Camp before Badajos, April 10th, 1812.

My Dear Father,

Though very much pressed for time I will not let the mail go without adding a few lines to what I wrote you the day before yesterday, particularly as I shall be unable to-morrow to wish you many happy returns of your birthday, as I shall go into Elvas.

Our people are now busily employed in filling up the trenches and destroying our Batteries. By yesterday evening most of the dead were buried, though from the unavoidable confusion on such occasions and their great number, it was delayed till the spectacle became more horrid than can easily be conceived.

The inhabitants also are beginning to return. Most of them had left at the beginning of the siege, and many to fly from the horror of a storm on the morning that we entered, so that since order was restored on the morning of the 8th, and most of our people except the garrison turned out, the town looks quite deserted, and in many parts is nothing but a miserable heap of ruins. Great pains are taking to clean the streets and clear away the rubbish, which will, I hope, prevent any great sickness from ensuing, and the weather has fortunately become much cooler.

Soult had advanced to Villa Franca with about 30,000 men, but hearing that the place was taken, and that Ballasteros had entered Seville, he yesterday morning commenced his retreat again rapidly towards the Sierra Morena, to prevent Ballasteros from attacking the Cartucha where the French have huge magazines of stores of all kinds. I hope he will in the first place destroy the Arsenal and Foundry, for he can hardly expect to hold it, if the French were to return in force, which was most probable, and these have been of the greatest use to them. Soult’s communication with Victor now and Cadiz must be very difficult.

Marmont also, with about 17,000 men, was between the Agueda and Coa, and threatened Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, towards which latter place he had sent about 4000 men to attempt to take it by escalade, but they were repulsed most gallantly by the militia under Trant and Colonel Le Mesurier the Governor. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

The Marshal, Hardinge, etc., are quite well.

Gibb’s wound is, I hope, not bad.

Merry (52nd) is dead of his.

Nava, on the Road between Sabugal
and Alfaiates, April 24, 1812.

My Dearest Father,

Having just heard that the mail is detained I will not miss telling you that I am well. I wrote yesterday to Jack, but in such a hurry that I had not even time to read my letter over, and fear he will have much difficulty in reading and making sense of my letter, as I was obliged to write standing on an old broken chest at Malcato, and am now using the same description of table, though with the luxury of an old broken chair. It is impossible to give you an adequate idea of the misery in every village into which the enemy have entered, as they have destroyed everything that they could not carry away, and in my present habitation a considerable part of the floor has been torn up, and the windows, doors, and furniture burnt, except my old chair and chest, which appear to have placed the flames at defiance. Hunger and famine surround us in all directions among the unhappy peasantry, and our charity to some few has now completely exhausted our means. Money is of little use where nothing is to be bought. All our forage for our horses, for the last two days, consists in what we can cut in the fields, which even have not escaped the rapacity of the enemy.

Marmont has retreated across the Agueda, and is I believe in full march to Salamanca. We have communicated with both Almeida and Ciudad Rodrigo. I do not myself think that Ld. Wn. can pursue them much farther as the country is a desert, and our supplies very distant, owing to his rapid and long march of 200 miles since the 14th inst. As far as Castello Branco we had most wretched weather, but latterly it has been fine, though cold.

Thus has ended Marshal Marmont’s grand diversion with his whole Army. He advanced to Castello Branco, Covilhao, and Fundão, plundered the already often plundered places between them and the Frontier, and drove away some cattle. He blockaded Ciudad Rodrigo, and threatened Almeida, but was warmly received on a reconnaissance he made there, and never made any further attempt. His army has suffered dreadfully from want. The prisoners and deserters describe it as equal to when they retired from the Lines, and the few cattle he could catch in this mountainous country could afford him a very scanty and precarious supply. The moment we crossed the Tagus he fell back, the Division on his left upon Peña Maior and Sabugal, and we were in hopes for a day or two that he would wait for us, but that soon vanished, for as we advanced he fell back, and finally across the Agueda without waiting even to see our advance guard. Had Badajos held out some time longer this diversion might have been of some consequence, as Ciudad Rodrigo would have been much distressed for provisions, and Almeida not in the safest state of defence. As it is, all he has got has been his trouble for his pains, great sufferings to his army, and a hasty retreat before an army but very little superior in numbers to his own.

Lord Wn.’s rapid movement appears to have astonished him a good deal, and hitherto the Army has suffered no privations. Those we do are owing to the ignorance and obstinate indolence of the Portuguese Commissariat. I am perfectly ignorant of Ld. Wn.’s intentions, but should not imagine we should advance much further for the present. To-morrow we move to Fuente Guinaldo, 4 leagues. We were to have gone there to-day, but the enemy was still with their advances too near for Hd. Qrs., or rather were supposed to be, for it appears they retired last night.

Our approaches at Badajos have been filled up and levelled and the breaches put in some temporary state of defence. We have therefore nothing to fear from that quarter, as Soult is fully occupied in keeping Andalusia. Had Badajos not fallen, and that he had persevered in advancing, he would have got a famous licking, as we should have been equal at least to him, leaving 10,000 men to carry on the siege. But Ballasteros’ advance to Seville embarrassed him very much, and a defeat would be ruinous to him, or Marmont, who to the great disappointment of our army seems determined not to risk it.

I am perfectly well, though we have all had a good deal of fatigue and knocking about in this wretched Beira. I fear our horses will suffer most, which annoys me more than anything, and a person must be more hardened than I am to warfare to be either very happy, or in good spirits, surrounded as we are by scenes of misery and distress beyond what we can give our happy countrymen in England an idea of. I do not think it by any means improbable that we shall return to the Alemtejo, and that the active scenes of this Campaign, which is far from being over, will be in Spanish Estremadura. But this is mere conjecture. The present object is to revictual Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida, and place them in a respectable state of defence. I hear very well of the Spanish garrison of the former.

All our wounded at Badajos are, I understand, doing extremely well. This change of weather from great heat to cool and rain has been quite providential and saved many lives.

The Marshall, Hardinge, Arbuthnot, etc., are quite well. Hardinge got a shot through his coat at the assault, and as usual behaved with great zeal and courage. Sewell is, poor fellow, ill again and must return to England. I fear much that his is a bad case. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

Ld. Wn.’s Hd. Qrs. are at Alfaiates to-day, as badly off as we are. To-morrow he will be at Fuente Guinaldo.

P.S.—I have written on two half sheets for the best reason in the world!

Extract from Letter to Sister.

Fuente Guinaldo, May 20, 1812.

I must begin in order to prepare you for the worst by telling you that this is a very stupid place, that I am very stupid, and that I have nothing to say, and therefore you must receive a very stupid letter....

I am quite well, though we are all heartily tired of Fuente Guinaldo where our only amusement is hunting. Yesterday we went out to a grand Chasse au Sanglier, but the only bore we got was a great wetting, for it rained incessantly after we were posted behind trees and rocks, and while a great many peasants were driving the woods towards us, and not a single boar or wolf made its appearance. We were so completely wet through that when I tried to fire at a fox which passed close to me, my gun missed fire, being quite wet, and we returned home two leagues in despair. It would have been a very pretty scene if the weather had been fine, as we went out a large party, and a great many peasants, and all in great glee. We should have found some wild animals, as there are a great many, particularly wolves, who have had the impudence to walk away with several mules and horses from this place, but it rained so heavily, that both the wolves and boars remained at home, and were not to be seen, and we became cold geese for going to see them in such weather. We hope before we leave this to have another hunting party, as it must be a very gay and fine spectacle in fine weather. The Peasantry are obliged by law to go out on these occasions, as the destruction of these animals is beneficial to the whole community. The people that are armed are placed behind trees or rocks, or hid in the brushwood forming a sort of chain round a particular part of the mountain, and the remainder go in with dogs, and by their shouts and noise drive the animals towards you.... We do not know when we are to leave this place, or in what direction we are to move. It is so great a secret and so well kept that I cannot even guess it, but I am sure I shall have no great regret for Guinaldo whichever way we go.... I can hardly write at all, and to add to my misfortunes they have just been trying a poor devil of a Commissary at the same table, and I wonder I have not entered some minutes of his examination.

Fuente Guinaldo, May 28, 1812.

My Dear Father,

I had yesterday the pleasure to receive your very affectionate and kind letter, and with all my soul I thank you for all the solicitude you express about me, and congratulations on my escape at Badajos. I have hitherto been very fortunate, and have much cause to be grateful to Almighty God for his infinite goodness in protecting me. It appears to mortals almost a lottery. Some are never hit, while others less exposed never go into action without.

I felt painfully the loss of so many friends, but in this profession we dare not long indulge or admit such feelings. It would but ensure continued misery, and such is the force of habit or prejudice that one scarcely feels for the death of a friend in action, whose death if from illness or other cause would be a source of real affliction; and fortunate it is that it is so. We are all quite well here (barring a broken shin I got from a stone, which has confined me for a day or two, but is now getting well) and all most anxious for a move, though it is yet a secret which way it is to be. As far as conjecture goes I do not think we shall recross the Tagus, for the present at all events, and probably move forward towards Salamanca.

Sir Rowland Hill’s success at Almaraz has put us all in great spirits, and must have puzzled the enemy a good deal as to Lord Wellington’s plans. This affair has been conducted with his usual judgement and gallantry. The General had arrived by a rapid march in front of the Enemy’s works at Mirabete, which is a strong pass over the mountains leading to the Bridge at Almaraz, and about a league distant from it, but he was delayed here a few days, as he found the works were not to be carried by a coup de main, nor could he while they were in the enemy’s possession get his Artillery over the steep rocky mountains in order to attack the Forts, which protected more immediately the Enemy’s Arsenal, Barracks, Bridge, etc. He therefore left it behind, and a Corps to observe the Fort, and made his Infantry scramble over the mountains with nothing but their fire-locks, and immediately attacked with the greatest gallantry the enemy’s works on the other side of the River, and carried them, turning their fire on those which they had over the Bridge on this side, which they were forced to abandon, and he got possession of the whole, except those at Mirabete, with the loss of only two Captns. killed, about 9 Officers wounded, 25 men killed, and 120 or 130 wounded. I have not seen the return. The enemy lost 300 taken Prisoners, and 200 were drowned by the Bridge giving way, or killed. 300 cars of different descriptions, the Bridge, Arsenal, and Barracks they had constructed, a large Depôt of Stores and Provisions, all the works, and two large Pontoons they had on the stocks, completely destroyed, and the communication the most direct between the North of Spain and Castile cut off, which must annoy the French very much, and force them to communicate by the Bridge of Arçobispo, which is considerably about. Major Currie, A.D.C. to Sir R. Hill, goes home with the account, but as he goes by the Packet, which has been detained, I think it the surest way to send this in the mail.

The enemy on hearing of this affair have evacuated Ledesma, and only left a very small garrison to take care of their sick at Salamanca, which shows that they do not think of opposing us should we move on in that direction.

Hill had moved again towards Medellin and Don Benito, which will force the enemy to withdraw the small parties they have in that neighbourhood, or advance in force, which I do not think they are likely to do.

Lord Wellington has adopted a new plan in order to derive a more effectual assistance from the Spaniards. Each British Regiment, except the Guards and Dragoons, are allowed to enlist ten men per Company of a certain stature, 5 ft. 6 inches, who are to be in every respect treated as British soldiers, to serve as long as the Army remains in the Peninsula, and then to have a month’s pay to take them to their homes. I think it is a most excellent plan, and I have very little doubt we shall very soon get the whole number, 5000, and they will make excellent recruits, for in point of activity and fineness of appearance the Spanish Peasantry are certainly inferior to none, and this measure may hereafter serve as a foundation for a more regular Spanish Army, and Napoleon will be greatly annoyed at our having adopted this measure of filling up our casualties, without draining England, and with recruits little inferior to our own in appearance or physical strength.

I went yesterday to a Review of the Light Division, 43rd, 52nd, 95th, 1 and 3 Caçadores, and a troop of R. Artillery. It was a most animating sight, and they moved very well. Ld. Wn. was apparently much satisfied with them. They are getting very strong again in numbers, nearly 3000 in the field, but very weak in Officers from the losses at Cd. Rodrigo and Badajos.

[Remainder of letter wanting.]

[On a small sheet separate.]

May 30th.

The mail has been detained, and I therefore open my letter to add that Hill has returned to his old positions after resting his troops a few days at Truxillo. Graham has also returned to his cantonments at Port Alegre, having advanced to Caçeres and Albuquerque to support Hamilton’s Division, in case Drouet had thought proper to assault it in Hill’s absence. Everything is quiet in our front. I am laid up with my broken shin, but more from prudence than necessity. As we are likely to move soon, I thought it best to get it well while I could, for fear that by moving in the heat it might give me a great deal of trouble. It was deep and on the bone, and I sillily neglected it at first. It is now getting much better. The Marshal is quite well. Poor Sewell has left us and gone home ill, I fear very seriously so, whether from his liver or consumption....

Pray see about the places I mentioned, what can be done about them. They are highly desirable in every point of view, and there are several of the same description abroad, but I have no great fancy to go to the West Indies or further East than the Cape, though should such a situation be offered me in the East, I scarce think I could refuse it....

Salamanca, June 17, 1812.

My Dearest Mother,

I have hesitated whether I should write to you to thank you for yours of 30th of May, or to my father for his of 21st and 27th.... We arrived here yesterday, the enemy having retired towards the River Douro, only leaving a small garrison in a fort they have made in the town round the Convent of St Vicente, and round which they have pulled down all the houses. It is, however, a very bad fortification and was not finished. I have therefore no idea that it can stand a day, when our Battery opens, which will be to-morrow morning. We are quite out of danger in this part of the town and very comfortably quartered.

The Army crossed the Agueda in 3 columns on the 13th. The right, commanded by Sir J. Graham, marched by Tamames; the centre, by General Leith, marched by San Meñios; and the left, by General Picton, by St Espiritu and Martin d’El Rio. These roads run parallel very near to each other, so that the Army was nearly assembled every night. On the 13th the River Yeltes, the 14th the Huebra, and the 15th the Valmaza. We saw nothing of the enemy till the 15th. When about two leagues from this the Advance Guard fell in with some Cavalry, about 5 Regts. supported by 1500 Infantry, near the Town, with which our Cavalry skirmished with very little loss, and as our Columns advanced gradually drove them back upon the City, within two miles of which our posts were established. They took from the enemy an Officer and about 20 men. Our loss is 3 Officers wounded slightly, and about 7 men wounded and some horses.

Yesterday at 1 A.M. Marmont left this, with his Cavalry, taking the road to Toro, and only leaving a garrison in the Fort or Convent, which appears to me sacrificed, for they cannot hold out. Our Cavalry passed the Tormes without opposition and occupied the town, avoiding the streets which lead to the Fort, and the left column and Advance Guard moving to the Villages in front of this, and the greater part of the Cavalry. The Enemy attacked the Cavalry Picquets in the evening, but were immediately driven back, and to-day, when we rode out at daybreak, we could only see them at a great distance, where I suppose they will watch our movements, but most probably retire as we advance towards the Douro, which appears to be Ld. Wn.’s plan, and the French have yet no force to meet our Army. But I do not suppose Ld. Wellington will himself advance further than that, but he keeps his plans a profound secret, and the whole Army follow him with confidence and affection wherever he chooses to lead us.

We have been everywhere received with the greatest cordiality and joy by the Spaniards as their deliverers from the oppressive tyranny of the French, much more than ever I saw before. At this place yesterday it was quite affecting to see the joy of the inhabitants. Many absolutely cried for joy, and we were embraced, or had to shake hands with everybody we met. One old woman hugged and kissed Ld. Wn. to his great annoyance, and one man literally kissed my horse as I rode into the town. We were followed through the streets with cheers and vivas, which have annoyed the Frenchmen a good deal, and they revenged themselves by firing at everyone they saw in the cross streets leading to their works. They have pulled down a considerable part of the town to lay open the space round them, and down to the bridge, over which nobody can as yet pass safely. But in two days I hope they must surrender, or be taken by storm. It is such an insignificant place that nobody except the troops immediately employed in making the battery or covering the workmen, seem to trouble their heads about them, and walk about the streets, men, women, and children, in perfect safety and with the greatest unconcern.

I am perfectly well though a little fagged, as we have for the last few days had an active life both for mind and body. We generally get up at 3 o’clock and ride till 11 or 12, and sometimes again in the Evening. Everything is done to avoid the heat of the day, which, however, has not been very great, as we are very high above the sea in this part of the Country. There is almost always a breeze, and at this moment the Bejar mountains, which are at no great distance, are covered with snow.

Parts of this fine city have suffered very much from the Enemy, who have destroyed part of it to make their Fort, and yesterday burnt a suburb that was near it, but notwithstanding there are some beautiful buildings left, particularly the Cathedral, which is magnificent. But the monsters fired at the steeple yesterday and knocked away a very beautiful buttress, and nobody is allowed to go there, to avoid drawing their attention in that direction at all.

I quite agree with you about the state of the Country (sc. England). It is most lamentable though most disgraceful at the time, that in the middle of Peace our worthless manufacturers, excited by still more worthless because wiser Politicians, are killing and rioting amongst themselves. In this town, yesterday evening, the people were, in the very centre of warfare, dancing and gay in almost every street. Such are the dispensations of Providence. There is no accounting for such things, and it shows how little people know when they ought to be happy and contented, and how unjust to repine at whatever our fate may be. But it is Human nature, and I blush to think that I must cease to consider the British the high minded generous people they used to be. It can hardly be believed that Englishmen could glory in the most cowardly of all revenge, that of assassination, with which they have so often rebuked other nations.

Your countrymen (sc. The Irish) have behaved very well, and most sincerely I wish them the reward they deserve, and every civil liberty which is compatible with the Constitution of the State. I have written a very stupid and hurried letter, which pray excuse as I have been up since 3 o’clock, and did not go to bed till past 11, besides a long ride, but I never was in better health in my life, and so are the whole army. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

I am so tired I can hardly write, so pray excuse my stupid letter to my dear Father.

Salamanca, 25 June 1812.

My Dearest Father,

I have been too constantly occupied since the 17th to write even a few lines to anybody. I gave in my letter of that date some account of our advance to this place....

We have had a most interesting though harassing time of it since I wrote. On the 18th we began to fire at the Fort, from a Convent near it, with field-pieces, and next day, finding it much stronger than was expected, 4 iron 18 Prs. were mounted, which knocked down very soon one end of the Convent, but the works, which we found to be by no means so easily forced, were not at all injured, and the enemy seemed determined to make a gallant resistance. On the 19th, in the morning, accounts arrived that Marmont and his whole army were advancing in sight. The 6th Division under Clinton was therefore left to carry on the attack of the Forts, and the rest of the army assembled in a position tolerably strong for an army of equal strength, the left near St Christoval de la Cuesta extending in rear of Castillejos de Morisco and Morisco towards the Tormes, from which our right, however, was some distance, though the ground is strong and we could easily move to it if all attacked in that direction. The Spanish Corps of about 3000 men under Don Carlos d’Espanha, and 800 Cavalry Guerrillas under Dn. Julian Sanchez, were on our left on some strong ground in continuation of our line.

On arriving there we distinctly saw the French army advancing towards us from Toro, by Aldea Nueva, Archidiacono, etc., etc., in heavy columns of Infantry with a strong advance guard, and about 3000 Cavalry.

The day was very unfavourable, as we had heavy rains and thunderstorms, which however have cooled the air, and since been of great use to us. During the night of the 20th the enemy advanced, and occupied the ground within cannon range of our position, and the villages of Castillejos and Morisco, concealing their numbers by the inequalities of the ground, and certainly giving us every occasion to believe they had come down determined to fight, which everybody was glad of, as it would save a great deal of trouble in going after them, away from our resources, and which we could not do till we had taken the Fort in the Town, which completely commands and prevents our making any use of the Bridge.

Nothing, however, was done on the 20th, except a pretty brisk cannonade towards evening on both sides, though it did not last long. We lost a few horses of the Heavy Dragoons, and there was some skirmishing on the right with the 11th Lt. Dns. and 1st German Hussars.

On the 21st the enemy continued all day to receive very strong reinforcements. We were so close, and overlooked their position so completely, that we could see everything that entered their lines and every movement they made.

Everybody expected that they would have attacked next morning, as it was known that Marmont had received every succour he could, except Bonnet’s Division from the Asturias, which was not expected to be coming up, but we were again disappointed. They only occupied a small hill on our right near Morisco, which overlooked our position, but from which they were driven by part of the 7th Division, which cost about 60 or 70 killed and wounded, but the enemy’s Cavalry and Infantry must have suffered a good deal from our cannonade and musquetry, as they were very close to each other. The enemy seemed jealous of their left flank, which was not at all secure, and moved the greater part of his Cavalry, and a column of Infantry to strengthen it, but nothing more was done, except that our Cavalry chased Marmont, who had advanced a good way to our left to reconnoitre, but he had some Infantry with him and they could do nothing against it. The enemy fired a few cannon shot at them, which did very little harm.

The next morning, to our great surprise, we found the enemy had retired, and when the day broke saw them moving off at a short distance towards our Right, and then halted on some heights, about 6 miles in front of our position. The Cavalry was sent forward to pursue them, and took up a line of vedettes very near them. Lord Wellington and the Marshal rode out to reconnoitre them, but I do not think anybody could make out anything of their intentions. We were very close to them, and they appeared to be halted near Aldea Rubia, and Morréra, to allow their baggage to move off to the rear, which, however, does not seem to have been the case, for they are still there.

We thought this morning that they had retired further, in consequence of which we returned early to this place and the Baggage was ordered up, but I have just heard that they are still near the same ground.

Marmont yesterday crossed the Tormes with about 5000 men, Cavalry and Infantry, to manœuvre to get Lord Wn. from his position, I suppose, or to endeavour to get off the garrison of the Fort, which still holds out. But not succeeding they returned in the evening, having contented themselves with cannonading the Heavy Cavalry of the German Legion, who behaved with great steadiness and gallantry and have received Ld. Wn’s. thanks.

Several Divisions were moved to our right, ready to cross, and the 1st Div. was at the ford of Sta. Martha. The 7th went over to prevent any attempt towards the Bridge of the town and to support our Cavalry. The whole day was spent in manœuvring.

After the unaccountable movements of the enemy lately, it is impossible even to guess the probable result of all these movements. I think a general action probable. Till they retired, I thought it was inevitable. For I suppose there was scarcely ever such a thing heard of as two hostile armies being without any obstacle between them, the lines within cannon shot of one another, and the advanced vedettes short musquet shot, without a Battle. Marmont, I think, certainly intended to fight, but his courage failed him. Our position is tolerable but very extensive, and we have thrown up some parapets to cover the Artillery. From the Enemy’s lines they could not see our force, and could have but little idea either of its strength or disposition. I have not a doubt that we should have beat him, and shall now, whenever he chooses to fight us, even though joined by Bonnet from the Asturias, which an Officer of theirs, who deserted this morning, says they expect would be in two days, and that he was at Valladolid yesterday. But this is not believed generally, and he certainly shows no inclination to fight until he arrives.

Some people say that it is a pity Lord Wn. did not attack him on the 20th before his reinforcements arrived, and when he was so near us. But I think Ld. Wn. knows what is right to do. He must to have attacked him given up the advantage of his position, and advanced along a plain a very great distance, without any cover, exposed to a heavy fire. He must have forced two Villages, and his loss would be much greater than by waiting for the enemy, and a very great victory to his army would almost be a defeat. For if this army gets crippled very much it cannot continue the operations. For my own part I feel perfect confidence in anything he decides upon, though I shall be glad of anything that will give us a few days rest, and I think we had better fight them here than further on.

Our mode of life has been latterly extremely harassing. On the march up we turned out at 3 A.M. and only marched part of the day. Latterly, as the Marshal has generally returned 5 or 6 miles to town, we usually rise at 1 A.M. and often, after either riding all day, or broiling in the sun, on a position, which has not a twig to defend us from the sun, or a drop of water but at a distance, we do not get anything to eat, or home till 9 or 10 at night, and rise again at one, so that we are all completely tired, and our faces so burnt that we cannot bear to touch them. The weather, however, has been very favourable, as there has always been a breeze. The mornings are very cold, but the whole army are extremely healthy, and I am quite well. I had hoped these vagabonds were off, and that we should have had a good night’s sleep instead of 3 hours, but I suspect that we shall move as usual at one, and therefore took a nap this morning.

The Fort still holds out. Some 24-lber. Howitzers have fired with the 10 prs. against it, and a large part of the building of the Convent was knocked down, but the works are otherwise unimpaired. It was attempted to be stormed on the night of the 23rd but failed. We lost some Officers and about 150 men killed and wounded. Poor General Bowes, who was wounded at Badajos, is killed, I believe, and Sir George Colquhoun of the Queen’s. The Commandant had been previously summoned to surrender, but, while the flag of truce was up, he answered that he had had a communication from his army, and would listen to no proposals. I hope he will now be given no terms. He deserves to be cut to pieces with his Garrison, not for his obstinate defence of the Fort, that is right enough, but for his wanton and cruel barbarity in firing upon the town and killing or wounding several people, or for firing and defacing the beautiful Cathedral, one of the most magnificent works in Europe, without a shadow of utility, and from mere love of mischief. We have been obliged to desist from firing for want of ammunition, but I hope the day after to-morrow we shall have enough in, and, unless Mr Marmont can beat us before that, I think we shall knock the place about his ears. Their loss inside has already been very great we know, and if the fellow had only defended himself like a gentleman, everybody would have admired his defence.

There seem great doubts whether or not Bonnet is coming up from the Asturias to join Marmont, though the deserters say he is, but, whether or no, I think we need be under no alarm for the result of a Battle.

Soult is said to be advancing from the South, and Hill has taken up his old position at Albuera....

The Enemy in the villages they have entered have proceeded with their usual barbarity, unroofed and quite destroyed them de fond en comble. I could never give you an idea of the scenes we witness of misery and suffering, nor do I wish to attempt it....

Of your domestic news in England I say nothing. The Ministry, and a country, showing that they have lost that noble, generous spirit for which they were so remarkable, are not very cheering topics, and I am too much fagged to dwell on anything so disgusting. I wish we had some of the soi-disant Patriots here for a month. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

The Marshal is, thank God, perfectly well, and so is Ld. Wn., which, considering all his mind and body go through, is wonderful.

Villa Escusa, Prov. of Toro, June 30th, 1812.

My Dearest Father,

Since I wrote to you on the 25th from Salamanca a very hasty letter, our military situation has altered very much, and you will see by the map that we are already two marches in advance. The Forts at Salamanca, which had given us more trouble than was at first expected, were taken on the morning of the 27th. On the evening of the 26th, our Reserve Ammunition having arrived, a battery was opened against the rear of the advanced Fort of St Catano with excellent effect, and the Convent of St Vicente, in the principal Fort, was set on fire by red hot shot, but as night came on, and the breach in St Catano was not practicable, the firing ceased from the Batteries till morning. The enemy kept up their fire with great briskness the whole evening, but we lost very few men. In the morning the firing was renewed, and when we returned from the position with Ld. Welln., it was found that the breach in the outwork was practicable, and the Convent in a famous blaze. The Garrison appeared cowed and in considerable confusion and fired very little. The morning had been rainy and unpleasant, but towards 10 o’clock it cleared and everything was ready for the assault, when the enemy sent out several flags of Truce, but it appeared that they only wanted to gain time and perhaps put out the fire. They asked 3 hours to consider it, but as we had no time to lose, the Fort was attacked, and surrendered with very little resistance, and was taken possession of by our troops. We had only one man killed, and 5 or 6 wounded, even at the points assaulted, and our people behaved with their usual humanity to the enemy. We found these Forts a great deal stronger than we had any idea of, with deep ditches, the whole faced with strong masonry, the stones for which they took from about a 3rd of the town and some of the most beautiful buildings which they had pulled down to make an Esplanade round their works. They also had excellent casements and splinter proofs, and but for the circumstance of the place being on fire, they did not appear to have any more reason to surrender now, as far as their works went, than the first day.

The enemy had between 5 and 600 men in them, and the Commandant who did his duty very well, and is a fine young man enough, told me they had 3 Officers killed, 11 wounded, 40 men killed and about 140 wounded during the siege. They had mounted 29 guns and 7 Howitzers; a large quantity of ammunition and stores of all descriptions for their whole army, clothing, provisions, etc.

The flames gained so fast that it was impossible to extinguish them, and it was feared that the Magazine would blow up. The wounded were therefore removed as quickly as possible, and some of the stores that evening, and nobody allowed to go near it. It, however, fortunately did not explode, and all that was not burnt has been removed, and proper Officers have been left completely to demolish the Forts.

The capture of these Forts was of the greatest consequence, as they most completely commanded the bridge over the Tormes, and gave the enemy, in case of any accident, a nearer way to cross than we had by the Fords; besides opening a direct and easier communication for our provisions, etc.

On the 27th, next morning as the day broke, we found that Marmont had retired, and on advancing about two leagues to reconnoitre him with the Cavalry, we came up with his rear-guard near Pitiegna, who retired on our approach. The enemy seemed to take the road to Valladolid, retiring rapidly. Yesterday our whole army advanced in three columns, the advance guard to Aldea Nueva de Figueroa and Parada de Rubiales, and the army to near the little stream of Orbada, at which place were Ld. Wellington’s Hd. Qrs., and ours at Pajares.

To-day the army has again advanced to the River Guarena, the left at Fuente Sanco, and advance at Guaratte.

Ld. Wn.’s Hd. Qrs. are at Fuenta da Capeña, the right of the army near Castrillo, and our Hd. Qrs. at this place.

The whole army continue healthy and in high spirits. We have only seen the enemy’s posts at a distance, and their army, it appears to have crossed the Douro, over which they have destroyed all the bridges except those of Toro and Zamorra. It is impossible to know what Ld. Wn.’s intentions are. The position at Toro is very strong, and 6 leagues from hence.

General D’Urban with about 1000 P. Cavalry are manœuvring in rear of the enemy, and the Galician Army under Santo Cildes is also at Astorga trying to take the French Fort, or advanced on their rear. He has, I believe, about 15,000 men.

Mina and Longa’s Guerillas and Mendizabel’s Corps are near Burgos or Valladolid. Therefore the enemy will find himself assez reserré, but whether Lord W. intends to force his position, or to manœuvre to make him quit it without an action, it is, I believe, known to himself, the Marshal, and Sir T. Graham alone. We feel quite confident in what he may think proper, and a day or two will show. I do not think he will fight if he can do without. But if he does, I have no doubt we shall beat them most completely.

In Estremadura Drouet, finding General Hill steady, has retired from Villa Franca, and our people have moved forward to Sta. Martha, etc., etc. Nothing can exceed the joy of all classes of the people of this country at their delivery from their insolent oppressors. For two nights after the Fort was taken they were dancing and singing all night in almost every street (which were illuminated), nothing was heard but the tabor and pipe and castanets. Next morning there was a grand Te Deum in the Cathedral, and the town gave a ball in the evening, to which, however, not many Officers went, as it began at 10, and we were to march at ½ past 3, and had not had 4 hours’ sleep (at least Staff Officers) any night since the 19th, so that we were very glad to get some rest.

I amongst others did not go. I never was in better health in my life notwithstanding the really harassing, fatiguing time we have had latterly for mind and body. The weather has fortunately not been very hot, and we have had a constant breeze, or I scarce know what we should have done on that scorching hill all day without shelter of any description, or water....

I hear Admiral Martin is coming to Lisbon to supersede the Berkeleys. I think you know him, or that my Uncles do. He can be sometimes very useful to me, and I therefore wish you would continue to have me strongly recommended to him. The old administration continuing in has astonished us not a little. I should hardly think it could stand. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

We look anxiously towards Russia, and I hope they will not fight a general action but retire and draw the Tyrant on. If they fight they will be beat, I fear.

The Marshal and Lord Wn. are perfectly well, which I wonder at, for they have scarce a moment’s rest for mind and body. Sir T. Graham has equally not had a moment quiet, and I am sorry to say had a painful disorder in one of his eyes. He is one of the most excellent, worthy men I know anywhere, and like Hill beloved by everybody. Ferguson is arrived at Lisbon, and I am sorry to say has been unwell. I saw Genl. Leith to-day quite well. He desired to be most kindly remembered to you, as do Le Marchant, Hardinge, Douglas, and the Marshal.

La Seca, Provce. of Valladolid, July 7th, 1812.

My Dear Father,

Since I wrote to you on the 30th from Villa Escusa the Enemy have gradually retired, and the Allied Army have occupied on the 1st a bivouac on the River Trabancos with Head Quarters at Alaejos, and on the 2nd it moved towards the river Zapardiel, with the right at Medina del Campo, and the left extending towards Torrecilla, while Lord Wellington moved himself with the Cavalry Light Division and Pack’s Portuguese Brigade, supported by the 3rd Divn. and the Spanish Infantry and Bradford’s P. Bge., on Rueda, to induce the Enemy to cross the Douro at Tordesillas, while the main body of the Army moved parallel to it so as to threaten their communication with Madrid. At Rueda we came up with the Enemy’s rear-guard, and a sharp skirmish and cannonade took place in which the Enemy lost considerably owing to not bringing up their guns till very late in the day, and our loss was only a few horses. They gradually retired, and as we gained the high ground between Rueda and Tordesillas, we could distinctly see the greater part of the Enemy’s army formed in large massive Columns covered by their Cavalry preparing to cross the River, which they did in the course of the day without Ld. Welln. being able to interrupt them, as he had only his Cavalry and advance guard up. In the evening he took up his Hd. Qrs. at Villa Verde, and the Marshal at Nava del Rey.

The Army has been nearly in the same positions ever since, but on the 4th he moved to Rueda and the Marshal to this place (La Seca). The troops are placed so as to watch the different fords of the Douro, and be ready to move at once in any direction circumstances may require, and are extremely healthy and in high spirits.

The 3rd Division and Spaniards under Don Carlos d’Espanhana are near Pollos on the Douro watching the Fords.

On the 3rd Ld. Wn. and the Marshal made a reconnaissance on them with some cavalry and that Division. The Enemy had 5 Battns. and some cavalry, which on being cannonaded retired to the heights behind the Fords, and some of our people got over and have since established themselves on the other side. They returned our fire very briskly but with no effect, as their shot all fell short, and we have very few men hurt by the skirmishing.

The Enemy appear to have concentrated their force on Valladolid, leaving some strong Corps on the Douro to watch us, and sometimes patrolling to about 2 leagues from this on the river Adaja. I do not think they are yet in force to undertake anything against us, and Ld. Welln.’s plans are too well kept to himself for it to be possible for any one to guess what they may be. I think, if we advance, the enemy will fight us. I have not a doubt of the result, in the state of their army, whose morale appears gone. But how far Ld. W. may think right to risk an action is quite another question. Though the harvest is extremely abundant this year, it is not yet ready. Deserters report that they are much distressed for provisions at Valladolid. If this is true (which I doubt), Lord Wn. perhaps intends to force them back by waiting patiently till they have exhausted what they have. But these are all speculations without much data, and Ld. Welln.’s despatch may give you better grounds to conjecture upon than I can.

The Country, through which we have marched from Salamanca, is extremely fertile and well cultivated, producing abundance of corn of all descriptions, sometimes in one year for the consumption of three, and this year the crops are remarkably fine, though much has been consumed and more destroyed uselessly by both armies. The country on this side of Villa Escusa produces mostly wine, and the whole face of the country is covered with vineyards, which give it a very rich appearance in general. The country is flat and quite open, almost totally without trees, and not much water. From the want of the two latter our troops have suffered considerably, for the weather, though far from so hot as Portugal, has been hot to people marching and obliged to be always exposed to it. We have had a very harassing, fatiguing life of it since we left Guinaldo, and are much the better for the few days’ rest we have had here. The towns in this part of Spain are generally very large, clean, and populous. The houses particularly neat. Nothing can exceed the joy and acclamations with which the Army is everywhere received by all classes. That there are many traitors I believe, but that the joy of the greater part is sincere it is impossible to doubt. Nothing can have been more oppressive or insolent than the conduct of the French for the last 4 years. They levied enormous and repeated contributions upon the people, at the same time that they deprived them in kind of the means of paying them. Military executions and coercion followed of course, and all its miseries. It will scarcely be believed that even at this moment they have several of the principal Ladies and inhabitants of this large town prisoners at Tordesillas as hostages for the payment of some of their requisitions.

While writing, Mr Bertie of the 12th Lt. Dns. has brought me a letter of introduction from you, and on every account, both as the Admiral’s son and from your letter, I shall be most happy to have it in my power to show him any kindness or civility. He is a very fine lad and quite well. We yesterday received letters and papers to the 19th....

From circumstances that have occurred I am no longer so anxious about the Majority of Infantry, unless with the certainty of returning to the Cavalry. The other situations are indeed desirable, if not beyond my reach, but many considerations have now determined me otherwise to remain in the Cavalry. Lt.-Genl. Sir T. Graham left the Army yesterday for England to consult the best advice about a disorder in one of his eyes. I fear it is a bad case. He is regretted by everybody and the Army as a most excellent zealous soldier, and a most amiable worthy man. I know none I have a higher respect and veneration for. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.