Letters from the peninsula, 1808-1812

La Seca, July 13, 1812.

My Dear Father,

I have to thank you for your letter of the 17 ultmo. and your very interesting communications on the domestic politics of the country, and also for the printed correspondence. Your letter, etc., did not arrive till by last packet, and should have done so by the former, and I therefore had seen all these discussions between parties in the newspapers, and the only conclusion I have drawn is that there is no public spirit in any party. Each acts from its own particular prejudice, or party spirit, and they care little about the country, unless they can serve it exactly in their own way. I am glad of anything that saves us from a Grenville administration, and am therefore not sorry the present Ministry have been continued, though I have not much confidence in them, and should have preferred one that included Ld. Wellesley. The first measures of this administration plainly say, we have not strength to act up to our own principles in certain leading questions. We will therefore act contrary to our principles to keep our places. This appears to be the real state of the case, though as to the measures themselves to which I refer, except with regard to the Americans, I hope great good from them, but though most decidedly for the admission of the Catholics to all rights we possess ourselves, I am not for granting them one bit more. Their Church in temporal matters must be subordinate to the King. The King’s rights with regard to the rejection or nomination of their Bishops must be the same as our own, and which is nearly the same as in Portugal, Spain, France (formerly), and almost every other Roman Catholic country. None of those countries ever thought of a clergy independent of the crown, or that the Pope had any power whatever in the Temporal arrangements of any kingdom. The Consistory (Claustro) assembled at Salamanca on this very subject of Irish Emancipation in, I think, 1789, declared that any country which admitted such a principle would be a traitor to itself, of whatever sect the Sovereign might be, Protestant or Catholic. If therefore the R. C. of Ireland insist on greater rights and liberties, in their religious liberty, than the rest of their fellow subjects possess, or object to the veto (at least) in the King, I shall strongly suspect that they have other purposes in their discontent, and shall think any concession dangerous.

We continue here much in the same state as when I wrote to you last week. Since then the enemy have been joined by Bonnet from the Asturias with about 4 to 5000 men, but do not show at present any disposition to attack us. They have manœuvred a good deal. Indeed they seem to keep their people in constant motion. Till lately they seemed to be drawing everything to their right towards Toro, and the position of our troops was altered from perpendicular to parallel to the Douro, the 5 and 6 Dns. moving to Nava del Rey, the 4th to Foncastin. The 3rd and Spaniards continue at Pollos, and the 1st and 7th at Medina del Campo, the advance guard and Lt. Cavalry at Rueda and this place, and our Picquets watch the fords of the Douro and of the Adaja. Yesterday morning we saw a large column of about 4000 returning towards Tordesillas, from whence they had marched the evening before towards the fords at Herreros and Torresilla de la Abadessa, but to what end all this marching and countermarching of theirs can be, I cannot guess. If they mean to harass us they do not succeed, for though we narrowly watch every movement they make, Ld. Wn. is not easily humbugged, and lets them wear out their shoes as much they please without disturbing his army.

The enemy’s Hd. Qrs. are, I believe, at Tordesillas, where they have one or two Divisions, 1 at Simancas, 1 opposite Pollos and Herreros, 1 at Toro. In short they extend along the river from Simancas to Toro, and have their reserves and Depôt at Valladolid. As to the exact disposition of their troops it is impossible to say, as they are continually moving.

I believe the whole Army would rejoice if they would cross the River and attack us, as I am quite confident we should beat them, though they have 80 pieces of cannon. Their Cavalry is much inferior to ours in every respect, and they have such want of horses that they have taken all the Infantry officers’ horses to mount their cavalry, and which has given great disgust, and would, I should think, benefit them very little.

What Lord Wn.’s plans are I cannot even guess. He is best informed and best able to decide what is best. We must therefore quietly wait the event, and, in the healthy state and high spirits of the army, we have little to fear for the result.

I do not doubt much that he is waiting for Santo Cildes with the Galician army, who are besieging the Fort at Astorga, to advance and co-operate with him previous to any movement on our part. But this is only guess. I am surprised that the French, who have, I believe, nearly equal numbers, do not attack us before this co-operation can take place, particularly as they do not seem to expect any further reinforcements.

Our posts on the river continue very near each other, very amicably, and literally nothing has been done by posts of any consequence since I wrote to you. The account I sent you was of the Portuguese Army only, and it has since rather increased, as we have left sick and wounded.

The enemy have also some posts at Villa Nueva and Puente de Douro and on the river Adaja....

With regard to the purchase of the majority of Infantry, as I had purchased my Troop, the purchase of a majority of Infantry required no advance. On the contrary, by the regulation there would be a surplus of £500, and my intention was to have remained in the Infantry for some time at least. But other considerations have since decided me not to go into the Infantry at all, except I got a permanent Staff situation, or was quite sure of returning to the Cavalry immediately. I do not quite agree that the command of a Portuguese Battn. would be much less eligible than my present situation, as far as the means of distinguishing myself goes, as I should then have a positive command and responsibility, and now have, nor can have, neither, and it must at last come to that, or to my joining my British Regiment.... Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

A very dreadful accident happened at Salamanca since we left it. A very large quantity of powder which had been taken in the Fort and was deposited in the Town caught fire and blew up, in consequence of the folly of a Spanish Officer, who was guarding it, smoking. Two streets were, I hear, almost totally destroyed. The whole guard and upwards of 100 Spaniards (inhabitants) killed and wounded, and some soldiers. The town was otherwise very much damaged and all the windows broke, and in the greatest confusion, as everybody fled into the country, many en chemise, it having happened at 8 o’clock in the morning. It happened very near one of our hospitals, but fortunately killed very few of our sick or wounded. The weather has latterly been exceedingly hot, and it is very fortunate that we have not been moving, as our people are suffering a good deal from want of wood and water.

July 14th.—By an intercepted mail from Paris to Madrid which was taken by Longa, who killed the 400 men who escorted it except 12, who, he says, did not show so strong an inclination to leave their bodies there, we have Moniteurs to the 24th, by which it appears that Boney was arrived at Konigsberg. Amongst a great many letters, amatory, friendly, etc., there is one from the Spanish Ambassador at St Petersburg, who describes the state of the Russian Armies as very formidable and in excellent order—both on the frontiers of Poland and Turkey. The Emperor and Romanzow without any boasting, he says, are quietly determined to try the event. They wish to settle matters with Napoleon amicably if possible, but will not even hear of the Commercial system. All the letters complain of not hearing from their friends in Spain, and of the frequent interception of the mails by the Guerillas. Adieu—we have nothing new with this Army. I am well.

Salamanca, July 24, 1812.

My Dear Father,

I have very, very great pleasure in communicating to you one of the most decisive and complete victories that was ever gained by the valour and intrepidity of our brave troops, but alas! my exultation and joy are not without great diminution, for our brave and excellent Marshal is severely wounded, as well as a great many of our brave Generals, but for none of course can I feel as I do for our worthy Marshal. It is, however, though painful and severe, not certainly a dangerous wound, and this country, as well as his own, will, I trust, be only temporarily deprived of his most necessary services and example.

We have been terribly harassed since the 16th, day and night, owing to Marmont having crossed the Douro by a skilful movement upon Toro, at which place he sent a force across, and drew our army to that neighbourhood, and then by a forced march returned and crossed at Tordesillas, and immediately commenced his manœuvres to turn the right flank of our army, which forced Lord Wellington gradually to fall back successively behind the Guarena and Tormes.

On the 18th our army made a forward movement towards Alaejos and Nava again, but, the Lt. Division coming up with the enemy at Castrejon, a sharp cannonade and skirmishing took place, and the direction of the Army was altered to the direction of Torrecilla de la Orden, as the enemy seemed determined to move round our flank. (It is necessary to observe that we had retired the night before to Fuente La Peña, Castrello, and Canizal, in consequence of the enemy having crossed at Toro, and were at this time advancing, having heard that he had recrossed again and was at Nava and Alaejos.) Several Divisions were ordered up, and all the Cavalry to support the Lt. Division, but finding the enemy in great force and the ground offering no position, we were forced to retire under a heavy cannonade, which they renewed again as they gained the heights above the river Guarena. But our loss was very trifling indeed considering. Towards evening the enemy endeavoured to move round our left flank with two Divisions, and sent a Brigade to attack a height on which our left rested, but they were charged most gallantly by the 27th and 40th, supported by the 11th and 23rd Portuguese, and completely routed, paying us with great interest for our losses. They lost upwards of 500 men, of which we took 130 prisoners. The Marshal was at this time slightly wounded by a grape shot in the thigh, but very slightly, and we had one Officer killed and about 150 to 160 men killed and wounded. I do not know what our loss was in the whole day.

On the evening of the 19th we saw the whole of the enemy’s army in march to turn our right apparently, and the disposition of our army was altered to La Vallesa, where the next day both armies were at daybreak close together, and a battle seemed inevitable. Lord Wellington began to form on a perfect plan to receive them, and they never had a finer opportunity, but though their whole force seemed to threaten destruction to our right, they suddenly moved off by their left along some heights, and Lord Wellington moved his army, in order of Battle, in two lines, along the plain and halted at night between Cabeça Vellozo and Pitiegna, our people much harassed and fatigued, as the heat was incessant, and no water hardly to be found. But I suppose there never was a more interesting or beautiful sight than that of two hostile armies of upwards of 35,000 men each moving parallel within a mile and a half of each other and often within cannon range.

On the 21st our army was forced to cross the Tormes, by Marmont’s moving round it, and took up a position at night to cover Salamanca, our left to the Tormes, our right to some isolated heights in rear of Calbaraza de Ariba and beyond Na. Senora de la Peña, the enemy moving to the woods nearly ½ way between Alva de Tormes and Calbarasa, having crossed at Ençina. During all these days there was a great deal of skirmishing and cannonading on both sides, and we were all greatly harassed and fatigued, having scarce time to rest or eat, and on horseback all day long, and the troops suffered much from the excessive heat and almost incessant marching.

On the forever glorious 22nd we found the enemy at daybreak in our front, but at a distance, and some skirmishing took place about a hill they had got in our front, which it was as well that we should have. It was, however, strongly supported by them, and Lord Welln. did not think it worth while to lose many lives in retaking it, and our people were ordered to withdraw.

As the morning advanced the enemy got possession, before our people could, of a very strong and commanding height which was on our right, and as they continued to move in that direction the position of our army was altered, and we every instant expected to be attacked, as the enemy had the finest opportunity during this change of position. But it was ordained otherwise by that great and merciful Disposer of all events, and we remained quiet till a little before 4 in the evening, when the enemy opened a most tremendous cannonade upon our whole line from, I should guess, upwards of 50 pieces of cannon, and soon after pushed forward a crowd of sharpshooters, it should appear, however, only to insult our army, as they were not supported, and the heavy columns they had on the hills did not move forward. I suppose that Monr. Marmont, with French insolence, thought, because we had not attacked him before, and had moved back to counter manœuvre him and to avoid being turned, that we were afraid of him, and that he could thus insult us with impunity, but retribution was at hand, and before sunset he was doomed to pay most dearly for his impertinence by the entire ruin of his army and loss of at least ⅓ of it.

About 5 o’clock Lord Wellington ordered our lines to advance, having previously detailed the 3rd Division and all our Cavalry to turn the enemy’s left.

The Army moved forward most gallantly under a heavy cannonade to the attack of the heights on which the enemy was posted, at the same time that Major General Pakenham with the 3rd Div. attacked the height on their left and succeeded in forcing it notwithstanding the enemy’s obstinate resistance, and afterwards advanced along their line, completely doubling it up, as the rest of the army advanced in its front. As we came near, they kept up a most galling fire of grape and musquetry on our line, and in many places stood most gallantly, but it was impossible to resist the steady though impetuous advance of our brave troops, which no loss can make waver or delay, and they were soon driven from their first position to a second behind the right of it, which, our troops being reformed, was successively attacked, and at last carried, notwithstanding our people being sometimes repulsed by the gallant charges of the enemy and the heavy fire of Artillery to which they were exposed in advancing.

It was near sunset, and in endeavouring to make a Portuguese Brigade charge the enemy, (who were driving the 4th Division back with 5 Bns.) in flank, that our excellent Marshal was wounded, while exerting himself, as he always does with the greatest zeal and gallantry, and by his noble example, to cover the 4th Divn. by this flank charge. But they soon rallied and regained the ground they had lost by the sudden attack of the enemy, and the heights were retaken just as the Marshal was hit.

I was obliged to quit the field with him, and with some difficulty got him to the rear, and to this place at 11 at night, after having his wounds drest on the road.

The battle, however, continued with unabated fury till late in the evening, and the enemy fought at last from despair, but pursued with undiminished ardour by our troops, notwithstanding the fatigue they had gone through. They at last broke and fled in all directions in the most compleat confusion and dismay, followed by our people, who only halted for the night at two leagues beyond the field in which the battle commenced, and next day, yesterday, Lord Wellington continued the pursuit with 10,000 men to near Peñazanda, where the enemy had taken up a position. Several partial engagements have taken place since, in which both our Cavalry and Infantry have constantly routed the enemy, who now desert to us in hundreds every hour.

Marmont is said to have died of his wound. We know he had lost an arm.

The enemy have left upwards, I hear, of 5000 dead on the field on these three days. We have taken 1 General, 2 Eagles, 2 Standards, 20 guns, and near 6000 prisoners, but this as well as our loss, which is computed at 3000 killed and wounded, (but a very large proportion of General Officers) I tell you from hearsay, as I have not been able to leave the Marshal since, and the Gazette will tell you better, but I believe it to be nearly true. Of the Prisoners, 4000 and odd hundred have been sent off from hence to the rear, and 1500 were taken in one bunch by the 4th Dragoons, or Heavy Germans, yesterday evening, and I should think I do not exaggerate at all in stating the loss of the French at from 15 to 16,000 men. There never was a more compleat rout. They are flying in all directions, and either come or are brought in in hundreds at a time. I am much annoyed at being here at such a moment, but more a thousand times at the cause.

I need say nothing in praise of the allied troops: their conduct and the event speaks stronger in their favour than any words of mine could. Our Cavalry constantly charged their Infantry and Cavalry, and upset everything that opposed them. I am very sorry indeed to tell you that poor General Le Marchant was killed charging at the Head of his Brigade with his usual gallantry and judgment. He is universally regretted, and in him the service has lost one of its best Cavalry Officers. I feel very much for his unfortunate young family now left without father or mother.

Generals Leith, Cole, Sir Stapleton Cotton, are also here wounded but not dangerously, and Maj.-General Victor Allen badly. We hear that Marmont is dead of his wounds. It is, I believe, certain that he lost an arm, which makes this likely. Nearly the whole of the enemy’s Baggage was taken by the Portuguese 3 Regts. of Cavalry under D’Urban, who behaved very well indeed, and twice charged the enemy’s Infantry, and once their Cavalry, with compleat success, and the General speaks in the highest terms of them.

I mentioned that we remained quiet all day nearly till 4 o’clock, but it was not so, as there was a great deal of skirmishing and cannonading at times. The battle made me forget, I suppose, all the rest.

I am very well. I was nearly knocked up by the constant fatigue and exposure to the sun, but the victory set me nearly right again, and the rest we have had here the last two days entirely so. I cannot be enough grateful to Almighty God for his infinite goodness and protection for the last fortnight, and particularly during the hard fought battle, but I escaped very well with two shots on my sword scabbard, and one thro’ my holster, which is as near as I ever wish to have them.

The Marshal is quite free from fever, and doing as well as possible. The ball entered the side below the left breast, and, slanting round the external part of the ribs, was cut out at the back about 4 inches below. The bone is not supposed to be injured at all, and it is thought that the ball went round it thro’ the muscles. His wound in the thigh, which was very slight, is nearly quite well.

Being separated from Hd. Qrs. we find great difficulty in sending our letters, and I much fear may miss the Officer who is to carry the despatches.... I wrote a few lines to ... and sent them off yesterday to take their chance of finding him still at Hd. Qrs. I should also have written to you, but that I have not been able to leave the Marshal a moment, and am now writing close to him, and constantly interrupted, which will, I hope, excuse this incoherent epistle.

General Leith is doing very well indeed, and it is now found that the ball has not hurt the elbow joint. Of all our other friends I dare say nothing, for all I know is from hearsay, and may be wrong, and of those that are hurt the Gazette will too soon give the distressing account.

I saw Ferguson the 21st. He was quite well. I have not heard of him since, but I hope that he is not hurt. The Guards have, I hear, lost very few Officers. I only know of a Mr White of the 3rd Guards Lt. Company being wounded.

25th.—The Marshal continues to go on as well as possible and has no fever. Generals Leith, Cotton, Cole, also are doing well. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

Lord Wellington is continuing the pursuit of the enemy, who are retiring in great confusion. He was shot thro’ his Cloak and Holsters during the action, but, thank God, not hurt.

Salamanca, July 27, 1812.

My Dear Father,

I wrote to you on the 24th an account of the most glorious and decisive battle of the 22nd, and also telling you of our worthy Marshal being severely wounded. I am now most happy to be able to assure you that he is very much better, and doing as well as possible, is quite free from fever, and has kept very well. The ball does not appear to have touched the ribs, but to have gone round the muscles of the side. Lord Wellington has continued the pursuit of the enemy, who has retired in great confusion, and his Lordship was yesterday at Aldea Seca. Joseph Buonaparte had advanced to reinforce Marmont, but hearing of his disaster had retired, not before we had taken one of his Picquets.

I have not yet seen any return of the loss on either side. I believe ours to be between 3 and 4000 killed and wounded. Poor Le Marchant, whose son has just left me to return to England, was killed charging most gallantly at the head of his Brigade, and is a great loss to the Service (as he was an excellent Officer), and to his numerous family, who are now without father or mother. I pity them from my soul. Sir Stapleton Cotton, Genls. Leith, Cole, and Victor Allen, who are here, are doing very well. Leith’s wound is a severe one through his arm obliquely, but it has not broken the bone. His nephew Leith Hay is wounded, not badly, through the leg. The town is full of wounded Officers, who are mostly doing very well indeed. Poor Antonio de Lacerda’s son died, and he is himself here wounded. The son was a remarkably fine gallant lad, and the poor father is in great affliction.

The Enemy continue their retreat towards Madrid. We calculate their total loss at 15,000. We have 2 Generals, 2 Eagles, 2 Standards, 19 guns, and upwards of 6000 prisoners, and from the appearance of the field of battle, I should suppose they had left 1500 to 2000 dead on the field besides what they lost after they retired from their last position, and in the subsequent pursuit, in which they have been followed up very close, and compleatly routed whenever our advance has been able to come up with their rear-guard. Marmont, Bonnet, Clauzel, Thomier, are said to be badly wounded, besides Carrière and Gravier wounded and taken. The latter, I believe, is dead since.

Owing to the Army having advanced and the few means of transport, many of the wounded, particularly of the French, have suffered horribly, for, three days after, I saw a great many still lying, who had received no assistance or were likely to till next day, and had lain scorching in the sun without a drop of water or the least shade. It was a most dreadful sight. These are the horrid miseries of war. No person who has not witnessed them can possibly form any idea of what they are. Humanity shudders at the very idea, and we turn with detestation and disgust to the sole author of such miseries. What punishment can be sufficient for him! Many of the poor wretches have crawled to this. Many made crutches of the barrels of the firelocks and their shoes. Cruel and villainous as they are themselves, and even were during the action to our people, one cannot help feeling for them and longing to be able to assist them. But our own people have suffered almost as much, and they are our first care.

I am very well and have quite recovered the fatigue we went through for several days, but I am most happy that the Marshal is doing so well. During the action I escaped quite providentially, as I have a shot through my holster and two on my sword scabbard, but as long as they keep at that distance I shall be very well satisfied.

I think we shall remain here quietly for some weeks. Indeed I do not think Ld. Wn. can pursue them much further, as they are moving back upon their reinforcements, and have the strong passes of Guadalajara in their rear, and, besides that, our troops must have some rest, having been so much harassed lately.

What may be the consequences of this splendid victory it is not easy to say. They must be very great, for we have never gained a more decisive or more compleat one, or followed it up so rapidly. I think it must bring Soult up from the South and raise the siege of Cadiz. Marmont’s Army is quite crippled for a time, having lost all its baggage and so many guns and men. They were joined by about 1500 Cavalry and some guns the Evening of the Action, which were beat next day.

Young Cowell is here unwell, but not wounded, and is getting well fast. I shall take care of him. The Guards were scarcely engaged and have lost few men and no Officer that I have heard of. My friend Jackson is quite well. Pray, if any Officer should be coming to the Army, send me 2 lb. of good black Tea. It will be a great treat. Yrs., etc.,

Wm. Warre.

Molloy was taken for a minute by the French Cavalry, but got off. I am very anxious to hear if you have done anything about the appointment I mentioned to the Cape. This action has confirmed my opinion that we may be shot at all day and exert ourselves as much as we please, [but according to the] proverb, “It is a bad thing to be second fiddles to a second fiddle.”