6 |
| 28 Sheets | 28 |
| --- | |
| A Man Slave | 70 |
As I propos’d only a general View of the Trade, I have pointed out here the best I could, what Goods are asked for, the Price, and at some places, the Proportion; the Slaves selling at a Medium of 15l. a Man, and 12l. a Woman; a Gun and Barrel of Powder being always parts of the Truck (at Cabenda) for a Slave. They have Canoos there, will carry 200 Men; matted Sails to them, and Cordage twisted from a wild Vine that grows in plenty about the Country; with these they pass frequently from Congo to Loango. A Slave-Ship in the former River would intercept much of the Trade to Cabenda and Angola: The Duties are easy with the King of Soni, and the Harmony they live in with a few defenceless Portuguese Missionaries, shews they are a peaceable People.
A Second Requisite for Success in this Trade, is an acquaintance with the Places, what may be expected at them, either as to the Manner of Trading, bold or fearful of one another, and the Number of Slaves they are able to bring.
Where the Company’s Factors are settled, as at Gambia, and along the greatest part of the Gold Coast, they influence the Trade something against private Ships; so also at Sierraleon some separate Traders live, who voyage it with Boats into the adjacent Rivers, and most of what a Ship can purchase, is thro’ their hands; but those from London seldom strike higher upon the Coast than Cape Mount, Montzerado, and Junk, falling from thence down to Leeward; many of the places in their Course being rendered dangerous, from the Tricks and Panyarrs the Traders have first practised upon the Negroes; a mutual Jealousy now keeping each side very watchful against Violence. We trade on board the Ship, often keeping our Sailors in close quarters abaft, because few: while the Slaves are viewing and contracting for at the fore part; at night also keeping a good Watch, some of these Negroes attempting now and then to steal with their Canoos athwart your Hawse, and cut the Cable. Captain Cummin at Whydah, they stranded 1734.
They again, are as often diffident of coming nigh us, and will play for hours together in their Canoos about the Ship, before they dare venture. In this windward part, I have before observed, they have a superstitious Custom, of dropping with their Finger a drop of Sea-Water in their Eye, which they are pleased when answered in, and passes for an Engagement of Peace and Security; and yet after all this Ceremony, they will sometimes return to shore: If hardy enough to come on board, they appear all the time shy and frightned, and from the least appearance of a Panyarr, jump all over board. Downwards to Bassam, Assinee, Jaquelahou, Cape le Hou, Jaque a Jaques, Cape Apollonia, and Three Points, or where they have possibly gained a Knowledge of the English Factorys, there is a better Understanding and Security: These are places that sell off a number of Slaves, managed however wholly on board the Ships who anchor before the Town, hoist their Ensign, and fire a Gun: Or when the Natives seem timorous, do it by their Boats coasting along the Beach, and pay at some of them a small Duty to the chief Cabiceers.
Thirdly, To give dispatch, cajole the Traders with Dashees of Brandy, and tell them, you cannot possibly stay above a day or two, and that on their account. To a Country-Man, if he joins where there is prospect of Goodee Trade, you are to form some Story that may carry him farther to Leeward if possible, (two or three Leagues will hinder his doing you any Damage for that Voyage.) The Lye did me most Service, and for which I had the Merchant’s Dispensation, was informing my good Friend that at Cobelahou they had taken a great number of Captives, and that Captain —— had got his Freight there in ten days: this I did with an air of Diffidence, to make the greater Impression, and at the same time dashee’d his Negro Friends to go on board and back it. If on better Intelligence such like Story should not take, and he resolves to stay and share, your Reputation is secured by the diffidence of your Report, and you must resolve with him now upon a Price in your Slaves, not to outbid one another; but at the same time make as strong a Resolution not to observe it. And here the Master has room to display his talent, the frequency of the Trick having made all very cautious and diffident.
When a Ship has gathered up all this Trade, she makes up the deficiency of her Freight at Anamaboo, three Leagues below Cape Corso, where they constantly stop, and are sometimes two or three Months in finishing. It is a place of very considerable Trade in itself; and besides, the Company have a House and Factor, keeping always a number of Slaves against those demands of the Interlopers, who, they are sensible, want dispatch, and therefore make them pay a higher Price for it than any where on the whole Coast; selling at six Ounces and a half a Slave (in exchange for Goods) tho’ the poor Creatures look as meagre and thin as their Writers.
If the Company should want rather to buy than sell, as is sometimes the case, and fits both; then such a difference is paid by the General, as shall make it worth the Ship’s time to go to Windward again.
Hence I make this deduction, that if the Adventurers Stock be small, only sufficient to employ one Vessel, to have her a Sloop; because less hazard is run in lengthning out time, which subjects to Sickness and Mortality among the Slaves; saves the aggregate Charge of supporting them and a Ship’s Company, and likewise such a Vessel will have less remains of Cargo, after her Slaving is compleated; what is left, usually going off to the trading Cabiceers and Factories at a low Price, or what is worse, kept on board and spoiled.
Contrarily, great Traders who can imploy many Ships, obviate in a great measure such Inconveniencies: They put the Trade of two or three Ships into one at Anamaboo, (the largest and most chargeable) and with the conjunction of their remains, go to Windward, and begin anew.
Fourthly, giving way to the ridiculous Humours and Gestures of the trading Negroes, is no small artifice for Success. If you look strange and are niggardly of your Drams, you frighten him; Sambo is gone, he never cares to treat with dry Lips, and as the Expence is in English Spirits of two Shillings a Gallon, brought partly for that purpose; the good Humour it brings them into, is found discounted in the Sale of Goods.
A fifth Article, is the wholesome Victualling, and Management of Slaves on board.
The common, cheapest, and most commodious Diet, is with Vegetables, Horse-Beans, Rice, Indian Corn, and Farine, the former, Ships bring with them out of England; Rice, they meet to Windward, about Sesthos; Indian Corn, at Momford, Anamaboo, &c. and further Supplies of them, or Farine, at the Islands of St. Thomas, and Prince’s; Masters governing themselves in purchasing, according to the Course they design to steer.
This Food is accounted more salutary to Slaves, and nearer to their accustomed way of Feeding than salt Flesh. One or other is boiled on board at constant times, twice a day, into a Dab-a-Dab[33] (sometimes with Meat in it) and have an Overseer with a Cat-of-nine-tails, to force it upon those that are sullen and refuse.
The further Management and Caution to be taken with Slaves on board, till their delivery in the West-Indies, I shall intermix with what I know of the method of Trade at Whydah, and Angola, because Cautions where a Cargo is of one Language, is so much the more requisite.
Whydah is the greatest trading Place on the Coast of Guinea, selling off as many Slaves, I believe, as all the rest together; 40 or 50 Sail (French, English, Portuguese, and Dutch) freighting thence every year. The King is absolute as a Boar; making sometimes fair Agreements with his Country Neighbours, it being often the Interest of Traders to be honest (perhaps the only reason that makes them so) but if he cannot obtain a sufficient number of Slaves that way, he marches an Army, and depopulates. He, and the King of Ardra adjoining, commit great Depredations inland.
On the Ships he lays these Impositions, and to prove his Folly, does it mostly for the benefit of those that rule him; First, of having the Refusal of all Goods; Secondly, the Value of twenty Slaves from every Ship, small or great, as a Duty; and Thirdly, forces his own upon them at an advanced Price.
The French, Dutch, and English, have each a House, or mud Fort, about three Miles from the Sea, keeping Tents at the Beach for the convenient receiving and securing their Cargoes as it comes from the Ship, and transmitting the Returns; which, by a dangerous double Barr upon the Coast, is rendred impassable sometimes (by the alteration of the Winds) for a fortnight together; the Negroes only know how to paddle thro’ it, and when they think it safe, a Signal is made to the Ships, from those Tents, by hoisting their Flags.
The chief of either Factory that gets first on board any Ship coming into the Road, has a right to serve her with Boats and Servants, and has a Due of seven Slaves for it.
The Commanders, with their Surgeons, (as skilled in the Choice of Slaves) attend the whole time on shore, where they purchase, in what they call a fair open Market.
The Mates reside on board, receiving from time to time their Master’s Directions as to the Goods wanted, and to prepare the Ship for the Reception and Security of the Slaves sent him; where this is a Rule always observed, to keep the Males apart from the Women and Children, to handcuff the former; Bristol Ships triple such as are sturdy, with Chains round their Necks; and to keep your own Men sober, and on a barricado’d Quarter-deck: tho’ the natural Cowardice of these Creatures, and no other Prospect upon rising, but falling into the hands of the same Rogues that sold them, very much lessens the Danger: Nevertheless, it is adviseable at all times, to have a diligent Watch on their Actions, yet (abating their Fetters) to treat them with all Gentleness and Civility.
At Angola, the first Man is the King, the second, Mabuca, third, Mafucar, fourth, Machangee, fifth, Captain More, and the sixth, Madam Barsse; Names expressive of some [34]Virtue; and where they chuse a white Man’s, (common at many parts of the Coast) it is from the Qualities they admire in such, and strive to imitate.
Here they force about twenty Servants, which the Ship is obliged to pay, after the rate of six Fathom of Guinea Cloth per month, and every Sunday Morning, two Knives to each of them.—Their Business is to attend every Morning, and carry up your Goods safe to the Factory, where others take the Charge, and are accountable for all Losses.
The Bum-boy again supervises the Slaves, to do justice between Buyer and Seller, and by the Custom or Law of the Country, the Ship is to stand charged with neither them or other Effects, till delivered into the Boat. However, considering what are their Courts of Justice, it will behove all Masters to have a diligent Inspection upon the Slaves themselves, and to keep good Locks and Bolts upon their Goods: for it is here, as at Whydah, the commonest People, who cannot arrive at, or forbid Trade, are all Thieves and Beggars, the King and Courtiers chief, but openly more honest, because they get more by it.
Your Gold-takers are, Peter Griffin, (the King’s Brother-in-law) Thomas Boon, and John Brown. Sometimes Ships settle an Agency at Mumbalar, or other neighbouring Place, and get considerable Trade; I have known 70 Slaves purchased there in a Month, with the additional Duty of six Pieces, and giving to the Servants who fetched up the Goods, each a single Annabass, a bundle of Beads, three Knives, and a Dram: with all, let your Agreements be as positive as possible, for they are very difficultly kept to their Words.
When we are slaved and out at Sea, it is commonly imagined, the Negroes Ignorance of Navigation, will always be a Safeguard; yet, as many of them think themselves bought to eat, and more, that Death will send them into their own Country, there has not been wanting Examples of rising and killing a Ship’s Company, distant from Land, tho’ not so often as on the Coast; but once or twice is enough to shew, a Master’s Care and Diligence should never be over till the Delivery of them. Some Negroes know well enough, that the preserving one white Man may answer their Purpose in an Exchange; however, generally speaking, we allow greater Liberty in our Passage, as conducive to their Health; we let them go at large on the Ship’s Deck, from Sun-rise to Sun-set, give such as like it, Pipes and Tobacco, and clean and air their Dormitories every day.
Having given my Sentiments of the way and method of Trade at different parts of the Guinea Coast, I have still some remaining Observations to make under the chief Articles of it, viz. Slaves, Ivory, and Gold.