Because many times I mention Franks, I wish to say that when Lopo Soarez, captain-major and governor, went from India and came to Jiddah with a large fleet, in which I also was, there were in the said place of Jiddah sixty Christian men captives of the Turks. These Christians were of many nations. These who are at the court say that they were all waiting for the favour of God and the entry of the Portuguese into Jiddah to join with them; and, because the fleet of Lopo Soarez did not make the land, they remained there. A few days after that, sixteen of these white men, with as many other Abyssinians of this country of the Prester, who were also there prisoners, stole two brigantines, and fled to go in search of the said fleet. Not being able to fetch Camaran, they made Masua, which is close to Arquico, the country of the Prester. They landed at the said port and abandoned the brigantines, and went to the court of the Prester, where they were doing them great honour, more than to us up to the present time, and they had given them lands, and vassals who provide them with food. These are the Franks, and most men of these nationalities are Genoese, two Catalans, one of Scios,[147] another a Basque, another a German; all these say that they have already been in Portugal, and they speak Portuguese and Castilian very well. They call us also Franks, and all other white people, that is to say, Syrians, which is Chaldea and Jerusalem; and the people of Cairo they call Gabetes.[148] On Sunday, the 29th of October, there came to us two of the said Franks, saying that they came in consequence of an agreement amongst themselves with respect to what they had heard say about us, namely, that the people of the court said that the pepper and all the goods that we brought belonged to the Prester John, and that the captain-major had sent it to him, and that since we would not give it him, so we should not find favour with him: and they were of opinion that it would be well to give this pepper that we had brought and all the other goods, because otherwise we should not have leave to return, because this was their custom, never to allow any one to return who came to their kingdoms: and that they would sooner have pieces and stuffs than cities or kingdoms: and that this was their opinion. Upon this we held council, and, with the opinion of the ambassador and of ourselves, we all agreed to give to the Prester four out of the five bales of pepper that we still had, and to keep one for our expenses. We also decided to send him four chests covered with hide,[149] which were among the company, in which came clothes, and this because we thought that he would be pleased with them, and that we should obtain favour. Then, on Monday, the 30th of October, the Franks came to us very early with many mules and men-servants of theirs to carry our baggage. The ambassador, with all of us, determined to send the said present of pepper and chests, and that I, with the clerk and factor, should convey it, and that the ambassador, with the other people, should go later in the afternoon. We set out with the said pepper and chests, and going along the road we met a messenger, who said he was bringing us the words of the Prester; and he dismounted to give them to us, and we dismounted to receive them, because such is their custom to give the King’s words on foot, and for them to be heard on foot. He told us that the Prester John ordered that we should come at once to the camp. We said that the ambassador was coming presently after us, and that he should return with us in order to give us the means of being able to present a service which we were conveying to his highness. He said he would do so, and moreover asked what we would give him for himself; because this is their custom always to beg. We contented him with words, with the intention of giving him nothing. He conducted us before a great enclosure of a high hedge, within which were many tents pitched, and a large long house of one storey thatched with straw, in which they said the Prester sometimes remained, and this man said that he was there. Before the entrance of this hedge there were a very great many people, and these likewise said that the Prester was there. We dismounted a space further off (according to their custom) and thence we sent to say that we wished to present a service to his highness. There came to us an honourable man saying, almost with ill-humour, how was it the ambassador had not come. We answered him that it was because he had not got mules or people to carry his goods, and that now he would come because the Franks had gone for him. We asked this man to tell us how we could present this pepper and chests to his highness; he told us not to take care for anything, that anyhow the ambassador should come, and when he had come and when he was summoned he would take the present. This man then ordered us to be shown where our tent should be pitched when he came, and the ambassador delayed very little.

This day we learned that the Prester was not within this hedge enclosure, and that he was not in the tents nor in the houses that were there, and that he was higher up in other tents which could be seen from there on a hill, and which was about half a league from these tents. We did not see or hear anything more this day; we only pitched our tent in the place which they had assigned to us, which was not very far from the hedge enclosure on the right hand side. The Franks who were at the court came to our tent, and they told us that the grandees of the court were opposed to us, and that the friar was putting it into their heads to counsel the Prester not to allow us to return, nor to go out of his kingdoms, because we spoke ill of the country, and that we should speak more evil of it if we went out of it: and that it had always been the custom of this kingdom not to allow foreigners who came to it to go away. We had suspicions of this from what we had heard, and what these had told us; and from what we knew already of Joam Gomez and Joane, a Portuguese priest, who had come here, sent by Tristan de Acunha, in the company of a Moor, who is still alive, and dwells in Manadeley. And they did not suffer these Portuguese to depart, because they said it would cause their death if they went away. And so one Pero de Covilhan, also a Portuguese, who went away from Portugal forty years ago, by order of the King, Don Joam, may he be in holy glory, and he has been in this country for thirty and odd years. There is also a Venetian whom they call Macoreo in this country, and who says his name is Nicolas Brancaliam; it is thirty-three years since he came to this country. Also one Thomas Gradani, who has been here fifteen years, without any of them being allowed to go away. These go about the court, and there were others who died, without being allowed to depart. They say, for their excuse, that whoever comes to seek us, has need of us, and it is not in reason that they should go away, nor that we should let them go. We did not now find this Pero de Covilham at court, and they tell us that he is in his house close to the rocky gates which we passed. On Tuesday, the last day of October, the Prester John came from the tents above, where he was staying, to the enclosure tents and house where we were. When he passed he saw our tent standing not very far from his, and he at once sent a man to the ambassador to tell him to order his tent to be moved, as the place where it was sickly. We were on the spot which they had assigned to us the day before. The ambassador said in answer, that he had not got anyone to shift his tent or his baggage, and that people should come to shift it to wherever his highness commanded. This day, in the evening, there came a message from the Prester asking whether the ambassador had, or whether any of his suite had, a gold or silver cross, to send it to him to see it. The ambassador said that he had not got one, neither was there one in his company, and that one he wore he had given to the Barnegais; and with this the page went away. He returned immediately saying that we should send any we had got. We sent one of mine of wood, with a crucifix painted on it,(or perhaps, “a painted crucifix on it”) which I always carried in my hand on the road, after the custom of the country. He sent it back at once saying that he rejoiced much that we were Christians. The ambassador then ordered word to be sent to Prester John by the page who brought back the cross, that he still had for the expenses of himself and his company a little pepper, and that he wished to give it to his highness, and also four chests for keeping clothes, and that when he sent they could take to him this pepper and the chests. Then the page went with this message, and returned at once, saying that the King did not want the pepper nor the chests, and that he had already given the cloths which they had presented to him to the churches, and most of the pepper to the poor, and also that he had been told that the captain-major of India had given to the churches all the stuffs which the King of Portugal had sent for him. The ambassador answered that whoever had told him such a tale had not told him the truth, that all the things were still together, and that the servants of Matheus must have told that story that the cloths were given to the churches. And because I knew all that had happened with regard to the cloths which the King of Portugal sent to his highness, I answered: That it was true that in order that these cloths which the King had sent should not be damaged, and also to serve God and honour the churches, I had assisted to hang them up in the principal church of Cochym, which is that of Holy Cross, on the principal feast days; and that when the feasts were ended, I had helped to take them down, fold them and put them by, and this had been done to serve God and honour the feasts, and also that the cloths might not be injured and eaten by moths: and on this account they might have told him that they had been given away to the churches, but such was not the truth. When this answer had gone, another messenger arrived to say that the Prester ordered that the ambassador should come there at once with all his company and people (this might be about three hours after sunset). We all began quickly to dress ourselves in our good clothes to go whither we were summoned. When we were dressed, another message came that we were not to go: so we all remained like the peacock when he makes a wheel and is gay, and when he looks at his feet[150] becomes sad: as pleased as we were at going, so sad were we at remaining.

On Wednesday, the 1st day of November, about one or two hours after nightfall, the Prester sent to call us by a page. We got ready and went. On reaching the door or entrance of the first enclosure of the hedge, we found there porters who made us wait more than an hour in great cold, with the sharp wind that was blowing. Where we stood we saw in front of the other hedge enclosure many lighted candles, and men held them in their hands. And as we stood thus at this entrance, because they did not allow us to pass, our men fired off two firelocks. There came at once a message from the Prester asking why we had not brought from the sea many firelocks. The ambassador answered that we had not come for war, and on that account we had not brought arms, only three or four firelocks, which the men carried for their amusement. Meantime there came five of the principal men, among whom was an Adrugaz, to whom we were consigned when we arrived, and he made us turn back. When he came up to us with a message from the Prester, they made their accustomed courtesy, and we did so with them, and we began to advance; and we might have walked five or six paces, and we stood still, we and they. These five men were in front of us in order, as in a row, and at the end of them were two men with lighted candles in their hands on both sides. These messengers, who thus guided us, commenced to say, each one separately: Hunca hiale huchia abeton, which means: What you commanded, sire, here I bring it. And each one said these words quite ten times, one ending another began, and so they all went on. They continued saying this until we heard a cry from within, said by a company, and they said thus, in a very loud voice—louder than those outside whom we were following: Cafacinha, which means, Come inside; and we walked a little farther on. They again stood still, and we with them, and they again said the same words as before, until from within they answered like the first time. Of these pauses they made quite ten from the first entrance to the second, and each time that from within they said: Cafacinha (because it was the word or permission of the Prester), those who conducted us, and we with them, bowed our heads, and put our hands to the ground. Passing the second entrance those who guided us began to say another chaunt, it was this: Capham hia cainha afranguey abeto, which means, The Franks whom you commanded here, I bring them, sire. And this they said as many times as the former words; and they waited for an answer from within, which was the first, namely: Cafazinha; and so with many pauses we reached a dais, and before it were many lighted candles which we had seen from the first entrance, and they counted them, and there were eighty of a side, in very good order, and that those who held them might not get out of line they held in their hands before them some very long canes, across them breast high, and so the candles were all in order. The said dais was in front of the long one-storied house, which was mentioned before. This house is set up on thick piles of cypress wood, and the beams,[151] which are above the piles, are painted with poor colours, and on them are planks which descend from the top to the bottom. With regard to level it is not all well-constructed, and above it is covered with a thatch of this country which they say lasts a man’s life. At the entrance of this house, which is at the upper end of the house, four curtains were suspended, and one of these which was in the middle was of brocade, and the others of fine silk. In front of these curtains on the ground was a large and rich carpet, and there were two large cotton cloths, hairy like carpets, which they call basutos[152] (this is their word), and the rest full of coloured mats, for no part of the floor appeared; and also it was from one end to the other full of lighted candles, like the others we had seen outside. While we were quiet, from within the curtains there came a message from the Prester John, saying, without any other preliminary, that he had not sent Matheus to Portugal, and although he had gone without his permission, and the King of Portugal had sent by him many things for him, and what had become of them, and why did they not bring them as the King of Portugal had sent them, and those things which the captain-major of India had sent him, they had already given them? The ambassador replied that if his highness would hear him, he would give him an explanation of everything, and he began at once to say that what the captain-major had sent he had already given, and besides he had given him what he brought for his expenditure. And with respect to what the King of Portugal had sent, on account of the death of Duarte Galvam, the ambassador who died at Camaran, and those who were killed at Dalaka, for one of them was the factor, interpreter, and presenter of the articles which were sent; and on account of the winds having been contrary, and that they could not fetch the port of Masua, and returned to India, and the captain-major who was then in India when he left Portugal, the King thinking that his ambassadors, Duarte Galvam and Matheus, were already at this court of his highness, had only sent him to the Red Sea straits to conquer Moors, and to learn about his ambassador whom he had sent: and, therefore, they had made ready to go to Jiddah, not being certain of being able to make the port of Masua, as on a former occasion they had not made it, so they had not brought the stuffs and things which the King of Portugal had sent him, which things were in India together and preserved; and they only brought Matheus, in order if they should be able to make any port of Abyssinia to land him there, and afterwards send the goods which the King had sent with his first embassage. And because rod was pleased that they should make the port of Masua which is in his hands, although it was in the power of the Moors, the captain-major determined to send to him Don Rodrigo with these articles which he had already presented to him, and he had come in company with Matheus, only for a visit, and to learn the road for the time when an ambassador should come from the King of Portugal, and that Matheus had died at the monastery of Bisan. In reply to this answer, there came another question, that three had been killed in Dalaka, and how had Matheus escaped? To this it was answered that Matheus had escaped because he had not gone on shore from the caravel. The ambassador still requested him as a great favour to hear him, and he would know the truth, and that he would also give him in writing that which the captain-major had ordered him to say verbally, besides what was in the letter, and that from both sides he would learn the truth respecting the King’s ambassador, and of the visit sent to him by the captain-major. Messages went and came without any conclusion, and so they dismissed us on the following day, and he sent us much bread and wine and meat, and two men, who said they had to take charge of us, and give us every day bread, wine, and meat, and all that we required. This was forgotten, and some days we were very ill provided.

At night on Saturday, the 3rd day of November, the Prester John sent to call us, and we went at night. On reaching the first door or entrance and waiting a little; there came a message to say that we should fire with the muskets, and that they should not carry balls, so as not to do any mischief. A little after that they ordered us to enter, and we advanced with pauses as on the former occasion; and on arriving between the doors and curtains where we were before, the dais in front of it was richly decked out, both the sides and front, with brocades, and there were smarter people on both sides, all in a semicircle with drawn swords in their hands, and placed as though they were about to slash one another. There were two hundred candles lighted on each side in a row, like those of the other day; and when we arrived messages began at once to go and come through the Cabeata and a page who is called’ by the name of Abdenago, who is the chief and captain of all the pages. This man brought his messages with a drawn sword in his hand. The first message which came was, How many we were, and how many firelocks we had brought? And upon this came another: Who had taught the Moors to make firelocks and bombards, and whether they fired with them at the Portuguese, and the Portuguese at them, and who was most afraid, the Moors or the Portuguese? Each of these questions came by itself, and each had its answer; and as to the fear of the bombards, since the Portuguese were strengthened in the faith of Jesus Christ, they had no fear of the Moors; and if they had had fear they would not have come from such a distance, and without necessity, to seek them. With respect to making firelocks and bombards, that the Moors were men who had knowledge and skill like any other men. They asked if the Turks had got good bombards, the ambassador replied; that they were as good as ours, but that we were not afraid of them, because we were fighting for the faith of Jesus Christ, and they against it. He asked who had taught the Turks to make bombards. The answer was given as for the Moors, that is to say, that the Turks were men, and had the wit and knowledge of men, perfect in all respects excepting in the faith. After this he sent to say that they should play with sword and shield, and the ambassador ordered two men of his suite to come out. They did it reasonably well, and yet not as well as the ambassador desired that the affairs of the Portuguese should be conducted: and as the Prester sent to ask for others to come out, the ambassador proposed to Jorge d’Abreu that they should both go out; and they went, out with their own swords and targes,[153] and they did it very well, as was to be expected from such men who had been brought up and trained in war and arms. At the end of it all the ambassador sent to tell the Prester John that he had done that to do him service, and that otherwise he would not have done it, even though they gave him fifty thousand crowns,[154] for any other prince, unless he were commanded to do it by the King of Portugal his sovereign, under whose obligation he was. And he begged His Highness to hear him, and learn what the captain-major of the King of Portugal had ordered him to say, and to dismiss him, that he might be able to join the fleet at the time of its arrival, so as not to cause expense without profit. An answer came that we had now just arrived, and had not seen even a third part of his dominions, that we should rest, and that the captain-major would come to Masua, and he would send him a message, and that then we should go away; and that they should make a fortress in Masua and in Suaquem, and in Zeila, and he would send all the provisions necessary for them, because the Turks were many and we were few, and besides this, by having a fortress in the Red Sea, it would be easy to make a journey to go to Jerusalem. The ambassador answered that these were the desires of the King of Portugal, and that he still begged of him to give him a hearing, and if he determined not to hear him, that he would send him the captain-major’s letter, and likewise he would send him in writing that which the captain-major had bade him say. He ordered that all should be turned into his own writing and language, and that they should send it all to him: and the ambassador did so, and sent to ask him to look at it all and give him his dismissal. After this, Prester John sent to ask that they should sing to a musical-instrument,[155] and dance, and they did so. When the dance was over we spoke to him and said that as we were Christians, that they should give us leave to say mass according to our custom, according to the Church of Rome. He immediately sent us a message that he well knew that we were Christians, and that since the Moors who were bad and vile said their prayers after their fashion, why should not we follow ours, and that he would order what was necessary to be given to us, and so he directed us to return to our lodging. When we arrived there they followed us with three hundred large loaves and twenty-four jars of wine; the person who had it brought said that they had given him thirty jars, and that on the road those who carried them had diminished them by six.

On the following Sunday there came to our tent many messages from Prester John to the ambassador, and all were about the arms which the King of Portugal sent him, and whether he had sent them to India. The ambassador told him that the arms, and all the other things which the King had sent would arrive this year which was coming, and that the captain-major would bring them or have them sent, and that so he had sent word and written in his letters. On this day he sent to ask if we had brought the means of making corbam, that is to say, the host. We answered that we had: and he desired that they should be shown to him. I at once took to him the instruments, which were very good, and in which was an image of the crucifix very apparent and well made. I did not remain long, for he at once ordered them to be returned. On this day he sent for us to go and show him how the white armour was fitted which the captain-major had sent him; they went to fit them where he could see it. He also sent to ask for the swords and cuirasses which the ambassador had in his company; all was sent to him, and he then sent to ask whether the King of Portugal would send him some of those arms; he was told that he would send him as many as were necessary. This day in the afternoon he sent as much bread and wine as on the former occasion, and when it was quite night a page came to our tent with a message, and the ambassador dressed him up entirely as a Portuguese, with a shirt with a collar embroidered with gold, a jacket,[156] ... a cap with gold points, silk drawers,[157] light shoes,[158] gaiters, and shoes, and so he went away very joyfully and those who came with him. On the following day in the morning the said page returned with the jacket and nothing else, saying that the Prester had scolded him for taking the said clothes, and besides that he begged for a jacket of Portuguese cloth, upon which to put the armour: the ambassador gave this also, and as to the jacket which the page brought and left, the ambassador told him that the Portuguese were not accustomed to give and take back. So he carried away the jacket, and did not bring it back again.

Then on Monday, at the hour of vespers, the Prester sent to summon me, Francisco Alvarez, to bring to him wafers, as he wished to see them. I carried eleven wafers very well made (and I did not carry them in a box, because I already knew the reverence with which they respect them, that is to say their own which are only a roll, and these had a very neat crucifix). I carried them in a very good porcelain, covered over with tafeta. He saw them, and (according to what they told me) he rejoiced greatly at seeing them, and again ordered that they should bring the instruments in order to compare their opening with the figure on the wafers: and also that I should show him all the other things with which we say mass. I brought to him the full vestments, the chalice, corporals, altar stone, and cruets. He saw all, piece by piece, and ordered me to take it and unsew the altar stone, which was sewn up in a clean cloth, and I unsewed half of it, and had it again covered up. This altar stone was very smooth and square and well made on the upper part, the lower part was little squared, and of the nature and fashion of the stone. They returned it to me, saying that since there were such good workmen in Portugal how had they made this thus rough? I answered that the upper part was very well made and smooth and square and well wrought, and that below it had a good foundation: they still said that it was not well, that the things of God ought to be perfect, and not imperfect. When it was night they told me to go to the tent and to enter it. I entered, and they placed me in the middle of the tent, which was spread with carpets for a space of two fathoms from where the Prester John was. He then bade me dress myself as if to say mass; and I dressed myself in his presence, first putting on my surplice which I had brought with the vestments. When I was dressed he asked me who had given us that habit, whether it was the apostles or any other saints. I answered him that the church had taken it from the passion of Jesus Christ. He told me to tell him what each of the pieces signified. I at once commenced with the surplice, saying that it was the habit of the clergy, and putting on the amice, I said that it denoted the linen or cloth with which they covered the eyes of Jesus Christ; and putting on the alb, I said that it signified the shirt which our Lady had made for her Son, for which the knights of Pilate had cast lots: and that the girdle signified the chastity and purity of the priests; and that the maniple denoted a small cord with which they tied the hands of Jesus Christ. Here the Prester spoke with his mouth, and the interpreters told me that he said that we were good Christians since we thus esteemed the Passion of Christ. Coming to the stole, I told him that it signified the great cord which they fastened to Christ’s neck when they led Him hither and thither; and the mantle signified the vesture which they put upon Him in derision. Here he again spoke, and the interpreters told me that he said that we were true Christians since we had got the entire Passion. He again spoke to the interpreters, and they said that he bade me take off the vestments, and tell him over again what each piece denoted. On divesting myself I commenced with the mantle and concluded with the amice, and there remained only the surplice upon me. He told me to dress another time, and to explain as before, and so I again explained to him, beginning with the amice and ending with the mantle. Here he affirmed with a very loud voice that we were Christians who possessed all the Passion entirely; and he said to us that since I said that the Church had taken this from the Passion of Jesus Christ, which then was this Church, because two were at the head of Christendom, the first, Constantinople in Greece, and then Borne in Frankland. I replied to him that here there was only one Church, and although at the beginning Constantinople had been the head, it had ceased to be so, because the head of the church was where St. Peter was, by reason of what Jesus Christ had said: Tu es Petrus, super hanc petram edificabo ecclesiam meam. And when St. Peter was at Antioch there was the church, because there was the head, and as he came to Borne it remained and always will be the head. And this Church, ruled by the Holy Spirit, ordained what was necessary for saying mass; and besides I affirmed more of this Church, telling him that in the articles of our faith, which the apostles had composed or declared, the apostle St. Simon said: I believe in the Holy Catholic Church. And in the great Creed which was composed at the Council of Vierapollos,[159] three hundred and eighteen bishops who agreed against the heresy of Arius say: “Et unam sanctam catolicam et apostolicam ecclesiam.” They do not say I believe in the churches, but only in the Catholic and Apostolic Church: this is the holy Roman Church in which is St. Peter, upon whom God founded his Church, as he says, and St. Paul a chosen vessel, and teacher of the nations. So it is called Catholic and Apostolic, for in it are all the apostolic powers which God gave to St. Peter, and to all the apostles to bind and to loose. They answered me that I gave good reason for the Church of Rome, but they said that the Church of Constantinople was of Mark, and that of Greece was of Joannes, Patriarch of Alexandria.[160] To this I replied that his reasoning assisted mine, because St. Peter was the godfather and master of St. Mark, and he had sent him to those parts: and thus, neither Mark nor Joannes could make houses except in the name of him who sent them, and thus their houses were members of the head which sent them, to which all the powers were given. And after that, not so long ago, that St. Jerome, and many other saints, separated themselves, and ordained separation from the world with hard lives to serve God, and that these separations they did not nor could not carry out without authority of the apostolic Church, which is that of Rome. How could they make churches to the prejudice of the great head, unless they were built and made for Jesus our Lord. They agreed fully to this, and the interpreters said that the Prester was much pleased. Then they asked me whether the priests were married in Portugal, I told them they were not. They also asked me whether we held to the council of Pope Leon, which took place at Viera;[161] I answered, Yes, that I had already spoken of it, and that there the great creed was composed. They asked me how many bishops were with the Pope there; I said I had already told them there were three hundred and eighteen. Then they said that at this Council it was ordained that the clergy should marry, and that the Council was sworn, how then did we not marry. I replied that of this Council I knew nothing, except that in it the Creed had been made, and it had been ordained that Our Lady should be called Mother of God. Then they told me that many things were there ordained and sworn, which Pope Leon had broken, and that I should tell them what these were. I answered that I did not know of them, but it seemed to me that if he had broken any of them, they would be such as touched the heresy which was extensive at that time, and that he would approve those which were necessary and profitable to the faith, and that otherwise he would not have been approved and canonized as a saint, as he was. Again they returned to the marriage of priests, saying that the apostles were married. I replied to them that I had never read in a book, nor had heard say that the apostles, after going in the company of Jesus, had had wives, or had been married; and that although St. Peter had a daughter, he had her of his wife before he was an apostle of Jesus Christ; and St. John the Evangelist was at the marriage of Cana in Galilee, where was Our Lady and Jesus Christ her son; and afterwards St. John the Evangelist left this marriage and followed Christ our Lord, and was a virgin: and also that I had read and heard tell that after the death of Christ the apostles and disciples zealously preached the faith of Jesus Christ until their deaths, and did not weary in it, and preached chastity; and thus the Roman Church in truth established and ordained that no priest should have a wife, so as to be more pure in their consciences, and not take up their time with wives and children, flocks, tillage, and property. They replied to this that their books ordered that they should marry, and that so St. Paul had spoken. They put a great many other questions to me whilst I was still in my vestments, and last of all they asked me if we had the song of the angels when Christ was born. I answered, Yes; and they asked if we said it in the mass. I said, Yes we did. They then asked me to say the beginning of it. I then began, “Gloria in excelsis Deo”. They told me to say it chaunting it; I then sung two verses of it. Then they asked if we had the Credo: I replied that I had already quoted it. Then they asked me to say something in chaunt, and I sung two other verses. Then they asked me to say some recited, and I said the Gloria and the Credo. There was there an interpreter, and also the friar who guided us on the road. This friar had been in Italy, and knew some little Latin. The Prester asked him if he understood, and he replied that he did, and that I had said the Gloria and Credo like them, and that the only difference was in the language. The interpreter who was there also told me that at each question and answer which I gave, chiefly with regard to the portions of the vestments, the Prester said that we had got all the matters of the Passion, and that we were Christians, as though as yet he had doubted it. Here the Prester asked me why we did not say mass according to our use; I told him that we did not say it because we had not got a tent for a church. The Prester said that next morning he would send for a tent, and would order it to be given to us, and that we might say mass every day. Then he bade me divest myself of my vestments, which I had worn up to this time, and to tell him again what each piece signified. I told it him like the first time, and he gave us our dismissal; and it was past midnight when we went away; and all the evening was employed in what has been related, without an idle moment.

This night which I thus passed with the Prester, towards morning of the following day a great robbery of the ambassador took place in the tent where we lodged: from it they carried off two cloaks and two rich jerkins, seven shirts, and a cap, all good pieces, and other less valuable pieces; and they took them all from a leather bag as large as a trunk, in which he kept his clothes. They carried off from Manuel de Moraes another leather bag with all that he had; and from one of the Franks whom we found here they took seven pieces of cloth, which he had brought the day before to be kept. They estimated the robbery done that night at two hundred cruzados. On the morning that this happened, the ambassador requested me and the factor and the clerk to go to the tent of the Prester to make a complaint, and ask justice of him for the great robbery committed against him. That night, whilst we were close to the tent with the pages, taking this message of the complaint we came to make, and to ask justice, since the ambassador had made prisoner one of the thieves who committed the robbery, a woman came crying out and demanding justice, saying that the night before the ambassador of Portugal and his company, by means of an Arab, who knew the language of the country, had by force robbed her of her daughter, and taken her to the tent where they lodged, and had done what they pleased with her, and because her son had complained of their stealing his sister and forcing her they kept him a prisoner with the Arab who had deceived and carried off the said girl, and they accused him of having committed a great robbery. Thus we found ourselves waylaid and robbed and we and the woman having been heard, one answer was given to all, that is, that justice should be done, and that we might go in peace.

On this day, during the night that we were making this complaint, the friar who was with me the night before in the presence of Prester John, came with a rich tent, already half worn, saying that the Prester sent it for us to say mass, and that it should be pitched at once, because the next day was the great feast of the archangel Raphael, and that we should say mass on this feast, and likewise every day, and pray to God for him. This tent was of brocade and Mekkah velvet, lined inside with fine stuffs of Chaul; so that the tent would have been a splendid one if it had been new, and it was still good. They said that four years ago the Prester had taken it in the camp of the King of Adel, who is the Moorish King, lord of Zeila and Barbara; and so the Prester sent to say that we should bless the tent before saying mass in it, lest there should have been any sin of Moors in it. It was at once pitched that night, and in the morning we said mass in it; there came to it as many Franks as had been at the court these forty years, and also some men of the country.

On Thursday, the 8th day of November, Prester John sent to call us, and we went at once. The ambassador decided on ordering the chests and loads of pepper to be sent which he had already promised him. When we arrived at the entrance of the first enclosure, they detained us with cold inquiries, and all about the negroes who were prisoners on account of the robbery done to the ambassador: and such was the discussion and inquiry that they bade us let go the negroes without any conclusion or remedy for the theft: and finally he ordered three hundred loaves, and thirty jars of wine, and certain dishes of meat from his table to be given us, and so we returned to our tent. They sent another time to call us, and after we had gone, we were a long time engaged with questions, among which was whether the ambassador came by order of the King of Portugal, or of his captain-major, and whether, when the captain-major had come to Masuwa, he had killed all the Moors, or whether any of them had already returned there: and why we did not travel from the sea to Damute, which was nearer; and, why, if we were servants of the King, we did not wear crosses on our shoulder, that is on the skin, for it is the custom of all the servants of the Prester to have a cross on the right shoulder, both the great lords and small people: and after that, that we should give him the pepper which we had for our provisions for the road. The ambassador replied that we should eat much gold and silver and stuffs, all of which we had brought from the King of Portugal; and so he replied to each of the questions as was fitting; and, moreover, he requested him to give him leave and dismissal for our journey. Upon this there came a reply, that we were not to fear, that we should soon have leave to depart. The ambassador answered: What fear could we have, being in the presence of his highness and in his court, kingdoms and lordships, and all of us Christians. With this we were sent to our lodging.

On the Friday next following Prester John sent the swords which he had got. The ambassador sent to tell him that if they seemed good to him he should take them, and the ambassador would take it as a favour that he should make use of them. An answer was sent that if he took them, the King of Portugal would say that he took from his people the swords which they stood in need of. Again the ambassador sent to tell him to be pleased to take them, and that they had many in the fortresses in India belonging to the King, and in his factories, and that the King would be glad that His Highness should use the arms of his vassals. While this message was going, they came on the part of Prester John to beg for some pantaloons, and the ambassador sent him some of his own and others of Lopo da Gama, and sent him word that the pantaloons and clothes and swords, and other pieces which he had seen, and knew were in the possession of the ambassador and his companions, were all at his service, and he would do him a favour in sending for all that seemed good to him, because if he made use of his things the captain-major and King of Portugal would give the ambassador and his companions recompenses for this. This day he made many inquiries which were replied to, which are not written to avoid prolixity.

On Tuesday, the 12th[162] of November, Prester John sent five very big and beautiful horses to our tent, desiring the ambassador to ride with four others on those horses, and come and skirmish before his tent. It was already nightfall, and the ambassador, as it seemed, was not much pleased, because it was not after his fashion; and our people clung together, because at one time they said do this, and at another do that: and having finished we went to our tent, and the Prester sent us three jars of wine. On the next day the Prester sent to the ambassador a chalice of silver gilt, strong and well made after our fashion, both the foot and the vase. On the foot it had the twelve Apostles, and round the vase an inscription in well-made Latin letters which said: Hic est calix novi testamenti: and a message to say he sent it for us to drink to him. This chalice had not got a patena, nor did they understand the inscription; and the fashion of the chalice was not like theirs, because their chalices are of very wide cups, little less than a porringer, of considerable depth, and they take the sacrament from it with a spoon. This day the Prester sent to ask many questions, and to say many things, among which was, How long was it since we had taken Zeila; that he wished to go there by land, and that his people would meet with and see the people of the King of Portugal, but that we should know that for two days’ journey there was no water, and what remedy was there for this. To this we answered that we had come from Portugal five or six months without taking water, because there was nowhere to get it, and that notwithstanding this it came in abundance, and so it could be carried for these two days on camels, as there were many in the country. On the following day, which was the 14th of the said month, the Prester sent two pieces of little value, namely, a small reading-desk of gilt wood for the altar of our church, and a pitcher made of wood for washing our hands or pouring water on them. This day he sent to tell us to send him the names of all of us in writing, and they were taken at once. He again sent to ask what was the meaning of Rodrigo, and what Lima meant, and so on of all the other names and surnames; we explained it all to him in writing. When it was near dawn of the next day another robbery was committed in the tent of the ambassador like the former one. While he was lying in the tent, six or seven men took from Jorge d’Abreu’s pillow a cloak which had cost him forty cruzados, and besides two bales of cotton stuffs of our property: and no measures were taken as to this. They say that it is true that there is here a captain of thieves, and that this man has the charge of pitching the tents of Prester John, and that he and his men do not receive anything for their labour, except what they steal. This day Prester John sent a saddle all worked with blood-stones.[163] This, besides, being very heavy, was very badly made, and already used: he said he gave it for riding upon: then there came a question asking what thing of this country the King of Portugal would be most pleased with, if he would be pleased with eunuchs, or with something else. The ambassador sent to say that Kings and great lords esteemed more the things which other Kings sent them, than the value of them.