Since the preceding chapters were written great changes have taken place in the Chinese Empire, and a new reign has begun. The sudden, simultaneous death of the Emperor and the Dowager Empress at first caused a feeling of general consternation; but it soon became evident that the reins of government had passed into strong and capable hands. The Regent has already shown that he intends to pursue the policy of his predecessor, both with regard to external and internal matters, and reform is the order of the day.

In the concluding pages of this volume I venture to give a brief summary of the special points under consideration at the present time, which foreshadow the changes to be expected in the near future. It is impossible for any one, no matter how intimately acquainted with Chinese affairs, to foretell what will be the outcome of the great constitutional change which is contemplated; but it is of importance that the European public should understand the conditions under which it takes place. It would be presumption on my part to do anything more than call attention to the problems and the difficulties which beset the path of the reformer.

At the present time the government of China is an absolute monarchy, and as the new Emperor is but four years old, the supreme power is vested in a Regent, his father, Prince Chun: he was really appointed by the late Dowager Empress, though nominally by the Emperor. The Regent is assisted by a Grand Council, composed of five leading State officials, and contains some of the ablest statesmen in the Empire. There are, moreover, several boards for the control and management of various State departments, such as the Wai wupu, the Board for Foreign Affairs (formerly called the Tsung Li Yamen); the Lung-kung-shangpu, the Board of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce; the Tuchihpu, the Board of Finance; the Boards of Education, of Justice, of War, of Naval Affairs, &c.; but all these boards are under the absolute control of the Regent. He has the supreme authority, and can depose, banish, or execute at will, and without any form of trial, any official of whatsoever rank, as was seen in the recent case of H.E. Yuan Shih Kai, one of the ablest Chinese statesmen and one of the leading figures in educational reform. The Regent appoints all officials on these several boards, all viceroys and governors of provinces, and all envoys to foreign countries. Since the troubles of 1900 there has been a growing desire for constitutional reform, and a few years ago H.E. Tuan Fang, Viceroy of the Liangkiang, was despatched on a mission of investigation to several large European countries, to America, and to Japan. I cannot do better than quote his own words as to the result of his mission. They form part of a preface written by him (as an introduction) to Green’s “Short History of the English People,” which has recently been translated into Chinese. “In the various civilised countries my object was to select and compare their constitutions. Arriving in London, I saw the excellent order of the constitution in ruler and people. In Japan’s reformation she got much from England; much more will our country by-and-by take England for her model.... Excellent is the word of Dr. Macklin [the translator], ‘If you desire to establish a constitution you must follow England. To follow England you must read English history.’”

The determination has been arrived at to have a representative assembly; other envoys have been sent to Europe to obtain fuller information about constitutional methods, and measures are being taken to prepare the Chinese people for the momentous change. The development of local government is an important step in this direction, and the Regent has strongly commended the successful work done in the Liangkiang provinces, urging others to follow the good example of H. E. Tuan Fang. The elective body will be a very limited one: it will consist of (i) all holders of literary degrees (students only holding degrees granted by Christian colleges are debarred from voting); (ii) all holders of property to the amount of 5000 taels (about £750). Those eligible for the vote are further restricted by the prohibition against opium-smokers, Buddhist monks, &c. The date is not yet fixed for the summoning of the first assembly, but it is proposed that it should take place in the fourth year of the present reign.

The salient characteristic of the present Government is the divorce of the executive from the legislative faculty. Edicts are issued incessantly, but very little is done to give practical effect to the majority of them. Official corruption is almost universal, and the difficulties of combating it are so great that many good men are deterred from entering official life because they feel the impossibility of putting a stop to bribery in their own Yamens. Up to the present time bribery has been legitimatised and nothing done to check it, except in flagrant cases; now there is to be a serious attempt made to put it down, and the fact is recognised that it is a public wrong, as may be seen from the edict quoted on page 129.

While the general public in China does not show much interest in the question of representative government, nor indeed understand anything about it, there is a growing interest taken in the question of social reforms. One of the most pressing ones is that of prison reform. The extra-territoriality agreement is a source of constant irritation to the Chinese, although they are forced to admit the necessity for it, so long as the administration, the prisons, and the laws are in such an unsatisfactory condition. Commissioners have been appointed to thoroughly investigate the whole question and to study European prison methods, while newspaper intelligence informs us that a gallows has been imported from Great Britain! New prisons are being erected in many places, but that is the least important change which humanity demands.

Of more importance than prison reform is the opium question. Since the conference at Shanghai in the early part of this year more strenuous efforts are being made to combat the evil, and real progress is reported from those parts of the Empire where officials are loyally and enthusiastically enforcing the imperial decrees. In a report of H.E. Tuan Fang it is stated that during the three years which have elapsed since the anti-opium campaign was started 60 per cent. of the smokers have given up the habit. The mowage of the poppy-planted ground and the number of opium shops have been decreased more than 50 per cent.

From the province of Yünnan, where we saw much poppy cultivation, news comes that the traveller sees practically none; from Szechwan and Shansi similar reports state that other crops have entirely replaced the poppy except in isolated districts. Opium dens are being closed, and fines and other punishments are imposed on growers and sellers of the drug. In addition to the severe penalties already in force, yet worse are to follow in case opium-smoking is not abandoned within the prescribed time limit. From the current year—according to a recent edict—to the fifth year of Hsuan Tung the maximum penalty for officials smoking opium is strangulation; in the sixth year this penalty is to be extended to the gentry, and in the seventh to the common people. There is no doubt but that China is in real earnest in her determination to root out what she considers the worst evil in her national life, and it will be a disgrace to the British Empire if we let selfish considerations prevent our loyal co-operation with her. What is to be said of such double-dealing as is shown in the fact that the British Government has agreed to reduce the import of opium from India, and to let it entirely cease by 1917, provided the Chinese Government shows her sincerity in putting down the traffic, while at the same time the very efforts made by the Chinese officials are checkmated by the protests of his Majesty’s Government? This has actually stopped the splendid work of H.E. Tuan Fang in the Kiangsu province during the last two years. “His action was suspended on the protest of his Majesty’s Government that it came in conflict with treaty provisions. The whole scheme is now in abeyance,” &c.9

Other difficulties which China has to face in dealing with the opium question are set forth in an imperial decree of March 15, 1909:—

“Opium suppression is a necessary measure to the strengthening of our Empire, as well as the main-spring of the development and instruction of the people, involving, as it does, questions of hygiene, of enriching the people, of developing terrestrial profits, and of arresting a drain on the national wealth. All eyes are turned to this subject, and much universal sympathy and assistance have been exhibited.

“On the question, three steps are closely interrelated and dependent, and these are: prohibition of smoking and of plantation, and devising of means to raise revenue to fill the deficit caused in the opium duties. Should any one of these be inefficiently carried out, the other two will in consequence be hampered, and success would be looked for in vain.

“In recent years, though officials addicted to the smoking habit have been examined and denounced on repeated occasions by the Anti-Opium Commissioners and Viceroys and Governors of the provinces, there still exists a number of them who trifle with the interdict and veneer their faults in that respect.

“With regard to the prohibition of the poppy plantation in the provinces, it was first decided to decrease the plantation gradually in ten years. Later, the authorities of Yünnan, Szechwan, Shansi, Chili, Heilungkiang, and other provinces asked permission to forbid plantation entirely in one year. This, no doubt, shows great energy of purpose; but whether their intention is thoroughly carried out in all their provinces, and whether the local officials succeed in inducing the people to plant other profitable products on their soil to yield them a living so that they gladly submit to the suppression, remains to be seen.

“The duties and likin on this drug are required for the bulk of the army estimates. Recently the Ministry of Finance memorialised us and obtained permission to increase the price of salt to make up for these duties and likin. This plan, however, only aggregates four or five million taels, and there still remains a large deficit.

“We are eagerly bent on introducing a better government, and between our agitation at the long weakness of our people, in whom it is difficult to infuse energy, and the fear that the expectations of the friendly Powers may not be easily satisfied, we are filled with constant and pressing anxiety. We hereby reiterate the prohibition against smoking. The Anti-Opium Commissioners and the high officials in the capital and provinces are held responsible to forbid, faithfully and with energy, all officials, civil or military, to smoke. Those in command of troops or in charge of educational institutions are made responsible for suppression of smoking among soldiers and students. As to merchants and the people, the responsibility must rest with the Ministry of the Interior, the Viceroys, Governors, Military Governors, and the Governor of the Imperial Prefecture of Shuntienfu. They will try to obtain the best prescriptions, establish anti-opium institutes, and distribute free medicines when necessary. They should encourage their sense of honour, and adopt the plans and practices of foreign countries, so that the people’s vices may be gradually lessened and finally eradicated.

“As to the prohibition of plantation, Viceroys or Governors, the Governor of the Imperial Prefecture of Shuntienfu, and Military Governors are commanded to direct their subordinates to carry out the suppression with care and thoroughness. They should also cause other grains to be planted in place of the pernicious drug, and they will be rewarded according to the degree of success they attain. The Ministry of the Interior will supervise these measures being put in operation.

“In regard to devising means to fill the deficit of duties and likin, the Ministry of Finance is desired carefully to consider the question. It is, undoubtedly, an important point to be dealt with, but it may be disposed of by weighing advantages and drawbacks and considering all possible resources. Viceroys and Governors who may have valuable suggestions on the question are ordered to memorialise the Throne for their adoption, so that those carrying out the suppression need not be hampered by financial considerations. Though the Government is in straitened circumstances, it will neither seek to satisfy its hunger nor quench its thirst at the expense of this harmful poison, so that it may rid its people of this great bane.

“Dividing, in this way, the responsibilities and actions, no evasion of burden will be permitted, and all concerned are commanded to put forth their best energies to aid us in securing prosperous rule by taking natural advantages to ameliorate the conditions of life among our people. After receipt of this Edict each office in the capital or provinces is commanded to make a careful report of its plan of operation in this affair.”

[The above edict is sealed by the Prince Regent, and is signed by the Grand Councillors Prince Ching, Shih Hsü, Chang Chih-tung, and Lu Ch’uan-lin.]

This decree leads us to another problem the solution of which will task the ablest of her statesmen, namely, the financial problem. It may well be that she would be wiser to seek foreign expert knowledge to grapple with it, rather than to tide over present difficulties by having recourse to foreign loans.

There seems no reasonable doubt that China possesses untold mineral wealth, and that railway enterprise ought also to become a valuable source of income. Foreign nations have realised it only too well, and railway and mining concessions have been granted, which China is now trying to win back into her own hands. She has not been altogether faithful to her agreements, and the foreign Powers remind one of a pack of snarling hounds quarrelling over the booty. It is certain that China cannot dispense at the present time with foreign assistance, but she would probably find it more profitable in the long run to obtain the best expert knowledge, and to pay for it, rather than to try and make bargains and to obtain quick returns. At the present time the mineral wealth of the country can only be successfully developed under the direction of trained Europeans, but the Chinese—not unnaturally, one must admit—are suspicious of foreign aid. The mining concessions already granted to foreign nations are a constant source of friction, and entail perpetual controversy. Misunderstandings inevitably arise.

Perhaps the most important of all the changes taking place in China to-day is in its system of education. It has been somewhat unfairly said that the only things she cared for in her old educational scheme were Scholarship and Style. Had there not been some more vital quality in it, it could hardly have held on so securely for many hundred years. That vital element may have been the love of morals so inseparably connected with scholarship in China. Now the old system has been completely abolished, and the Chinese classics are in danger of being relegated to the background. As soon as the change was commenced by the abolition of the triennial examinations thousands of students flocked to Japan, eager to absorb the new learning which was to replace the old. This was no difficult task in one way, for the cultivation of the memory was the main object of the former education, and they learnt what was taught them with a readiness which naturally led them to suppose that they had mastered a subject when they had committed its terms to memory. The result was as unsatisfactory as might have been anticipated; for they merely brought home with them a second-hand, unassimilated collection of information without any satisfactory foundation. Japanese influence, which was paramount after the amazing success of Japan during the recent war, soon waned, and even the Japanese themselves have deplored the rashness of their policy with regard to China.10 The returned students were by no means fitted for the position of becoming teachers of “Young China.” The impossibility of obtaining competent teachers of Western science for so vast an empire as China must be obvious to every one, and the appointment of unqualified teachers has brought much confusion into the schools. The spirit of unrest and insubordination has been steadily growing, and the Government has tried to check this by enjoining a stricter worship of Confucius.

In mission schools the influence of this spirit has also been felt, although in a less degree. It is of the utmost importance that all missions should do their best to counteract this feeling and to inculcate loyalty and obedience, while endeavouring as far as possible to correlate the education with that given in the Government schools. They are seriously handicapped by the much larger salaries now offered by Government in order to get capable teachers, and the missions must be prepared to make large sacrifices if they are to continue the educational work which they have so successfully inaugurated. They have at least 1500 primary schools, in which there are not less than 30,000 scholars. In these the teaching is usually superior to that of the Government schools, but the equipment is very inferior.

It would be out of place to describe here the various schemes which are now being put before the British public for carrying on the education of those trained in mission schools into the higher branches of knowledge implied in a college training, but it is of supreme importance that the education which is given by Europeans—whether in mission or in other schools—should be first-rate in quality. It were better, if need be, to restrict the scope of operations rather than allow any defect in the quality of the work. It has been the tendency of most missions to undertake more work than they could successfully cope with; and while admiring the results they have achieved, often under a heavy strain, I cannot but hope that in the future a more generous support, especially in the matter of increased staff, will be given to those who are labouring for the educational regeneration of China.

An increasing number of students are going to Great Britain and America for education, but it is recognised that there are difficulties and dangers in this course. One of the most far-sighted of China’s statesmen, H.E. Tuan Fang has instituted a wise scheme of preparation for such students. There is an annual examination held at Nanking for all students going abroad under Government auspices. In 1907 eighty-four candidates presented themselves, of whom seventy-two were men and twelve women. They were examined in the following subjects: English composition, translation from English into Chinese and vice versa, Latin, French, German, chemistry, physics and physiology, history, geography, Chinese composition, geometry, trigonometry, algebra. The only failures were in languages.

In a recent lecture to the China Society, Mr. Cantlie stated the fact that the average size of the Chinese brain is greater than that of any other race; and certainly the students who have come over to Europe show a capacity of not only keeping up with our students in their work, but frequently of surpassing them.

The whole civilised world looked on with astonishment and admiration at the rapid evolution of the Japanese nation in recent times, and now the Chinese Empire has resolved to make a similar change. It has a much more difficult task to achieve, and one which, on account of the size of the Empire, is likely to have a far greater importance for the world at large. The Chinese are strongly animated by the spirit of patriotism; they have great qualities of heart and mind, and a set determination to carry through the necessary reforms. In the dark ages of the past they were the pioneers in art, science, and philosophy; therefore one can with hopefulness look forward to a yet nobler future, and trust that the new era which is beginning may be one of ever-increasing greatness for the Celestial Empire.